PRINCETON,    N.    J 


"^icxn/c^/ A.  Uh^  Cvu.i^'i'-f'i—  . 


5,.,-,,  V, ,  &-&.4.4... 

.9//^//-. Xumbi'v.^^Q.'^^.} 


HISTORY 


OP  THE 


REFORMED  CHURCH 


IN  THE 


UNITED  STATES. 


1725—1792. 


BY 

REV.  PROF.  JAMES  I.  GOOD,  D.  D., 

Author  of  the  "  Origin  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  Germany,"  "  History  of  the 

Keformed  Church  of  Germany,"    "Rambles  Round  Reformed  Lands," 

and  "  Historical  Handbook  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  the  U.S." 


READING,  PA.: 

DANIEL  MILLER,  PUBLISHER. 

1899. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S99, 

BY  REV,  JAMES  I.  GOOD,  D.  D., 
In  the  OflSce  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


PREFACE 


The  present  volume  is  the  culmination  of  years  of  search. 
The  author's  previous  volumes  on  the  history  of  the  Reformed 
Church  of  Germany  were  gathered  in  seeking  to  find  the  mater- 
ial for  this  volume.  In  1893,  at  the  suggestion  of  Rev.  Dr. 
Corwin,  the  distinguished  historian  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 
Church,  the  author  was  led  to  write  to  Amsterdam  to  know 
what  records  of  the  German  Reformed  Church  in  this  country 
were  there.  But  the  price  demanded  for  copying  them  was  so 
high  that  the  matter  was  dropped.  In  1895  the  author  visited 
Amsterdam  and  arranged  to  have  the  Amsterdam  correspon- 
dence copied,  but  was  somewhat  disappointed  at  getting  only 
two  of  the  missing  coetus'  minutes.  In  1896,  at  the  suggestion 
of  Mr.  Henry  S.  Dotterer,  of  Philadelphia,  he  visited  the 
archives  at  the  Hague,  and  there  found  the  missing  coetus' 
minutes,  together  with  a  multitude  of  other  correspondence. 
As  far  as  he  knows  he  was  the  first  minister  of  our  denomina- 
tion to  see  these  treasures  at  Amsterdam  and  also  at  the  Hague. 
Afterward  with  the  aid  of  his  esteemed  colleague,  Rev.  Prof. 
W.  J.  Hinke,  he  was  able  to  get  these  manuscripts  copied. 
The  same  kind  of  search  was  made  in  Switzerland,  Germany 
and  England  with  surprising  results,  until  we  can  reasonably 
say  that  most  of  the  early  history  of  our  Church  is  clear. 

The  author  is  under  obligations  to  Mr.  Overmann,  the 
librarian  of  the  General  Synod  of  the  Hague;  Rev.  Dr.  Vos, 
clerk  of  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  ;  Rev.  Mr.  Thompson,  pas- 
tor of  the  English  Reformed  church  of  Amsterdam ;  Mr. 
Escher,  of  Zurich  ;  Prof.  Bloesch,  of  Berne  ;  Prof.  Braun,  of 


IV  PREFACE. 

Hauau ;  Rev.  Mr.   Kennedy,   of  Edinburgh  ;    Rev.  G.  W. 

Matthews,  of  London,  and  the  British  Museum  for  aid  given. 
Also  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  he  is  indebted  to  Rev.  Dr. 
Corwin,  Mr.  Jordan  and  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society 
of  Philadelphia  ;  Rev.  Bishop  Levering,  of  Bethlehem  ;  Rev. 
Dr.  A.  DuBois,  the  late  Rev.  Prof  D.  Demarest,  Rev.  Dr. 
D.  Van  Pelt,  Rev.  W.  Toennes,  Mr.  H.  S.  Dotterer,  and 
especially  to  the  Theological  Seminary  of  New  Brunswick, 
with  its  librarian,  Mr.  Van  Dyke,  for  the  loan  of  rare  origi- 
nals, and  to  Rev.  Prof.  Hinke  for  his  researches  in  the  early 
lives  of  our  ministers,  and  among  the  matriculation  books  of 
the  universities  abroad,  and  also  for  his  examination  of  the 
manuscripts  of  this  book. 

The  author  has  had  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  about  the 
spelling  of  proper  names,  which  differed  so  greatly  in  the  man- 
uscripts, also  about  some  of  the  dates,  on  account  of  the  differ- 
ence between  old  and  new  style,  also  about  the  value  of  money, 
as  the  value  of  a  Pennsylvania  pound  varied  so  much.  He 
had  taken  a  pound  as  equal  to  $2.40,  except  in  the  Holland 
donations,  where  he  took  it  to  be  $2.60.  He  trusts  that  the 
critics  will  judge  leniently,  as  this  book  was  prepared  under 
the  great  press  of  duties  caused  by  his  double  position  as  pas- 
tor and  professor  of  Dogmatics  in  Ursinus  College.  He  will 
be  glad  for  suggestions  and  corrections,  as  he  feels  that  much 
still  remains  to  be  found  about  our  early  church  history. 
Even  while  the  printing  of  this  book  was  in  progress,  Pro- 
fessor Hinke  has  located  the  first  German  Reformed  church 
of  America  in  Virginia.  (See  Appendix  11.)  Tiie  mate- 
rial on  wliich  he  has  had  to  work  proved  so  abundant  that 
he  has  had  to  limit  his  work  to  the  coetus.  Hence  the  lives 
of  ministers  after  1793  are  merely  sketched,  not  given  in 
full.  This  book  is  sent  out  with  the  hope  tliat  it  may  aid  the 
ministers  and  members  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  the  United 
States  to  more  historic  consciousness,  and  a  greater  a])precia- 
tion  and  ])roper  pride  of  their  history. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Forerunners  of  the  German  Reformed  Church. 

A. —  The  Refonued  of  South  America, 

Section  1.  The  French  Reformed  in  Brazil Page       3 

Section  2.  The  Dutch  Reformed  in  Brazil 12 

B. — The  Reformed  in  North  America. 

Sections.  The  French  Reformed  Settlement  in  Florida 17 

Section  4.  The  Dutch  Reformed  in  New  Amsterdam  26 

Section  5.  The  Palatinate  Settlement  in  New  York 31 

Section  6.  The  Swiss  Emigration  to  Carolina 52 

•  CHAPTER  II. 
The  Period  Before  Congregational  Organization  (1710-1725). 

Section  1.  The  Dutch  Preparation 62 

Section  2.  Rev.  Samuel  Guldin 68 

Section  3.  The  Early  Life  of  Boehm 89 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Church  Under  Congregational  Organization  (1725-1747). 

Section  1.  The  Early  Labors  of  Boehm 100 

Section  2.  Conrad  Tempelman 108 

Section  3.  Rev.  George  Michael  Weiss  and  the  Founding  of  the  Philadel- 
phia Congregation 1 13 

Section  4.  The  Ordination  of  Boehm 120 

Section  5.  The  Journey  of  Weiss  and  Reiff  to  Europe 134 

Section  6.  Weiss'  Labors  in  New  York 144 

Section  7.  The  ReiflF  Accounts 153 


VI  CONTENTS. 

Section  8.  Rev.  John  Peter  Miller 1C>0 

Section  9.  Rev.  John  Bartholomew  Rieger 166 

/         Section  10.  The  Goetschis— Father  and  Son 171 

Section  11.  Rev.  Peter  Ilenry  Dorsius 190 

Section  12.  The  Synods  of  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit 200 

Section  13.  The  Reformed  Opponents  of  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the 

Spirit 220 

Section  14.  The  Reformed  Ministers  in  the  Union 2.33 

Section  15.  The  Independents  249 

Section  16.  Brohm's  Later  Labors 205 

Section  17.  The  Efforts  of  the  Holland  Synods  and  Classes  to  Aid  the  Penn- 
sylvania Keformed 279 

/      Section  18.  The  Early  Life  of  Schlatter 294 

Section  19.  Schlatter's  Labors  Before  the  First  Coetus .310 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Chitrch  Under  Svnodical  Government  (1747-1755). 

Section  1.  The  First  Coetus .331 

Section  2.  Schlatter's  Labors  Between  the  First  and  Second  Coetus 344 

Sections.  The  Second  Coetus 352 

Section  4.  Events  Between  the  Second  and  Third  Coetus 359 

Section  5.  The  Third  Coetus 371 

Section  6.  The  Schlatter  and  Steiner  Controversy  in  Philadelphia 376 

Section  7.  Schlatter's  Trip  to  Europe  (1751-1752)  391 

Sections.  The  Rubel  Controversy... 412 

Section  9.  Schlatter  and  the  Charity  Schools 435 

Section  10.  Schlatter's  Life  After  Leaving  the  Coetus  460 

Section  11.  The  Attempted  Union  with  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Dutch 

Reformed 473 

Section  12.  The  New  Ministers 490 

Section  13    The  Independents 516 

CHAPTER  V. 
The  Coeti.s  i;i'  to  the  Revoution  (1755-1775) 

Section  1.  The  Reformed  in  (.'ivil  Affairs 524 

Section  2.  The  Philadelphia  Congregation 531 


CONTENTS.  VII 

Section  3.  The  Members  of  the  Coetus 540 

Section  4.  The  Independents 585 

Section  5.  Pietism  in  the  Early  Church 51)2 

Section  6.  The  Baltimore  Congregation 597 

Section  7.  The  Death  of  Weiss 602 

CHAPTER  Vr. 

The  Coetus  During  the  Revolution  (1770-1783). 

Section  I.  The  Coetus  and  Civil  Affairs 605 

Section  2.  The  Ecclesiastical  Affairs  During  the  Revolution 618 

Sections.  The  New  iMinisters 622 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Coetus  after  the  Revolution  (1783-1793). 

Section  1.  The  Ministers  of  the  Coetus 630 

Section  2.  The  Independents  644 

Section  3.  The  United  Brethren  Church  and  the  Re''ormed 050 

Section  4.  The  Causes  of  the  Separation 659 

Section  5.  The  Holland  Donations 606 

Section  6.  Summary — The  Position  of  the  Coetus  in  Doctrine,  Cultus  and 

Church  Government 674 

APPENDIX  I.  The  First  Reformed  Congregation  in  America  687 

APPENDIX  II.  Table  of  Coetus' Meetings  and  Officers 690 

APPENDIX  III.  Andrew  Loretz 692 

ERRATA 692 

INDEX 693 

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Hochstadt  and  the  Reformed  Church  of  Worms Opposite  page    90 

Weinheim,  Eppingen  and  St.  Qall "  "      112 

Cloister  Church  at  the  Hague  and  New    Church  at  Amster- 
dam        "  "      282 

Tempelman's  House  and  the  Reformed  Church  at  Philadel- 
phia        "  "      334 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMED  CHURCH 

IN    THE 

UNITED    STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

FORERUNNERS  OF  THE  GERMAN  REFORMED 
CHURCH. 

The  forerunners  of  the  German  Reformed  Church  in 
Pennsylvania  were  the  French  and  the  Dutch.  It  is, 
however,  to  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  Germans  that 
the  first  colony  ever  planted  in  America  was  German. 
The  king  of  Spain  mortgaged  South  America  (all  the 
America  known  to  him)  to  the  great  German  banking 
houses  of  the  Welzers  and  Fuggers  in  return  for  their 
financial  aid  in  colonizing  and  developing  the  new  world. 
Thus  Welzer,  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Augsburg,  obtained 
a  grant  of  territory  from  Emperor  Charles  V.,  and  in 
1526  he  sent  three  ships  with  500  soldiers  and  a  company 
of  traders  to  South  America.  This  colony  erected  a  fort 
and  laid  out  a  town.  Tli rough  the  later  separation  of 
Germany  from  Spain  and  the  death  of  Charles  V.,  the 
1 


2  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

colony  was  finally  broken  up  after  it  had  existed  for  thirty 
years.  But  its  memorial  still  remains  in  South  America 
in  Venezuela,  which  is  the  Spanish  for  Welzerland. 

It  is  also  interesting  to  notice  that  not  only  were  the 
first  colonists  Germans,  but  that  the  first  colonists  that 
were  Protestants  were  Reformed.  They  included  among 
them  the  first  foreign  missionaries  of  Protestantism.  It 
is  therefore  proper  before  Ave  pass  on  to  examine  the  origin 
of  the  German  Reformed  in  the  United  States,  that  we 
consider  briefly  the  earlier  Reformed  on  this  continent. 


A.-THE  REFORMED  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  I.— SECTION  I. 
THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  IN  BRAZIL. 

The  first  Protestant  settlement  in  America  was  the 
French  Reformed  colony  in  Brazil.  And  as  they  began 
the  work  among  the  native  Indians  there,  they  also  have 
the  honor  of  being  the  first  Protestant  missionaries. 
Protestantism  was  hardly  born  before  it  began  to  save  the 
heathen.  These  missionaries  were  sent  out  one  year 
before  the  Lutherans  sent  their  first  foreign  missionaries 
to  Lapland.  The  names  of  these  first  missionaries 
deserve  to  be  embalmed  in  tame.  They  were  Peter 
Richer  and  William  Chartier. 

In  1555  a  French  colony  was  sent  to  Brazil.  It  was 
led  by  Villegagnon,  who  by  his  ability  and  bravery  had 
become  vice  admiral  of  Brittany.  He  was  the  one  who 
in  1548  had  brouglit  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  safely  to 
France  in  spite  of  the  watchfulness  of  the  English.  He 
espoused  the  Protestant  cause  and  dreamed  of  founding  a 
great  French  colony  in  the  new  world.  Admiral  Coligny 
too  approved  of  the  expedition.  For  he  feared  a  perse- 
cution (such  as  came  so    terribly   on    himself   and    the 


4  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

Huguenot  Church  afterward),  and  he  looked  westward 
toward  America  as  an  asylum  for  his  persecuted  brethren. 
The  expedition  sailed  July  12,  1555,  from  Havre  and 
landed  in  the  harbor  of  Rio  Janeiro,  November  10,  1555. 
Tlicy  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of 
France,  calling  it  Antarctic  France.  On  an  island  in  the 
harbor,  w-hich  still  bears  his  name,  Villegagnon  erected  a 
fort. 

On  February  4,  1556,  he  sent  one  of  his  ships  back 
to  Europe,  and  through  it  sent  word,  asking  for  some 
Reformed  ministers  for  the  colony.  The  Reformed  family 
of  Churches  has  always  been  ready  to  respond  to  a  call  to 
missionary  work,  and  the  church  of  Calvin,  at  Geneva,  at 
once  appointed  two  ministers.  They  set  ^ail  together  with 
about  a  dozen  artisans  from  Geneva,  led  by  DuPont,  in  a 
ship  which  had  about  200  colonists.  After  being  almost 
shipwrecked  they  arrived  at  Rio  Janeiro  Marcli  9.  When 
they  saw  land,  they  rejoiced  with  new  joy  at  being  the 
first  to  tell  the  story  of  Christ  to  the  heathen.  Villegag- 
non welcomed  them  by  a  salute  from  the  fort.  A 
thanksgiving  service  was  held,  at  which  they  sang  the  fifth 
Psalm,  after  which  Richer  preached  on  the  26th  Psalm. 
Villegagnon  ordered  them  to  hold  a  daily  service.  On 
March  21  they  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  first 
time  a  Protestant  communion  was  ever  celebrated  in 
America — a  forerunner  of  many  rich  spiritual  feasts  to 
the  thousands  of  Protestants  who  al'ter   them   settled   in 


THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  IX  BRAZIL.         5 

this  western  world.  It  was  not  long  before  the  minis- 
ters, touehed  by  the  condition  of  the  natives,  endeavored 
through  an  interpreter  to  teach  them  the  first  principles  of 
the  Protestant  religion.  The  natives  were  greatly  aston- 
ished at  what  they  heard,  and  some  of  them  promised  to 
become  worshipers  of  the  true  God. 

But  the  colony  had  too  short  a  history  to  produce 
great  or  permanent  results.  Unfortunately  Villegagnon 
began  gradually  to  return  to  the  Romish  faith.  Among 
the  emiorants  was  a  student  of  the  Sorbonne  in  Paris  who 
had  been  secretly  promised  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  over 
the  colony  if  it  were  won  back  to  Rome.  To  accomplish 
this  he  introduced  controversies  on  some  doctrinal  points 
with  the  Reformed  ministers — as  is  it  lawful  to  mix 
water  with  wine  in  the  Lord's  Supper?  may  the  sacra- 
mental bread  be  made  of  Indian  corn  ?  etc.  He  also 
objected  to  certain  rites  of  the  Reformed,  claiming  that 
unleavened  bread  ought  to  be  used  at  the  communion,  and 
baptism  should  be  with  salt  and  oil  as  well  as  water. 
The  ministers  stoutly  withstood  him.  But  when  Richer 
preached  against  these  doctrines,  Villegagnon  became 
angry  and  forbade  him  to  preach  on  such  subjects  and  to 
administer  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  questions  in  dispute 
were  referred  to  the  French  Reformed  church,  and  Charticr 
was  sent  back  to  Europe  for  a  decision  on  these  points. 

While  Villegagnon  was  in  this  uncertain  state  of  mind, 
a  ship  from  France  arrived,  which  brought  him  a  letter 


b  THE  GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

from  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  restoring  him  to  the  bosom 
of  the  Catholic  Church  again.  He  now  openly  attacked 
Calvin,  calling  him  '  a  frightful  heretic'  He  began  per- 
secuting the  Reformed  by  ordering  Richer  to  subscribe  to 
the  Romish  doctrines  of  the  mass  and  purgatory.  This 
he  refused  to  do.  He  therefore  drove  Richer  and  the 
Genevan  contingent  from  the  fort.  But  whither  should 
they  go  ?  There  was  not  a  Protestant  colony  in  all  the 
new  world  save  tlieir  own.  They  went  across  the  bay  to 
the  mainland  at  the  risk  of  being  massacred  by  the 
Indians.  Fortunately  the  natives  received  them  kindly 
and  brought  food  to  them,  while  they  in  return  tried  to 
teach  them  the  way  of  life.  As  they  could  not  exist  there 
long,  they  asked  permission  of  Yillegagnon  to  return  to 
Europe.  He  finally  allowed  them  to  return  on  a  French 
vessel  that  came  into  port,  provided  they  would  take  in 
their  vessel  a  sealed  chest.  In  this,  with  the  basest  per- 
fidy, he  had  placed  a  paper,  which  was  to  be  given  to 
the  judge  of  the  French  province  where  they  might  hap- 
pen to  land.  This  paper  preferred  charges  against  them 
as  heretics  and  directed  the  judge  to  seize  them  and  burn 
them  at  the  stake. 

Ignorant  of  this  perfidy  they  set  sail  January  4,  1558, 
having  been  in  Brazil  ten  months.  They  soon  found  that 
they  had  exchanged  a  wretched  existence  on  land  for  a 
more  wretched  one  on  sea.  The  ship  was  slow  and  unsea- 
worthy.     On  the  seventh  day  she  sprang  a  leak.     Fortuu- 


THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  IN  BRAZIL.         7 

ately  they  were  able  to  stop  the  leak,  but  the  ship 
carpenter  declared  that  the  cargo  was  too  large  for  such 
an  old  and  worm-eaten  ship.  The  captain,  afraid  that  if 
he  once  landed,  his  crew  might  all  leave  him,  refused  to 
turn  back,  but  olfered  a  boat  to  any  who  might  want  to 
return  to  America,  then  ten  or  twelve  leagues  distant. 
The  captain  was  the  more  willing  to  do  this  as  he  had  not 
sufficient  provisions.  Five  of  them  accepted  his  proposi- 
tion and  took  the  small  boat  to  return  to  Brazil.  They 
floated  along  for  four  days,  using  their  clothes  for  sails, 
when  a  severe  storm  came  up  on  the  sixth  day,  which 
threw  them  ashore  at  the  foot  of  a  high  mountain.  They 
then  proceeded  to  Riviere  des  Vases.  At  this  place  the 
natives  treated  them  very  kindly  After  staying  with 
them  for  four  days,  they  started  back  to  Villegagnon  and 
arrived  there  in  four  days.  They  begged  him  to  receive 
them,  in  spite  of  their  differences  of  faith.  He  did  so, 
but  becoming  suspicious  that  they  were  spies  sent  back  by 
DuPont,  the  leader  of  the  Genevan  contingent,  he  attacked 
them  by  ordering  them  to  sign  a  Catholic  confession  of 
faith  within  twelve  hours.  Of  course  they  refused  to  do 
this  and  ordered  Bortel,  the  best  educated  among  them, 
to  draw  up  a  confession  in  reply,  which  they  signed. 
Villegagnon  then  arrested  Bortel  as  a  heretic,  and  when 
he  bluntly  refused  to  recant,  he  brutally  struck  him  with 
a  fist  and  ordered  him  to  be  hurled  from  a  high  rock  on 
the  island  into  the  sea.     Another,  Vermeil,  was  led  to  the 


8  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

same  rock,  and  when  he  refused  to  recant,  he  too  was 
thrown  over  into  the  sea.  A  third,  Bourdon,  was  sick 
in  bed ;  but  when  he  refused  to  go  over  to  Rome, 
Villegagnon  had  him  bound  and  carried  in  a  boat  to  the 
rock  of  execution  where  he  was  cast  into  the  sea.  "  This," 
says  Kalkar,  the  great  Lutheran  authority  on  missions, 
"  was  the  first  blood  shed  as  a  witness  for  evangelical 
missions."  The  Reformed  Church,  as  it  had  the  honor  of 
having  sent  the  first  missionaries  to  the  heathen,  had  thus 
also  the  honor  of  having  the  first  martyrs  for  missions. 

Meanwhile  those  who  remained  on  the  vessel,  which 
these  had  left,  seemed  doomed  to  a  living  death.  A  hun- 
dred times  a  day  it  seemed  as  if  the  ship  would  be  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  waves.  The  crew  were  kept  at  the 
pumps  night  and  day,  and  yet  in  spite  of  their  exertions 
they  were  hardly  able  to  keep  the  water  down.  One  day 
as  the  carpenter  was  mending  a  part  of  the  ship,  a  plank 
gave  way.  In  a  moment  the  sea  rushed  iu  with  the  force 
of  a  torrent.  The  sailors  came  rushing  on  deck,  crying, 
"  We  are  lost."  The  carpenter,  however,  retained  pres- 
ence of  mind  enough  to  thrust  his  coat  into  the  hole. 
And  by  treading  on  it  with  all  his  might,  he  resisted  the 
force  of  the  water.  He  soon  received  hclj),  which  enabled 
him  to  keep  the  hole  shut  until  he  prepared  a  board  with 
which  to  close  it.  On  another  day,  when  the  powder  was 
drying,  some  of  it  caught  fire.  The  flames  quickly  ran 
from  one  end  of  the  ship  to  the  other,  and  set   the  sails 


THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  IX  BRAZIL,         9 

and  cordage  on  fire.  Four  men  were  burned  (one  of 
whom  died)  before  it  was  put  out.  To  all  these  horrors 
was  added  starvation.  They  had  with  them  a  number  of 
parrots  and  monkeys,  which  they  were  taking  home  as 
curiosities.  These  were  soon  eaten.  Then  rats  and  mice 
were  hunted  and  eaten.  Even  the  sweepings  of  the  store 
room  were  gathered  and  cooked  into  a  sort  of  pottage  ; 
and  though  it  was  black  and  bitter,  they  were  glad  to 
drink  it.  Those  who  had  bucklers  made  of  the  skins  of 
the  tapiroussou  (an  animal  of  Brazil),  cut  that  skin  into 
strips  and  devoured  it.  Others  would  chew  the  covers  of 
their  trunks  and  the  leather  of  their  shoes,  yes,  even  the 
horn  of  the  ship's  lanterns.  They  became  so  starved  that 
they  would  have  been  glad  to  exchange  their  state  with 
that  of  the  king  in  Scripture,  who  is  said  to  have  eaten 
grass.  Finally  nothing  was  left  for  them  to  eat  except 
Brazil  wood,  which  is  said  to  be  the  driest  of  all  woods. 
Peter  Richer,  the  Reformed  minister,  was  so  prostrated 
by  hunger  that  he  could  not  lift  up  his  head,  even  in 
prayer.  Indeed,  owing  to  the  intensity  of  the  sufferings, 
it  is  remarkable  that  they  did  not  kill  one  another  for  the 
eake  of  food. 

Finally,  after  a  voyage  of  five  months,  the  pilot  said 
he  saw  land.  This  was  very  fortunate,  for  the  captain 
said  that  he  had  determined  that  on  the  next  day  they 
would  have  to  draw  lots  for  the  purpose  of  killing  one  of 
the  ship's  company  for  food.     They  landed  finally  on  the 


10    THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

coast  of  Brittany,  near  I'Orient,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Bla- 
vet  river,  on  May  26,  1558.  The  inhabitants,  touched 
with  the  story  of  their  sufferings,  kindly  gave  them  food 
and  assistance.  Many  of  the  sailors,  however,  neglected 
the  precaution  necessary  for  starved  men  and  ate  so  freely 
that  they  died.  Others  recovered,  but  for  a  long  time 
were  afflicted  by  various  diseases,  as  blindness,  deafness, 
swellings  of  the  body,  etc.  And  just  here  we  can  see  the 
kind  providence  of  God.  The  French  Church  had  always 
believed  in  the  safety  of  God's  elect.  The  sealed  box, 
which  Villegagnon  had  given  them,  was  given  by  them, 
all  ignorant  of  its  contents,  to  the  judge  of  that  district. 
Fortunately  they  had  been  cast  on  a  jiortion  of  France 
where  the  judge  happened  to  be  favorable  to  the  Protest- 
ants. Instead,  therefore,  of  executing  the  treacherous 
orders  of  Villegagnon,  he  on  the  contrary  treated  them 
with  great  kindness  and  permitted  them  to  return  to  their 
own  homes. 

The  colony  in  Brazil  was  soon  after  destroyed  by  the 
Portuguese.  Yillcgagnon  returned  to  France,  where  he 
tried  to  clear  himself  of  his  cruelty  and  perfidy,  which  had 
become  known  to  the  world.  So  ended  the  first  attempt 
of  the  Reformed  to  settle  in  the  new  world.  But  though 
the  existence  of  the  colony  was  brief,  its  career  was  glori- 
ous, because  of  the  movements  it  started  in  the  Reformed 
Church.  Its  founders  attempted  to  lay  the  basis  of  the 
greatest  work  of  the  Protestant  Church — foreign  missions. 


THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  IN  BRAZIL.       11 

As  Reformed  they  attempted  to  make  the  western  world 
Protestant.  All  honor  to  Richer  and  Chartier,  the 
pioneers  of  Protestant  missions,  and  to  the  three  martyrs 
for  Protestant  missions,  Bortel,  Vermeil  and  Bourdon. 
The  bay  of  Rio  Janeiro  is  said  to  be  the  most  beautiful 
in  the  world,  but  it  is  not  more  beautiful  than  the 
crown  of  immortal  glory  belonging  to  these  missionaries 
and  martyrs. 


CHAPTER  I.— SFXTIOX   U. 

THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  IN  BRAZIL. 

The  second  attempt  to  foiuid  the  Reformed  Church  iu 
South  America  Avas  made,  not  by  the  French,  but  by  the 
Dutch.  In  1G21  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  was 
incorporated.  Wliile  its  main  objects  were  financial,  yet 
it,  like  the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  did  not  forget  the 
religious  condition  of  its  colonies,  but  always  sent  pastors 
to  minister  to  them.  This  company  planted  a  colony  iu 
Brazil  at  Pernambuco,  on  the  coast — the  most  eastern  point 
of  Brazil  and  about  1200  miles  from  Rio  Janeiro.  The 
company  appointed  as  its  governor  Count  Jolin  ^Maurice 
of  Nassau -Siege  n,  *  one  of  the  most  zealous  Reformed 
princes  of  Europe.  He  was  a  prince  of  the  Nassau  line, 
made  famous  by  William  of  Orange  ;  and  though  born  a 
German,  he  entered  the  Dutch  military  service. 

He  was  sent  out  October  25,  1636,  as  the  governor 
of  Brazil,  landing  at  Pernambuco,  January  23, 1637.  He 
tried  to  reintroduce  the  Reformed  faith  again  into  South 
America,  and  snatch  it  from  the  power  of  the  Jesuits  and 
the  native  heathenism  that  so  abounded  there.  For  it  has 
been  the  rule  of  the  Netherlands  that  wherever  a  Dutcli 
flag  waved,  there  arose  a  Reformed  congregation.     The 


THE    DUTCH    REFORMED    IN    BRAZIL,  13 

couut  had  takeu  with  him  to  Brazil,  as  his  court  preacher, 
Fraucis  Plaute,  who  regularly  held  service  for  him.  But 
he  soon  found  that  more  ministers  were  needed  for  the 
colony ;  so  he  sent  back  to  Holland  for  them,  and  the  next 
year  (1637)  eight  Reformed  ministers  were  sent  thither. 

These  ministers  seemed  to  have  the  missionary  spirit. 
As  early  as  1623  Professor  Walaeus  had  started  a  mis- 
sionary school  at  Leyden,  which  aroused  great  missionary 
interest  in  the  Dutch  Church.  The  Reformed  thus  started 
the  first  school  to  train  missionaries.  It  was  an  echo  of 
the  Synod  of  Dort  where  the  subject  of  missions  came  up. 
These  ministers  seemed  to  have  been  full  of  the  subject. 
A  remarkable  fact  to  be  noticed  about  these  men  was  that 
already  in  that  infant  age  of  missions  they  began  to  nse 
one  of  its  first  principles,  namely,  preaching  in  the  native 
tongue.  Although  they  were  all  Dutchmen,  they  learned 
other  languages,  so  as  to  preach  in  them.  They  preached 
in  French  and  Portuguese,  as  well  as  Dutch,  so  as  to 
reach  the  foreigners.  But  they  were  not  satisfied  wath 
this.  They  were  anxious  to  evangelize  among  the  native 
Brazilians.  In  this  they  were  ably  supported  by  Count 
John  Maurice  and  his  chaplain  Plante.  They  found  that 
the  Jesuits  who  had  been  there  before  them  had  been 
doing  mission  work  under  the .  Portuguese  ;  but  like  all 
other  Romisli  missions,  this  w^ork  was  very  superficial. 
Thev  had  not  translated  the  Bible  into  the  native  tongue. 
(For  therein  lies  the  great  difference  between  Catholic  and 


14  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IX   U.   S. 

Protestant  missions.  The  first  thing  the  Protestant  mis- 
sionaries give  to  the  natives  is  the  Bible.)  Neither  had 
the  Jesuits  preached  to  Indians  in  their  native  tongue, 
for  as  the  Catholics  always  do,  they  used  only  the  Latin 
language  in  their  services.  The  Reformed  ministers 
found  that  all  that  the  Jesuits  had  taught  the  natives  ^vas 
to  recite  the  Creed  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  Dutch 
Reformed  ministers  aimed  at  higher  results.  They 
learned  their  language,  so  as  to  communicate  with  them 
and  preach  a  living,  not  a  formal,  Christianity  to  them. 
Davilus  was  the  first  of  the  ministers  to  learn  the  native 
language.  Doriflarius  was  eloquent  in  preaching  in  both 
the  Portuguese  and  Brazilian  languages,  and  translated  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism  into  the  Tapuya  dialect.  It  was 
the  first  Protestant  catechism  to  be  translated  into  any  of 
the  Indian  languages.* 

These  missionaries  not  only  were  missionaries  to  the 
heathen,  but  they  also  organized  tlie  first  classes  and 
synods  in  America.  They  were  the  first  to  bring  the 
Presbyterial  order  of  church  government  to  this  western 
world.  Frederick  Casseber  preached  in  Recissa.  In 
Olinda  and  the  villages,  Joachim  Soller  and  J.  Polhemius 
preached  in  French  and  Portuguese.  In  Tamarica  Cor- 
nelius Poelius  preached  the  gospel ;  in   Paraiba  Samuel 

*  It  has  been  said  that  John  Eliot's  works  in  New  Englanil,  and  also  the 
Lutheran  catechism,  were  the  first  translations  into  the  Indian  tongue,  but 
that  is  not  true.  The  Heidelberg  was  the  first,  translated  by  these  Dutchmen 
into  the  Tapuya  dialect. 


THE    DUTCH    REFORMED    IN    BRAZIL.  15 

Rathelarius,  an  Englishman,  preached.  In  the  province 
of  Cape  St.  Augustine  John  Stetinus  labored  with  zeal, 
and  in  Serinhaen  John  Eduardi.  In  the  province  of 
Maragnana  also  God's  word  was  preached  by  them.  These 
various  parts  of  the  district  formed  classes  which  united 
into  a  synod.  This  occurred  more  than  a  half  century 
before  the  Presbyterians  organized  their  synod  in  Phila- 
delphia. The  Dutch  Reformed  were  the  first  to  organize 
the  local  congregation  in  America  at  New  York,  and  they 
were  the  first  to  organize  synods  thus  in  South  America. 

There  is  still  another  peculiarity  of  this  Dutch  colony, 
namely,  its  fair  dealing  with  the  Indians.  William  Penn 
generally  gets  the  credit  of  introducing  this  into  America. 
But  long  before  him  Count  John  Maurice  introduced  it 
into  Brazil.  In  every  village  he  placed  a  Dutchman,  who 
was  to  see  to  it  that  the  riglits  of  the  natives  were  pre- 
served, and  that  they  were  not  cheated,  but  were  paid  for 
their  goods.  The  natives  therefore  highly  honored  the 
Count,  and  one  of  their  chiefs  presented  him  with  a  costly 
dish,  which  he,  after  his  return  to  Germany,  presented  to 
the  Reformed  church  at  Siegen,  where,  because  of  his  long 
sojourn  in  America,  he  was  called  "the  Brazilian."  In 
1645  he  returned  to  Holland,  bringing  twenty-five  tons  of 
gold  with  him,  and  was  received  with  high  honors  by  the 
Dutch  government.  This  colony  was  soon  after  destroyed 
by  the  Portuguese,  and  Brazil,  instead  of  becoming  Prot- 
estant,   became   the    most    Romish    of    countries.      But, 


16    THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IX  U.  S. 

although  driven  out  of  Brazil,  the  Dutch  later  acquired  a 
South  American  colony  in  Guiana,  which  was  given  to 
them  by  the  English  in  exchange  for  New  York.*  Thus 
although  the  Reformed  Church  was  crushed  out  of  Brazil, 
yet  in  these  colonics,  French  and  Dutch,  she  could  boast 
the  first  Protestant  missionaries,  the  first  missionary  mar- 
tyrs, the  first  Indian  catechism,  the  first  Church  organiza- 
tion into  classes  and  synods,  and  the  first  attempt  at  fair 
dealing  with  the  Indians. 

■•■■  There  are  now  about  7000  lle'"orQieil  in  Guiana. 


B.-THE  REFORMED  IN  NORTH  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  I.— SECTION  III. 

THE  FRENCH  REFORMED  SETTLEMENT  IN  FLORIDA. 

Admiral  Coligny,  having  failed  to  plant  a  colony  in 
Brazil,  made  another  attempt  to  found  one  in  Florida  that 
should  be  an  asylum  for  the  Huguenots.  To  Florida,  the 
laud  of  flowers.  Ponce  De  Leon  came  in  1512,  seeking  the 
fountain  of  perpetual  youth.  To  it  also  came  the  French 
colony  in  1562,  a  few  years  after  the  destruction  of  the 
French  colony  in  Brazil.  The  year  1562  was  dark  with 
ominous  threatenings  to  the  Reformed  in  France.  The 
Huguenots  looked  westward  to  America  as  the  land  of 
wonder  and  promise. 

The  leader  of  this  colony  was  a  staunch  Reformed, 
John  Ribaut,  who  was  also  a  brave  and  experienced  sol- 
dier. They  sailed  from  Havre,  February  18, 1562,  iu  two 
vessels.  On  a  beautiful  May  day  they  entered  the  river 
of  St.  Johns,  which  they  named  the  river  of  May.  Up 
this  river,  famous  to-day  for  its  natural  scenery,  they 
sailed.  They  anchored  near  Fernandina  and  explored  the 
country,  finding  it  full  of  game.  Ribaut  built  a  fort 
about  six  miles  from  Beaufort,  uhere  he  left  a  colony  of 
2 


18     THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

thirty  persons.  On  June  11  lie  set  sail  for  France,  leav- 
ing this  the  only  Protestant  colony  in  all  North  America 
from  the  North  Pole  to  Mexico.  Soon  came  the  struggle 
for  food.  The  Indians  fortunately  were  very  kind  to 
them,  bringing  them  supplies  as  long  as  their  own  lasted. 
But  the  French  wearied  of  their  solitude  and  longed  for 
home.  So  they  set  about  building  a  rude  ship  on  which 
they  sailed  for  home.  Their  food  gave  out.  Some  died 
of  starvation.  Finally  an  English  bark  hove  in  sight  of 
them  and  carried  them  prisoners  to  Fnglaud. 

In  the  meantime  Ribaut  had  returned  to  France  to  fit 
out  another  expedition.  Darker  days  w^ere  gathering  for 
the  Huguenots  there.  Plots  at  the  court  were  growing 
against  Coligny.  Still  he  had  influence  enough  to  fit  out 
a  second  exi)edition  of  three  vessels  under  Rene  de  Lau- 
donniere.  They  arrived  at  St.  Johns  river,  June  25, 
1564.  Tliey  soon  found  that  the  former  settlers  had  left, 
but  they  were  very  cordially  welcomed  by  the  Indians. 
All  of  the  colonists  were  French  Reformed,*  but  many  of 
them  were  adventurers  rather  than  of  a  reliy;ious  turn  of 
mind.  They  built  a  fort  about  five  miles  from  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Johns  and  thirty  miles  northwest  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, which  they  named  Fort  Caroline,  beginning  their 
work  after  the  Huguenot  fashion  Mith  the  singing  of  a 
Psalm. 

♦Some  of  the  Lutherans  like  Rev.  Dr.  Seiss  speak  of  them  as  Lutherans, 
but  there  were  no  Lutherans  in  France  at  that  time,  as  the  whole  French 
Church  belonged  to  the  Huguenot  or  French  Reformed  faith. 


FRENCH  EEFORMED  IN  FLORIDA.         19 

Unfortunately  the  second  party  did  not  treat  the  Indi- 
ans as  peaceably  as  did  the  first  colony,  but  became  in- 
volved in  a  war  with  them.  This  was  all  the  more  unfor- 
tunate, for  they  would  have  to  rely  on  the  Indians  for 
much  of  their  food,  especially  as  there  was  not  a  farmer 
among  the  colonists  who  knew  how  to  till  the  ground. 
Dissatisfaction  too  arose  among  the  colonists.  The  relig- 
ious Huguenots  among  them  complained  that  no  minis- 
ters had  been  sent  with  the  party.  Others  complained  of 
hard  work  and  bad  food.  Laudonuiere  as  the  leader  had 
to  bear  the  burden  of  these  grievances.  Finally  there  %vas 
an  insurrection  against  him  that  imprisoned  him,  and 
some  of  the  mutiucers  went  on  a  privateering  expedition 
against  the  Spanish  islands,  December  8.  This  at  first 
was  quite  successful,  but  ultimately  proved  most  unfortu- 
nate for  the  colony,  as  it  made  known  to  the  Spaniards 
that  there  was  a  strong  French  colony  in  America.  After 
they  had  gone,  Laudonniere  was  reinstated  by  his  friends, 
and  the  colony  was  well  reorganized,  as  the  bad  blood  of 
the  colony  had  been  drawn  oif.  He  now  proceeded  to 
finish  the  fort  and  build  two  new  vessels  to  replace  the 
two  which  the  mutineers  had  taken  away  with  them,  when 
news  came  (March  25)  that  a  vessel  had  appeared.  It 
proved  to  be  the  mutineers  returning.  Laudonniere 
recaptured  the  vessel,  and  the  leaders  were  shot. 

With  May  came  the  third  anniversary  of  Ribaut's 
arrival,  but  now  the  colonists  were  ragged  and  starving. 


20  THE   GERMAX    REFORMED    CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

Laudonniere  finally  couceived  the  idea  of  capturing  an 
Indian  chief  and  holding  him  until  the  Indians  had 
brought  enough  corn  to  keep  the  colonists  from  starva- 
tion. He  succeeded  in  capturing  Outina,  the  chief,  and 
finally  the  Indians  brought  a  good  deal  of  corn.  Lau- 
donniere at  length  released  the  chief,  but  all  this  only  made 
the  Indians  enemies,  for  they  so  attacked  them  that  they 
only  secured  two  bags  of  corn.  Famine  now  raged  in 
the  fort.  The  Indians  had  killed  two  of  their  carpenters, 
which  would  delay  the  buildiug  of  the  ships.  Finally 
came  the  climax.  They  were  startled,  August  3,  1565, 
to  see  three  vessels  appear  at  the  mouth  of  their  river. 
Who  were  they,  friends  or  foes  ?  They  proved  to  be 
English  ships  under  Sir  John  Hawkins.  As  they  were 
Protestants  also  and  hated  Spain  as  much  as  the  French, 
they  soon  showed  their  friendship.  And  when  Hawkins 
found  that  some  of  them  wanted  to  return  to  France,  he 
sold  them  one  of  his  smaller  vessels,  receiving  in  place  of 
money  the  cannons  of  the  fort.  This  was  very  unwise, 
for  it  left  the  fort  almost  defenceless,  except  by  two  field 
pieces.  After  their  departure  the  colonists  prepared  to 
sail,  but  before  they  were  ready,  seven  vessels  appeared, 
August  28.  Were  they  friends  or  foes  ?  They  were 
about  firing  on  the  strangers,  when  the  latter  called  to 
them  in  French.  And  lo  !  it  was  the  sipiadron  of  Ilibaut, 
the  founder  of  the  colony,  who  had  embarked  with  three 
hundred  men  from  Dieppe  and  brought  everything  ueces- 


FRE>"CH    REFOEMED    IN    FLORIDA.  21 

sary  to  make  the  colony  permanent  and  successful.  Stores 
were  landed  from  the  newly  arrived  ships.  Everything 
swarmed  with  busy  life  and  hope  again.  "  But  lo  !  how 
oftentimes  misfortune  doth  search  and  pursue  us,  even 
then  when  we  think  to  be  at  rest,"  said  Laudonniere. 

All  seemed  hopeful  now,  but  on  the  clear  sky  a  cloud 
appeared.  On  the  night  of  September  4,  Ribaut's  flagship 
saw  a  huge  ship,  grim  with  cannon,  floating  toward  her, 
bearing  the  flag  of  Spain.  For  the  Spaniards  had  heard 
of  the  colony,  and  had  sent  Don  Pedro  Menendez  with 
eleven  ships  to  crush  it.  Spain  claimed  all  North  Amer- 
ica by  right  of  discovery,  and  would  have  no  Frenchmen, 
still  less  Protestant  heretics,  on  it.  The  Frenchmen  on 
the  ship,  when  they  saw  the  Spaniards,  cut  their  cables 
and  fled  to  sea.  Menendez  in  the  morning  gave  over 
the  chase  and  returned  to  the  St.  Johns.  He  found 
Ribaut  had  gathered  his  ships  within  the  bar  and  was 
ready  to  meet  him  with  his  soldiers.  So  he  sailed  south- 
ward to  St.  Augustine,  where  they  built  a  fort  and  founded 
what  is  now  the  city  of  St.  Augustine.  Ribaut  having 
heard  that  the  Spaniards  had  fortified  St.  Augustine,  de- 
termined to  attack  it  by  sea.  His  ships  were  on  the  point 
of  attacking  St.  Augustine  when  a  terrible  gale  prevented. 
Meanwhile  Menendez  formed  the  plan  of  marching  over 
laud  and  attacking  Fort  Caroline.  His  soldiers  at  first 
were  unwilling  to  go  overland,  but  he  was  determined, 
and  five  hundred  started,  led  by  two  Indians.     Through 


22  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX   U.    S. 

three  days  of  driving  rain  they  marched  through  the  for- 
ests, Menendez  urging  them  by  saying,  "  This  is  God's 
war.  It  is  a  war  with  the  Lutherans"  (as  the  Catholics 
then  called  all  Protestants).  On  the  morning  of  Septem- 
ber 20  they  burst  on  the  fort.  The  French  were  utterly 
unprepared,  not  a  sentinel  being  on  the  rampart.  Those 
of  the  French  who  were  able,  escaped  to  the  woods  ;  the 
others  were  brutally  killed,  until  142  were  slain  in  and 
around  the  fort.  The  son  of  Ribaut  in  a  small  vessel  fled 
to  sea.  He  afterwards  picked  up  Laudonuiere  and  25 
others  and  then  put  to  sea  for  France.  Menendez  sent 
word  to  his  king  that  he  had  taken  fifty  prisoners,  women, 
infants  and  boys  under  fifteen  years  of  age,  saying  he 
was  "  in  great  anxiety  lest  through  them  the  venom  of 
heresy  should  spread."  He  hung  a  number  of  his  pris- 
oners on  trees,  placing  over  them  the  inscription  :  "  I  do 
this  not  as  to  Frenchmen,  but  as  to  Lutherans." 

Meanwhile  a  terrible  fate  had  befallen  Ribaut's  expe- 
dition. The  gale  had  shipwrecked  his  vessels  on  the  coast 
below  St.  Augustine.  His  men,  ignorant  of  the  fate 
that  had  befallen  Fort  Caroline,  struggled  northward  in 
two  parties  through  the  forests  to  reach  the  fort.  Menen- 
dez, having  returned  to  St.  Augustine,  soon  saw  the  fires 
of  one  of  the  expeditions.  He  set  out  against  them.  "Are 
you  Catholics  or  Lutherans  ?  "  he  asked.  They  said  the 
latter.  He  told  them  that  their  fort  had  been  taken  and 
bade  them  surrender.     As  they  had  no  hope  but  starva- 


FRENCH  REFORMED  IN  FLORIDA.         23 

tion,  they  surrendered.  As  they  came  to  him  in  bands  of 
ten,  he  had  them  killed,  sparing  only  twelve,  who  said 
they  were  Catholics.  He  did  this,  saying  to  his  king^ 
"  that  thereby  in  future  this  evil  sect  (Protestants)  will 
leave  us  free  to  plant  the  (Catholic)  gospel  in  these  parts." 
He  then  waited  to  hear  about  the  other  party  of  Ribaut. 

On  October  10  the  Indians  brought  the  news  of  a 
larger  part}-,  among  whom  was  Ribaut.  They  at  first 
pretended  great  bravery,  but  as  they  were  starving,  they 
were  compelled  to  sue  for  terms  of  surrender.  Ribaut 
came  to  him  and  plead  for  mercy  on  his  men,  as  the  kings 
of  France  and  Spain  were  at  peace  at  that  time.  Men- 
endez,  however,  compelled  him  to  an  unconditional  sur- 
render. When  the  Huguenots  were  surrounded  by  the 
Spaniards,  they  called  out  to  them  :  "  Are  you  Catholics 
or  Lutherans,  and  is  there  any  one  among  you  who  will 
go  to  confession  ?"  Ribaut  answered  :  "  I  and  all  here 
are  of  the  Reformed  faith."  He  then  recited  the  Psalms. 
"  Lord  have  mercy  on  me.  We  are  of  earth,"  he  con- 
tinued, "  and  to  earth  we  must  return.  Twenty  years 
more  or  less  can  matter  little."  Then  turning  to  Menen- 
dez  he  bade  him  do  his  will.  Menendez  then  cruelly  put 
all  to  death. 

Thus  was  the  Huguenot  colony  in  Florida  blotted 
out,  as  it  had  been  before  in  Brazil.  When  the  news  of 
Menendez's  terrible  cruelty  reached  France,  a  cry  of  horror 
went  up  from  the  Huguenots  there.     The  king,  however, 


24  THE    GERMAX    REFORMED    CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

being  a  Catholic,  did  not  attempt  to  avenge  their  deaths — 
especially  as  he  was  then  just  beginning  to  feel  the  bitter- 
ness against  them,  that  culminated  later  in  the  massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew.  It  was  left  for  a  French  nobleman, 
de  Gourges,  to  wipe  out  the  stain  and  avenge  the  slaugh- 
tered Huguenots.  On  August  22,  1567,  he  sailed  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Charente.  He  never  told  his  crew 
whither  he  meant  to  go  until  they  were  oif  Cuba.  When 
he  told  his  sailors,  their  enthusiasm  knew  no  bounds. 
Menendez,  meanwhile,  had  strongly  fortified  himself  at 
both  St.  xlugustine  and  Fort  Caroline.  When  de  Gourges 
came  near  the  shore  he  found  the  Indians  gathered  to 
resist  him  as  they  thought  his  ships  were  Spanish,  for  the 
Indians  had  been  greatly  illtreated  by  the  Spaniards. 
But  as  soon  as  they  found  they  were  the  French  they 
were  very  glad  and  agreed  to  aid  the  French,  but  asked 
three  days  for  preparation.  When  they  came  in  sight  of 
the  Spanish  fort  at  Fort  Caroline,  de  Gourges  cried 
out  to  his  soldiers  :  "  There  are  the  murderers  who 
have  butchered  our  countrymen."  And  now  it  was  the 
Spaniards'  turn  to  be  taken  by  surprise  there.  They 
were  totally  unprepared  and  not  a  Spaniard  escaped.  On 
the  very  trees  where  Menendez  had  hung  the  Huguenots, 
de  Gourges  hung  the  Spaniards,  placing  over  them  the 
inscription  :  "  Not  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as  to  traitors  and 
murderers." 

He  did  not  attempt  to  capture  St.  Augustine,  for  he 


FRENCH  REFORMED  IX  FLORIDA.         25 

felt  his  mission  was  accomplished  by  the  capture  ot"  Fort 
Caroline.  He  bade  the  Indians  destroy  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Johns.  Then  embarking,  he  thus 
addressed  his  men  :  "  My  friends,  let  us  give  thanks  to 
God  for  the  success  He  has  granted  us.  Not  to  our 
swords,  but  to  God  only,  we  owe  our  victory.  I^et  ns 
pray,  too,  that  He  may  so  dispose  the  hearts  of  men,  that 
our  perils  and  toils  may  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  our 
king,  and  of  all  France,  since  all  we  have  done  was  for 
the  king's  service  and  for  the  honor  of  our  country."  De 
Gourges  left  Florida  May  3,  1568,  reaching  Rochelle  by 
Whitsunday,  where  the  Huguenots  received  him  with 
great  honor.  But  the  king  received  him  coldly ;  and 
fearing  disgrace,  he  finally  retired  to  England,  and  then 
to  Portugal,  in  whose  service  he  was  again  asked  to  cross 
swords  with  the  Spaniards,  but  died  on  the  way  to  Tours 
in  1583.  Menendez  finally  left  Florida  and  the  Spaniards 
abandoned  it  in  disgust. 

Thus  was  the  French  colony  destroyed  and  avenged. 
Not  at  Fort  Caroline,  but  in  the  Carolinas,  in  the  next 
centuiy,  were  the  Huguenots  to  find  a  refuge,  as  they 
did  after  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  Then 
hundreds  of  them  found  a  home,  especially  in  South  Car- 
olina, where  a  French  Reformed  church  was  founded  very 
early  at  Charleston,  which  is  still  in  existence. 


CHAPTER  I.— SECTION  IV. 

THE  DUTCH  REFORMED  IN  NEW  AMSTERDAM. 

This  colony  had  as  its  forerunner  Heudrik  Hudson, 
the  discoverer  of  the  Hudson  river,  who  took  possession  of 
it  in  the  name  of  the  Dutch.  It  was  settled  by  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company.  The  first  governor  of  the  colony 
was  Peter  Minuit.  He  was  born  (1580)  at  Wesel,  in 
northwestern  Germany,  one  of  the  strongholds  of  the  Re- 
formed Church.  Born  so  early,  he  almost  touches  the 
reformers  of  our  Church — for  both  Olevianus  and  Ursinus 
were  living  when  he  was  born.  He  may,  therefore,  be 
called  the  connecting  link  between  the  authors  of  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  Reformed  in  this  western 
Avorld.  Olevianus  must  have  been  a  well  known  name  to 
him  in  his  boyhood,  for  he  did  not  live  so  far  away,  and 
had,  perhaps,  passed  through  Wesel  on  his  way  to  the 
Dutch  Synod  at  Middleburg. 

Minuit  was  of  good  Huguenot  stock,  for  Wesel  had 
been  a  great  asylum  for  the  Reformed  in  the  days  of  the 
Reformation.  A  large  French  Reformed  church  had  been 
organized  there,  of  which  lie  was  an  elder.  He  nuist  have 
become  a  man  of  prominence  there,  for  when  he  leaves 
Wesel  he  is  appointed  soon  to  such  a  j>r<>miiu'iit  office  as 


DUTCH    REFORMED    IN    NEW    AMSTERDAM.  27 

governor  general.  He  left  Wesel,  April  15,  1625  (before 
it  was  captured  by  the]  Spaniards  during ; [the  Thirty 
Years'  War),  and,  like  many  of  his  German  cotemporaries, 
he  entered  the  service  of  the  Dutch  government ;  for  the 
ruler  of  Holland  was  also  a  prince  of  the  neighboring 
German  province  of  Nassau.  He  was  appointed,  Decem- 
ber 19,  1625,  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  governor 
general  of  their  colony  in  New  Amsterdam  (New  York), 
and  sailed  for  New  York,  where  he  arrived  May  4,  1626. 
As  governor  he  ruled  Avith  signal  success.  Like 
Coimt  John  Maurice  of  Nassau  Siegen,  the  South  Ameri- 
can governor  of  the  Dutch  West  Indies,  he  introduced  fair 
dealing  with  the  Indians.  William  Penn  generally  gets 
the  credit  for  this,  but  Minuit  preceded  him.  Honor  to 
whom  honor  is  due.  Eighteen  years  before  William  Penn 
was  born,  Minuit  made  his  treaty  with  the  Indians,  buying 
their  land  of  them.  He  bought,  in  1626,  the  island  of 
Manhattan  (22,000  acres,  now  New  York  city)  for 
twenty-four  dollars.  Although  the  Spaniards  waded 
through  seas  of  blood  to  capture  Mexico,  Minuit,  on  the 
other  hand,  by  the  treaty  of  purchase,  secured  their  lands 
by  peace.  Although  the  Dutch  had  already  secured  the 
Hudson  by  right  of  discovery,  he  determined  to  secure  it 
by  a  higher  right — that  of  purchase.  It  was,  however,  a 
shrewd  act,  for  this  fair  policy  with  the  Indians  made-  the 
Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  the  firm  friends  of  the  Dutch. 
They  ever  remained  the  friends  of  the  New  York  colony, 


28  THK    GKHMAX    liEFOUMKD   CHURCH    IX    V.    8. 

and  atti'i-wards  became  the  bulwark  to  })n)teet  the  e()h)nv 
against  the  Algonquin  tribes  of  Canada,  and  their  allies, 
the  French.  Having  bought  the  island,  he  built  on  it  a 
four-angled  fort.  He  fostered  agriculture  and  pasturage 
on  the  island.  He  also  fostered  friendshij)  with  the  gov- 
ernor of  Xew  England,  so  that  his  colony  might  be 
strengthened  against  their  common  foe,  the  Spaniards. 
His  administration  was  so  successful  that  when  he  resigned 
and  sailed  for  Holland  in  March,  1632,  he  took  with  him 
five  hundred  beaver  skins,  and  the  fur  trade  had  risen  dur- 
ing his  administration  to  14,300  gulden  ($57,200).  Dur- 
ing the  six  years  of  his  administration  he  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  future  metropolis  of  America,  as  w(>ll  as  the 
foundation  of  one  of  our  greatest  states. 

He  was  not  only  a  wise  statesman,  but  also  a  zealous 
member  of  the  Reformed  Church,  and  in  this  was  quite  in 
contrast  with  his  successors.  Van  Twiller  and  Kieft,  -who, 
like  Gallio,  '  cared  for  none  of  these  things.'  He  founded 
not  merely  the  city  and  the  state,  but  the  first  Protestant 
congregation  in  this  country.  This  congregation  had  ser- 
vices, it  is  said,  as  early  as  1614,  held  by  "  sick  consolers," 
and  worshiped  in  the  mill  loft  of  the  fort.  The  congrega- 
ti<m  is  now  the  Collegiate  lleformed  congregation  of  Xew 
York  city.  The  only  congregation  that  disj)uted  its  right 
to  be  the  oldest  in  America,  was  one  of  the  earlv  Couirre- 
gationalist  congregations  of  Boston,  wliich,  however,  since 
became  Unitarian,  so  that  this  Dutch  church  is  the  old- 
est evangelical  church  in  America. 


DUTCH    REFORMED    IN    XI']W    AJISTERDAM,  29 

AVe  have  said  that  Minuit  was  like  Count  John  j\Iau- 
rice  of  Brazil  in  treating-  tlie  Indians  fairly.  There  is  an- 
other interesting  parallel  between  the  Duteh  Chureh  in 
Brazil  and  in  New  York.  We  have  noticed  that  the  Dutch 
were  the  first  in  South  ^Vnierica  to  successfully  preach  the 
gospel  to  the  Indians.  The  Dutch  of  North  America  have 
the  same  honor.  Three  or  four  years  before  John  Eliot^  who 
generally  gets  the  credit  of  being  the  first  to  do  this,  a  Dutch 
minister  at  Albany,  Rev.  John  Megapolensis,  preached  to 
the  Indians.     He  came  to  Fort  Orange  (Albany)  1643. 

Minuit  having  resigned  because  he  attempted  to  resist 
the  oppressions  of  the  patroons  in  the  Ne\v  York  colony, 
and  was  not  sustained  in  it  by  the  West  India  Company 
returned  to  Holland.  Having  been  cast  aside  ]\v  the  AVest 
India  Company,  he  was  finally  engaged  by  a  Swedish  AVest 
India  Company  to  plant  a  colony  for  them  in  the  New 
World.  His  great  knowledge  of  America  enabled  him  to 
do  this  with  signal  success.  They  appointed  him  governor 
general,  and  in  August,  1637,  he  sailed  with  t^\'o  vessels, 
the  Key  of  Calmet  and  the  Griffin,  a  transport,  from  Goth- 
enburg in  Sweden.  They  finally  landed  in  Delaware  Bay 
at  Clarke's  Point,  March  15,  1638.  After  the  severe  ocean 
passage  through  which  they  passed,  this  land  seemed  a 
paradise  to  them,  and  so  they  named  it  Pai-adise  Point. 
He  landed  at  JNIincpias  Creek,  which  he  named  after  the 
queen  of  Sweden,  Christiana  Creek.  Here  he  pursued  the 
same  liumano  policy  toward  the  Indians  that  he  had  done 
in  New  York.     He,  and  not  Penn,  should  have  the  credit 


30  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

of  introducing  into  Pennsylvania  the  policy  of  buying;  the 
land  from  the  Indians.  For  on  March  29,  1638,  he 
bought  (from  the  very  same  Indians  who  44  years  after- 
wards treated  Avitli  AVilliam  Penn)  all  the  laud  from  Cape 
Henlopen  to  the  foils  of  the  Delaware  at  Trenton.  He 
was  as  successful  in  this  colony  as  at  New  York.  During 
the  first  year  3000  skins  Mere  exported.  He,  however, 
did  not  remain  long.  He  made  it  strong  by  fortifying  it, 
so  that  the  Dutch,  who  were  already  eyeing  it  with  envious 
eyes,  would  not  capture  it.  He  also  began  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  neighboring  governor  of  A'^irginia,  so  as  to 
aid  one  another  in  time  of  war.  He  then  sailed  for  St. 
Christoi)her,  West  Indies.  He  was  about  to  sail  away 
from  there  with  a  cargo  of  tobacco,  when  a  Dutch  captain 
invited  him  to  pay  him  a  visit.  AVhile  on  that  shij)  a  ter- 
rible hurricane  came  uj),  and  it  foundered  with  all  on  board. 
As  he  was  of  French  blood,  yet  of  German  birth,  and 
in  the  employ  of  the  Dutch,  he  was  well  fitted  to  represent 
the  future  Reformed  churches  of  America,  which  have 
been  made  up  of  Dutch,  German  and  French  elements. 
And  his  colony  in  Delaware,  though  Swedish  Lutheran, 
nevertheless  indirectly  ])repared  the  way,  as  we  shall  see, 
for  the  founding  of  the  German  Reformed  Church  in  Penn- 
sylvania. Tiiough  dead,  his  Reformed  faith  followed  after 
him  as  a  l)lessed  legacy  to  our  Church.* 

*  For  a  full  account  of  the  life  of  Minuit  see  the  excellent  monograph 
"  Minuit's  Memorial,"  by  Rev  Cyrus  Cort,  D.  D.  See  also  the  "Reformed 
Church  Magazine,"  December,  1893. 


CHAPTER  I.— SECTION  V. 

THE  PALATINATE  SETTLEMENT  IN  NEW  YORK.    - 

It  looked  at  first  as  if  the  German  Reformed  Church 
Avoidd  be  founded  in  America  at  other  places  than  iu 
Pennsylvania.  For  the  large  emigration  from  Germany 
and  Switzerland  started  not  for  Pennsylvania,  but  to  New 
York  north  of  it  and  to  the  Carolinas  south  of  it.  Caro- 
lina especially  seemed  to  be  at  first  the  goal  to  which  most 
of  the  colonists  looked,  though  many  were  diverted  in 
1709  to  New  York.  The  history  of  these  colonies  forms 
interesting  episodes  in  the  early  history  of  the  Reformed 
in  North  America  ;  and  as  they  are  incidentally  referred 
to  in  the  history  of  the  Coetus,  it  will  be  necessary  to  con- 
sider them.  We  take  up  first  the  settlement  of  the  Pala- 
tines in  the  state  of  New  York. 

In  1709  occurred  a  most  remarkable  exodus  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Ptdatiuate  to  London.*  The  whole 
Palatinate  seemed  to  be  emptying  itself  down  the  Rhine 
into  Loudon. f 

*  The  Palatinate  lay  mainly  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rhine,  from  near 
Bingen  on  the  Rhine  southward  to  near  Strassburg,  while  its  capital,  Heidel- 
berg, was  located  east  of  the  Rhine. 

t  These  Germans  were  called  Palatines,  because  most  of  them  were  from 
the  Palatinate      For  a  very  interesting  account  of  this   emigration  «ee   "  The 


32     THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

The  reasons  suggested  for  tliis  reiiuirkaMc  movement 
have  been  various.  The  general  impression  heretofore 
has  been  that  it  was  due  to  religious  oppression  in  the 
Palatinate.  But  latterly  the  tendeney  has  been  to  mini- 
mize this  reason,  until  we  thin!-:  historians  have  gone 
entirely  too  far  in  this  extreme.  But  Cobb  has  well  said, 
"  Why  should  the  emigration  be  so  largely  from  the  Pa- 
latinate, and  not  from  all  Germany,  indess  there  were 
])eeuliar  causes  that  predisposed  them  to  leave  their  coun- 
try. These  are  to  be  found  in  the  French  invasion  and 
the  religious  oppression  of  a  Catholic  prince."  The  three 
general  reasons  may  be  stated,  as  religious  oppression,  Avar 
and  poverty. 

1.  War. — This  reason  is  given  in  their  petition  to  the 
queen  of  England,  as  it  says  that  the  exactions  of  the  French 
in  their  country  and  the  burning  of  2,000  villages  were 
the  cause  of  the  emigration.  The  Palatinate  was  the  bor- 
der land  between  France  and  Germany,  near  enough  to 
France  to  be  easily  overrun,  and  yet  too  fir  from  Vienna, 
the  capital  of  Germany,  to  receive  aid  quickly.  The  war 
of  1688-9  had  left  the  Palatinate  a  vast  waste.  "  Ravage 
the  Palatinate"  was  then  the  brutal  coiimiand  of  King 
I^ouis  XIV.  of  France  (a  modern  Attila),  and  twelve  hun- 
dred towns  and  villages  went  up  in  smoke  and  were  left 
in  ruins.     Then  he  sent  his  army  again   in    1G93   to  com- 

Story  of  the  Palatines,"  by  Sanford  H.  Cobb,  pablished  by  Putnam?,  1897. 
Also  the  recent  most  excellent  yearly  publicutions  of  the  Pennsylvniiia  Ger- 
man Society.     In  German,  "  Die  Deutschen  im  Staate  New  York,  von  Kapp." 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YORK.  33 

plete  the  desolation.  Nor  did  the  war  cease  then.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  next  century  came  the  wars  of  the  Span- 
ish succession,  which  lasted  from  1701 — 1713,  when  the 
European  powers  united  against  France,  and  the  Palatinate 
again  at  times  became  the  scene  of  marching  armies  to  and 
fro  to  the  main  scenes  of  war  in  Bavaria,  Italy  and  the 
Netherlands.  In  1707  Marshal  Villars  led  a  French 
army  through  the  Palatinate,  which,  the  Palatines  told 
Queen  Anne,  repeated  the  awful  destructions  of  1689  and 
1693.  The  catechism  of  the  Palatines,  published  in  Lon- 
don in  1709,  says  "  Villars  and  his  army  reduced  the 
Palatinate  to  a  perfect  wilderness,  not  leaving  the  poor 
Reformed  so  much  as  a  house  to  hide  their  heads  in  or 
hardly  clothes  to  cover  their  nakedness."  The  result  of 
all  this  was  that  when  there  was  the  slightest  rumor  of 
war,  or  of  the  approach  of  a  hostile  army,  it  had  the  effect 
of  an  ague  fit  on  the  inhabitants,  making  them  shake  and 
tremble  in  their  souls.  And  the  invasion  of  Villars,  just  a 
year  or  two  before  their  coming  to  London,  was  a  suffi- 
cient preparation  for  that  movement. 

2.  Poverty. — Wars  always  produce  poverty,  especially 
the  kind  of  war  then  carried  on,  when  an  army  lived  off  the 
country  through  which  it  passed.  In  addition  to  the 
devastations  of  war,  nature  seemed  to  have  turned  against 
them,  as  the  winter  of  1708-9  was  intensely  severe  in 
Europe.  We  have  found  a  petition  of  the  Palatinate  con- 
sistory of  May  22,  1709,  reciting  a  previous  petition  of 
3 


34  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.   S. 

April  25  and  29,  askint!;  that  on  account  of  the  poverty  of" 
many  of  the  Palatines  (whereby  many  of  them  were  U'avin<>; 
the  country)  tliat  tlie  ten  thousand  hundred  weiiiht  of  flour 
ordered  for  the  soldiers  (a  lar<i^e  part  of  which  was  not 
then  needed)  be  j»;iven  to  tliem.  The  Elector,  by  June  V-l, 
o-ranted  two  or  three  tliousand  hundred  wei*2:ht,  and  this  to 
be  returned  when  they  had  gathered  their  harvest.  This 
niggardly  gift  (indeed,  not  a  gift,  only  a  loan,)  shows  the 
attitude  of  the  court  in  tlie  matter,  and  led  to  dissatisfac- 
tion among  the  people.  After  such  wars  and  such  a  win- 
ter many  became  very  poor.  No  ^yonder  that  so  many 
sought  the  new  world. 

3.  Religious  Persecution. — The  Palatinate  ha<l 
been  a  Reformed  country,  but  in  l()8o  the  sceptre  passed 
into  the  hands  of  a  Catholic  line  of  princes.  Their  new 
ruler  had  not  been  able  to  begin  his  religious  oppressions 
(which  afterwards  came  upon  them  and  lasted  for  a  cen- 
tury), when  suddenly  the  French  wars,  of  which  we  spoke, 
burst  upon  them.  Of  course  the  French,  as  Catholics, 
oppressed  them  as  heretics  and  took  away  their  churches. 
When  the  French  retired,  then  their  ruler,  who  ought  to 
have  been  their  friend,  did  not  give  back  their  churches, 
taken  bv  the  French,  especially  west  of  the  Rhine  ;  I'or 
both  were  alike  (  atholie  and  sought  to  injure  (heir  Protes- 
tant faith.  Their  opj)rcssions  became  so  great  that  by 
1705  they  attracted  the  attention  of  all  Europe — so  great 
that  three  kings,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  the  King  of 


PALATINATE    SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YOEK.  35 

England,  and  tlie  Ijandi>Tave  of  Hesse  Cassel,  closed  up 
some  of  the  Catholic  churches  in  retaliation  until  the  Elec- 
tor of  the  Palatinate  gave  them  back  their  churches.* 
This  oppression  occurred  just  a  few  years  before  the  emi- 
gration. These  persecutions  were  the  cause  of  their  desire 
for  religious  freedom.  AVe  are  aware  that  there  is  extant 
a  declaration  of  the  Reformed  consistory  of  Heidelberg  ot 
June  27,  1701),t  which  declares  there  was  no  persecution 
But  coni})ared  with  the  other  facts,  it  reads  like  a  state 
paper  rather  than  a  free  act — that  is,  one  forced  from 
them  by  the  authority  of  their  Catholic  rider.  The 
very  fact  that  there  was  need  for  such  action  shows 
that  there  must  have  been  cause  for  it  somewhere.  So 
much  smoke  must  have  had  a  fire  to  cause  it  somewhere. 
On  July  9,  1709,  the  Reformed  consistory  sent  some  com- 
plaints to  the  Elector  about  religious  oppressions.  This 
dissatisfaction  became  so  widespread  among  the  Palatines 
by  the  end  of  July  that  the  Ecclesiastical  Council  of  the 
l^alatinate  was  led  to  contradict  them  so  as  to  prevent 
more  emigrations.  Still  all  these  acts  but  show  there  was 
dissatisfaction  among  the  Palatines  about  their  religious 
condition.  The  truth  was  that  although  seemingly  the 
Reformed  gained  religious  liberty  in  1705,  yet  the  facts 
show  it  was  not  so.  There  were  constant  sources  of  fric- 
tion between  tiie  Reformed  and  the  court.     We  saw  scores 

*  See  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Germany,  by  Rev.  James  I.  Good, 
D.  D.,  pages  225-276. 

t  See  Lutheran  Quarterly,  April,  1897. 


36  THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

of  Gravamina  in  the  Palatine  archives,  and  found  a  later 
book  (1722)  in  the  British  Museum  full  of  cases  of  com- 
plaints. The  pamphlet  entitled  "An  account  of  the 
present  condition  of  the  Palatines,"  published  in  I^ondon, 
1699,  declares  that  the  suffering  of  the  Palatinate  was  as 
bad  as  that  of  the  Huguenots  in  France  had  been.  Among 
other  instances  it  cites  the  following  :  "A  certain  woman 
at  Seckenheim,  near  I^adenburg,  married  to  a  Papist  hus- 
band, having,  however,  brought  up  in  the  Protestant 
religion  her  daughter,  she  desired  the  minister  of  the 
place  to  admit  her  to  the  participation  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
pet,  being  at  the  age  required  by  the  discipline  of  our 
churches,  which  the  minister  did  without  any  manner  of 
scruple.  The  proceeding  was  doubtless  very  innocent  and 
justifiable  by  all  divine  and  human  laws,  but  it  seemed  so 
great  a  crime  to  the  papists  that  the  poor  minister  was 
taken  up,  committed  a  close  prisoner,  and  fined  200  florins. 
Would  any  one  think  afterward  that  we  enjoy  a  free 
liberty  of  conscience  ?  An  inhabitant  of  Wiesloch,  a  papist 
by  birth  and  profession,  but  a  more  honest  man  than  the 
generality  of  his  persuasion,  married  some  time  ago  a 
Protestant  wife  ;  and  it  was  agreed  and  covenanted  between 
them  that  the  children  should  be  christened  and  brought  up 
in  the  Protestiint  religion.  His  wife  being  brought  to  be 
of  a  male  child,  he,  according  to  his  ])romis(',  got  liim 
christened  by  the  Protestant  minister  of  the  parish,  which  so 
incensed  the  popish  clergy  that  they  got  an  order  to  carry 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT   IN   NEW   YORK.  37 

liim  to  Heidelberg,  where  he  has  been  kept  a  close  pris- 
oner and  very  severely  used  and  forced  to  pay  a  line  of  50 
florins  to  come  out."  Such  were  some  of  the  persecutions 
that  made  them  long  for  religious  freedom. 

These  were  the  main  causes  why  the  Palatines  left 
their  fair  land  in  such  crowds  to  try  the  dangers  of  uncer- 
tain emigration  and  the  terrible  sea.  They  sought  for  free- 
dom of  conscience,  for  civil  liberty  and  for  a  competence 
in  the  land  beyond  the  Atlantic.  In  addition  to  these 
general  reasons  there  were  several  direct  causes  for  the 
emigration.  The  general  causes  just  mentioned  brought 
the  popular  feeling  into  such  a  state  of  dissatisfaction  that 
it  needed  but  a  match  to  set  ofP  the  powder  magazine. 
The  following  were  the  direct  causes. 

1.  The  Kocherthal  Emigration  and  the  Nat- 
uralization Act  of  England. — Rev.  Joshua  Kocher- 
thal, a  Lutheran  minister  of  the  Palatinate,  visited  Eng- 
land in  1704,  after  the  French  invasion  of  the  Palatinate 
in  1703,  to  inquire  about  the  expediency  of  emigrating 
with  his  people  to  America.  He  returned  and  published 
a  small  pamphlet  entitled  "  Full  and  Circumstantial 
Report  Concerning  the  Renowned  District  of  Carolina  in 
English  America."  It  was  issued  in  1706,  and  a  second 
edition  in  1709,  and  again  in  1711.  In  January,  1708, 
he,  together  with  61  persons,  applied  to  Davenant,  the 
government  agent  of  England  at  Frankford-on-t he-Main, 
for  passes,  money  and  recommendations  to  go  to  England . 


38  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   V.   8. 

Davenant  refused  until  their  Elector  had  :i|>])n)V('d  of  tlieir 
departure.  In  spite  of  this  rebuff  Kochcrthnl  and  his 
party  found  their  way  throuiih  Germany  in  Marrli,  and  he 
arrived  in  London  in  Ajiril  with  a  hand  of  41,  of  whom 
26  were  Reformed  and  15  Lutherans.  The  (jueen  eonsid- 
ered  sending  them  away  to  one  of  the  West  India  islands, 
as  Jamaica  or  Antigua.  (Nothing  is  mentioned  ahont  ( 'ar- 
olina.)  They,  however,  objected,  as  tlie  climate  was  too 
warm.  8o  at  her  expense,  after  they  had  been  naturalized 
May  10,  they  were  sent,  54  in  number,  in  company  with 
Lord  Lovelace,  the  new  governor,  to  New  York,  arriving 
there  January  1,  1709. 

But  Lord  Ijovelaee  died  by  the  end  of  May,  17()!),  and 
Kocherthal  then  returned  to  England  to  j)ray  the  (pieen 
for  her  support.  He  came  back  to  find  London  full  of  his 
countrymen,  who  had  been  drawn  to  that  city  by  tiie  very 
kind  reception  given  to  his  party  the  year  before.  On 
March  28,  1709,  the  British  government  passed  the  Nat- 
uralization Act,  which  allowed  the  foreign  Protestants  to 
become  citizens.  Some  writers  as  Cobb  doubt  whether  the 
Naturalization  Act  had  nuich  to  do  with  drawing  the  Pal- 
atines to  England,  because  the  time  was  too  short  for  them 
to  hear  of  it.  They  seem  to  think  that  it  was  the  (|iieen's 
kindness  to  Kocherthal  that  was  the  bait  ibr  them.  Uiit 
it  is  likely  that  this  Act  drew,  if  not  the  earlier  emigrants, 
the  later  ones,  and  was  looked  upon  as  only  another  i)ledgc 
of  England's    kindly    feeling.     The   distressed    Palatines 


PALATINATE    SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YOllK.  39 

liaviiii:;  heard  of  all  this  kindness  of  England  to  the  Ger- 
mans, reasoned  that  if  England  would  treat  his  party  sO 
well,  she  would  do  the  same  for  them. 

2.  TuF.  Golden  Book. — It  was  eustoniary  at  that 
time  for  the  German  land  companies,  who  had  taken  up 
1  uids  in  I'ennsylvania,  to  seatter  fiaming  advertisements 
thi-ough  (jlermany  and  iSwitzerland.  The  Palatines  re- 
ported that  a  circular  called  the  Golden  Book  (so  called 
bjcause  it  had  u  picture  of  the  (iueen  of  England  in  the 
front,  and  because  the  title  page  ^s'as  in  letters  of  gold), 
hid  been  scattered  through  (jermany.  It  aimed  to  encour- 
ai;e  them  to  go  to  England,  so  as  to  be  sent  to  Carolina, 
or  some  other  of  the  English  colonies.  All  efforts  to  find 
s  ich  a  book  have  hitherto  proved  fruitless.  Queen  Anne 
n  'ver  issued  such  a  book,  if,  indeed,  it  ever  existed.  The 
bi)ok  seems  to  l)e  mythical  as  yet,  but  undoubtedly  there 
was  something  at  the  basis  of  this  report  which  caused 
such  a  fiu'ore  among  the  Germans  for  England  and 
America. 

.3.  Tme  Unusual  Cold  of  the  Previous  Win- 
ter (17U<S-i)). — "  Birds  perished  on  the  wing,"  says  Wei- 
ser,  "  beasts  in  their  lairs,  and  mortals  fell  dead  in  the 
way."  The  winter  grains  were  destroyed  by  severe  frosts, 
as  were  the  fruit  trees.  Wine  froze  in  their  cellars  and 
the  vines  iu  their  vineyards. 

These  three  were  the  direct  causes  that  started  the 
movement.     Thev  are  like  a  match  to  infianimable  stuff. 


40  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

Still  above  these  reasons  was  another  and  a  grander. 
Under  God  it  was  one  of  the  great  movements  of  His 
providence  to  make  North  America  Protestant ;  and  also  to 
found  the  United  States,  of  which  the  Germans  were  a 
large  and  important,  though,  often  forgotten  element. 

The  refugees  began  coming  to  London  about  May  first, 
and  by  the  end  of  June  there  were  many  tliousands  there. 
As  most  of  them  were  utterly  without  means,  Loudon  soon 
swarmed  with  beggars.  By  May  12  their  petition  was 
presented  to  the  royal  connnissioners  by  the  Lutheran 
minister,  Tribekko.  The  complaints  against  them,  how- 
ever, became  so  great  that  the  English  government  sent  an 
order  to  Holland,  June  24,  to  prevent  any  more  from  com- 
ing to  London.  Still,  in  spite  of  it,  the  English  minister 
allowed  3,000  more  to  come,  as  the  Dutch  would  not 
receive  them.  The  Dutch,  too,  it  is  supposed,  secretly 
connived  to  send  them  to  England  so  as  to  get  them  away 
from  Holland.  The  city  council  of  Rotterdam  placed  two 
yachts  on  the  rivers  Waal  and  Maas,  and  thus  turned  one 
thousand  of  them  back.  They  continued  coming  as  late  as 
October,  1709,  although  there  is  a  proclamation  of  the 
English  government  against  their  coming  as  late  as 
December. 

Of  the  arrivals  there  are  four  lists  taken  by  the  Luth- 
eran ministers.  The  first  is  of  the  arrivals  (May  6)  at  St. 
Catharines.  It  consists  of  852  names,  and  is  headed  by 
Casper  Turck,  a  Reformed  student  of  theology,  aged  25 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT   IN    NEW   YORK.  41 

years,  of  whom  we  know  nothing.  Of  the  families  (210  in 
number)  122  were  Reformed.  The  second  list  is  of  the 
arrivals  (May  27),  and  numbers  1193.  The  third  list  is 
of  the  arrivals  of  June  2,  2756  in  number.  The  fourth 
list  is  of  the  atrivals  of  June  11,  numbering  1745.  These 
lists  make  a  total  of  6,546.  These,  however,  were  not  all 
who  arrived.  For  on  June  23,  Tribekko  asked  to  be 
relieved  of  the  onerous  task,  as  the  two  Lutheran  minis- 
ters, entrusted  with  the  matter,  were  worn  out,  one  of  them 
being  already  sick.  So  no  more  lists  were  kept.  The 
total  number  that  arrived,  according  to  one  account,  is  said 
to  be  15,313,  of  whom  more  than  half  (8589)  were  from 
the  Palatinate.  Most  of  them  were  Reformed.  Hence 
their  interest  to  us.  We  have  counted  the  four  lists  and 
find  in  them  that  of  the  heads  of  families  and  single 
men  and  women,  715  were  Reformed,  673  Lutherans,  and 
516  Catholics,  with  12  Baptists,  and  3  Mennonites.  We 
do  not  yet  understand  why  the  Reformed  Church,  of  Lon- 
don, is  not  mentioned  as  aiding  them.  Perhaps  because 
the  Lutherans  were  made  by  tlie  crown  their  official 
agents. 

England  had  to  bestir  herself  or  these  emigrants  would 
starve  at  her  very  doors.  London  was  not  the  Jjondon 
of  to-day.  The  arrival  of  fifteen  thousand  strangers  in  the 
present  city  of  London  would  not  produce  any  ajipreciable 
effect  on  the  city's  population.  But  the  London  of  that 
day  was  a  small  city,  and  the  arrival  of  so  many  paupers 


42  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

meant  a  great  strain  on  licr  charities.  Yet  something  had 
to  be  done  and  done  (juiekly.  The  (jueen  was  favorable 
to  them,  and  granted  them,  out  of  the  royal  bounty,  160 
pounds  daily.  80  Avas  the  Whig  party  favorable.  It  was 
they  who  had  caused  the  passage  of  the  Foreign  Naturali- 
zation xVct.  lint  their  rivals,  the  Tories,  who  had 
opposed  that  bill,  were  oi)i)osed  to  the  coming  of  these 
Palatines.  The  latter  were  aided  by  the  lower  classes  of 
England,  who  looked  at  the  arrival  of  these  strangers  as 
interfering  with  labor,  and  lowering  the  prices  paid  for 
labor.  Tliey  were  also  angry  as  they  saw  these  foreigners 
getting  charities  which  they  thought  by  right  belonged  to 
the  English,  liesides  the  maintenance  of  the  Palatines 
made  the  poor  taxes  lieavier.  The  queen,  however,  went 
ahead.  Em])ty  warehouses,  or  dwellings,  were  taken 
for  them  wherever  found.  Tiie  (pieen  also  ordered  a 
thousand  army  tents  to  be  given  to  them.  These  were 
put  u])  June  21,  and  tliey  were  encamped  on  Black  Heath, 
southeast  of  London.  Scmie  of  them  were  also  placed  at 
C'amberwell,  two  miles  from  St.  Paul's.  Barns  were  used 
until  needed  for  crops.  TIjc  j)arish  of  Newington  ])ut  up 
four  buildings  for  them,  whose  relics  still  remain  in  the 
hamlet,  known  to-day  as  the  Palatine  Houses. 

The  (|ueen  also  a|)poiiited  a  large  eonnnittee,  consist- 
ing of  ninety-six  persons  in  all,  to  receive  monies  to  aid 
them.  This  committee  was  headed  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  the  Lord  High  Chancellor.      It  consisted 


PALATINATE    SETTLEMENT    TX    NEW   YORK.  43 

of  lords,  and  dukes,  and  earls,  as  well  as  ministers  and 
merehants.  Collections  were  taken  tliroughont  the  king- 
dom, and  the  sum  of  19,838  pounds,  11  shillings,  and  1 
pence  was  raised  for  them.  The  cost  of  their  support 
while  iu  England  was  135,775  pounds  and  18  shillings. 

The  problem  before  the  English  people  was  what  to  do 
with  these  Palatines.  They  had  come  unbidden,  but  they 
were  not  to  be  gotten  rid  of  so  easily.  A  few,  ))ut  compara- 
tively few,  found  places  in  London  by  going  into  their 
trades  or  entering  domestic  service.  Those  that  were 
Catholics  (one-tenth  it  is  said)  were  sent  back  by  the 
English  government,  because  it  did  not  allow  foreign 
Romanists  in  England,  or  in  the  colonies.  She  had 
already  had  enough  political  trouble  with  them.  Some  of 
the  Romanists,  it  is  said,  became  Protestants  so  as  not  to 
be  returned  to  Germany.  The  committee,  before  men- 
tioned, whose  duty  it  was  to  collect  and  receive  the  monies, 
was  ordered  to  suggest  ways  and  means  of  getting  rid  of 
the  care  of  these  Palatines.  The  first  suggestion  made 
was  to  settle  them  in  small  companies  in  various  parts  of 
England,  just  as  the  Elector  of  l^randenburg  had  done  so 
successfully  witli  the  French  refugees,  in  Brandenburg,  at 
Halle,  Magdeburg,  etc.  But  tliis  was  found  imjiracticable. 
Still  quite  a  number  settled  (piietly  iu  some  such  way. 
Tiie  Palatines  were  finally  dis]>osed  of  iu  three  ways  : 

1.  The  first  party  was  sent  to  Ireland,  whither  it  was 
decided   to   scud   500   families.      The   parliament   voted 


44  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHtTRCH   IN   U.   S. 

24,000  pounds,  (16,000  first,  aud  8,000  later)  ;  aud  500 
families,  numbering  3,000,  were  sent  over,  beginning  in 
August,  aud  in  February,  1710,  800  more.  They  were 
settled  in  Munster.  An  English  traveller  writes  of  their 
descendants  early  in  this  century  :  "  They  have  left  off 
saner  kraut  and  taken  up  potatoes,  though  still  preserving 
their  own  language,"  And  another,  Kohl,  in  1840,  says 
they  have  not  lost  tlieir  home  character  for  probity  and 
honor,  and  are  much  wealthier  than  their  neighbors. 

2.  Another  shipment  was  for  the  Carolinas.  This 
expedition  will  be  described  in  the  following  Section.  It 
may,  however,  be  noted  in  passing,  that  six  hundred  of 
them  were  to  have  gone  to  the  Scilly  islands,  but  were 
never  sent. 

3.  The  largest,  and  the  one  in  which  we  are  particularly 
interested  in  this  section,  was  the  emigration  to  New 
York.  Awhile  the  English  government  was  perplexed  to 
know  what  to  do  with  them,  an  incident  occurred  that 
affected  the  future  of  the  Palatines.  A  delegation  from 
New  York  arrived  at  London,  headed  by  Mayor  Peter 
Schuyler,  of  Albany.  They  brought  with  them  four 
Mohawk  chiefs,  as  specimens  of  the  new  colony,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  fully  impressed  with  the  greatness  of 
England.  These  Indians,  while  sight-seeing  in  London, 
were  taken  to  see  the  encamj)ment  of  the  Palatines. 
**  They  were  so  touched,"  says  Weiser,  "  at  the  distress  of 
the  Palatines  that  one  of  them,  unsolicited,  presented  the 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YORK.  45 

queen  with  a  tract  of  his  land  in  Schoharie,  New  York, 
for  their  benefit. 

Governor  Hunter,  the  newly  appointed  governor  of 
New  York,  proposed  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  November  30, 
1709,  that  3,000  be  sent  to  New  York  to  produce  naval 
stores  for  the  government — turpentine,  rosin,  tar  and 
pitch.  The  Board  of  Trade  brought  the  matter  before  the 
queen,  also  suggesting  that  if  placed  in  that  colony  they 
would  become  a  barrier  against  the  French  and  Indians. 
There  is  a  diiference  of  oijiuiou  as  to  the  date  of  the  Pala- 
tines' departure.  Weiser  says  on  Christmas  day.  But 
Tribekko's  farewell  sermon  was  not  preached  until  Jan- 
uary 20,  and  the  queen's  instructions  to  Hunter  were  not 
given  till  Jan.  26.  Kapp  places  it  in  April.  They  sailed 
from  Portsmouth,  where  their  ships  had  laid  some  time. 
They  landed  in  New  York  in  the  summer  of  1710.  The 
voyage  was  long  and  many  became  sick.  Crowded 
together  in  the  ships,  almost  to  suffocation,  with  insufficient 
food,  many  of  them  (407)  died.  Hardly  a  family  among 
them  had  not  been  touched  by  death,  and  there  were  nearly 
fifty  widows  and  100  orphans  to  be  provided  for.  They 
landed,  as  Professor  Jacobs  says,  "a  crushed,  sick  and 
dispirited  band  of  exiles."  They  were  in  such  a  sickly  con- 
dition that  the  authorities  placed  them  outside  the  city  on 
Nutten  (now  Governor's)  island.  In  the  autumn  of  1710, 
they  were  removed  up  the  Hudson  river  and  settled  on 
both  sides  of  the  river  at  East  Camp  (now  Germantown) 
and  West  Camp,  south  of  Catskill. 


46  THE  GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

They  were  soon  put  to  Avork  preparing;  the  trees  for 
extracting  of  tar,  ete.  They  Avere  not  verA'  well  satisfied 
with  their  lot.  Still  when  the  Avar  broke  out  Avitli  the 
French  in  Canada,  300  of  them  (about  half  of  the  Ncav 
York  contingent  of  troops,  it  is  said,)  volunteered.  But 
the  efforts  to  extract  tar  from  the  forests  of  NeAV  York, 
thus  to  proA'ide  naA'al  stores  for  England,  AA'ere  not  a  suc- 
cess. Hunter  tried  by  force  to  make  them  do  it.  But  the 
trouble  Avas  the  trees  Avould  not  yield  it.  The  tar  bearing 
trees  in  America  do  not  groAA'  north  of  Virginia,  and  from 
that  district  they  extend  soutliAvard  to  the  gulf,  and  are 
knoAvn  as  the  Georgia  pine.  Up  to  the  summer  of  1712, 
instead  of  the  expected  50,000  barrels,  only  three  score 
barrels  Avere  made  from  1 00,000  trees.  There  Avas  another 
cause  for  the  foilure  of  this  effort  to  make  tar.  The  Whig 
party,  Avhich,  as  avc  have  seen,  supported  the  Palatines, 
gave  place  in  England  to  the  Tories,  Avho  opposed  any 
more  aid  to  the  Palatines.  The  Board  of  Trade  of  Jjon- 
don  took  up  their  cause,  but  with  a  languid  interest.  Still 
their  slight  interest  in  it  led  to  a  correspondence  between 
Governor  Plunter  and  themselves  that  is  very  Aaluabk' 
noAV  for  its  historical  references.  But  as  the  Tory  ])arty, 
Avhich  Avas  noAV  in  i)ower,  would  not  aid  him,  (Joveruor 
Hunter  Avas  compelled  to  give  uj)  the  making  of  tai-  by  the 
Palatines,  as  he  had  involved  himself  in  debt  liy  tin-  under- 
taking. The  Tories  repealed  the  Foreign  Naturalization 
Act  in  1712. 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW   YORK.  47 

The  Palatiues  liaviii(^  made  one  emigration,  \^'ere  now 
ready  for  another.  They  had  become  dissatisfied  with 
what  they  considered  the  oppressions  of  Governor  Hnnter. 
The  vision  of  Schoharie  was  ever  on  their  minds  as  their 
Mecca  and  Eldorado.  The  governor  fonnd  himself  so  im- 
poverished by  1712  that  he  was  forced  to  inform  them  on 
October  31  that  they  mnst  depend  on  their  own  resources 
for  support.  This  news  spread  consternation  among  them, 
as  winter  was  near  at  hand  and  starvation  threatened  them. 
But  with  the  fertility  of  resource  common  to  a  German 
they  set  to  work.  They  remembered  the  gift  of  the  Indian 
chieftain  in  London.  They  sent  a  dejjutation  of  seven  of 
their  leading  men  to  spy  out  the  laud.  An  Indian  piloted 
them  to  it  from  Albany.  The  Indians  readily  gave  them 
the  land,  that  had  been  promised  to  them  in  London,  for 
$300.  They  went  to  Schoharie  in  two  bands.  Before  the 
winter  set  in,  the  first  went  to  it,  consisting  of  fifty  families. 
These  fell  to  work  and  in  t^vo  weeks  cleared  a  way  through 
the  woods  fifteen  miles  long  at  the  end  of  the  journey. 
They  had  hardly  arrived  at  their  new  home  when  an  order 
from  the  governor  came  declaring  them  rebels,  and  order- 
ing their  return.  But  it  was  too  late  to  return,  as  winter 
had  set  in,  and  besides  return  meant  starvation.  During 
that  winter  they  almost  starved,  and  would  have  done  so 
if  the  Indians  had  not  helped  them.  In  March,  1713,  the 
second  band  of  100  families  started  from  the  Hudson. 
They  traveled  two  weeks  through  snow  three  feet  deep, 


48  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    IT.    S. 

suffering  much  from  cold  and  hunger,  the  distance  being 
ninety  miles.  They  fondly  compared  themselves  to  the 
Israelites  leaving  Egypt,  and  called  Governor  Hunter  their 
Pharaoh.  They,  however,  had  not  been  there  long  before 
their  title  to  their  lands  was  questioned  by  unscrupulous 
men,  who  claimed  it  had  l)een  given  them  by  the  govern- 
ment. When  the  government  tried  to  gain  the  territory 
by  force  they  resisted.  The  sheriff  came  against  them, 
when  the  women  took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands,  led 
by  Magdalena  Zeh,  and  they  rode  him  on  a  rail  for  seven 
miles  or  more,  and  finally  left  him  with  two  ribs  broken 
and  worse  indignities,  to  find  his  way  home.  He  never 
returned  after  that.  Their  controversy  with  the  govern- 
ment hung  fire  for  several  years.  A  conference  with  Gov- 
ernor Hunter  in  1717  ended  fruitlessly. 

So  they  determined  to  appeal  to  the  English  crown  for 
support  of  their  rights.  They  therefore  sent  a  deputation 
to  London  in  1718,  consisting  of  the  elder  Weiser,  Scliefl' 
and  Walrath.  They  set  out  secretly,  as  AVeiser  had  l)een 
ordered  by  the  governor  to  be  lumg  for  insubordination  on 
account  of  the  land  titles.  They  did  not  sail  from  New 
York,  but  went  by  way  of  Philadelphia,  where  they  set 
sail.  ]5ut  their  vessel  was  taken  by  pirates  and  they  were 
robbed,  l^rought  back  to  Boston,  they  again  set  out  and 
arrived  at  London  penniless.  They  were  there  thrown 
into  the  debtors'  prison.  The  result  of  their  privations 
was  that  Walrath  died  in  London.     Scheff  quarreled  with 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YOEK.  49 

Weiser  and  returned  to  America  in  1721,  where  he  died 
six  mouths  after  in  New  York  city.  Even  in  prison  they, 
however,  foinid  a  way  of  f2:etting  the  ear  of  the  king. 
Their  petition  was  referred  to  the  London  Board  of  Trade. 
Remittances  of  money  finally  came  to  them  from  home, 
and  Weiser  was  released  from  prison.  He  kept  up  the 
fight  for  their  rights,  remaining  in  London  for  five  years, 
and  in  1725  he  returned  to  New  York,  having  gained 
nothing.  INIeanwhile  the  New  York  government  had  not 
been  idle  in  pressing  its  claims.  It  had  some  of  the  lead- 
ers of  the  Palatines  arrested,  among  them  Conrad  Weiser, 
the  }'ouuger,  who  after\\'ards  became  the  famous  Indian 
interpreter.  These  were  taken  to  Albany  and  released 
only  after  they  had  acknowledged  the  rights  of  their 
enemies  to  the  lands. 

The  Palatines  having  made  two  emigrations,  were  now 
ready  for  a  third.  Dissatisfied  with  their  lot  and  their 
treatment,  they  Avere  ready  to  seek  a  home  elsewhere. 
Some  of  them  went  over  into  the  Mohawk  valley  and 
settled.  The  others  with  whom  we  are  most  interested 
came  to  Tulpehocken,  Pennsylvania.  It  came  about  in 
this  way.  In  1722  Sir  William  Keith,  the  governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  visited  Albany  in  regard  to  a  treaty  with 
the  Indians.  He  there  learned  of  the  distressed  condition 
of  the  Palatines,  and  offered  them  an  asylum  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. Many  of  them  lost  little  time  in  accepting  it.  The 
first  company  started  in  the  spring  of  1723,  not  more  than 

4 


50  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

eight  months  after  Keith's  invitation.  They  were  k'd  hy 
Hartmau  Vinedecker,  and  consisted  of  33  famihes.  They 
ascended  the  Schoharie  a  few  miles,  then  led  by  an  Indian 
guide  they  went  OA^er  the  mountains  to  the  head-waters  of 
the  north  branch  of  the  Susquehanna.  There  they  con- 
structed rafts  or  canoes  for  the  women,  the  children  and 
the  furniture,  while  some  of  the  men  drove  the  cattle  down 
the  stream  along  the  shore. 

"  It  was  a  band  of  exiles :  a  raft  as  it  were    from  a 

shipwrecked 
Nation  scattered  along  the  coast,  now  floating  together, 
Bound  by  the  bonds  of  a  commoia  belief  and  a  common 

misfortune." 

They  traveled  down  the  Susquehanna  luitil  they  came 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Swatara  creek,  up  which  they  trav- 
eled until  they  came  to  the  district  of  Tul]>ehocken,  near 
Lebanon,  which  they  named  Heidelberg.  They  then 
wrote  back  to  their  friends,  in  New  York,  of  the  success  of 
their  journey.  In  1728  another  party  started,  led  by 
young  Conrad  Weiser,  who  afterwards  became  a  leader 
among  the  (lermans,  and  died  at  Womelsdorf,  1 7()().  Such 
was  the  romantic  story  of  the  Palatine  emigration  to  New 
York.  It  does  not  concern  us  in  Pennsylvania  (hi-eetly,as 
most  of  the  (irei-iii;ins  wlio  settled  in  New  Yori<  went  into 
the  Dutch  Reformed  Church.  But  indirectly  it  had  great 
influence.  For  the  sufferings  of  these  Palatines  in  New- 
York,  w^iien  they  became  known   among  (heir  friends   in 


PALATINATE   SETTLEMENT    IN    NEW    YORK.  51 

Germany,  so  turned  their  hearts  against  New  York,  that 
they  for  many  years  avoided  that  port.  While  Pennsyl- 
vania, by  its  warm  reception,  became  the  haven  sought  by 
thousands  of  Germans  within  the  last  century.  Many  of 
the  Palatines  in  New  York  were  later  served  by  some  of 
the  early  ministers  of  Pennsylvania,  as  by  Weiss,  and 
after  him  by  Rubel  and  others,  whom  we  will  meet  in 
connection  with  the  coetus. 


CHAPTER  I.— SECTION  VI. 

THE  SWISS  EMIGRATION  TO  CAROLINA. 

Although  this  emigration  took  some  of  the  Palatines 
from  London,  yet  this  colony  was  of  Swiss  origin  and  under 
Swiss  management.  The  furore  for  emigration  to  America 
I  also  seized  the  SavIss.  This  was  not  due  to  any  persecu- 
!  tion  in  Switzerland  as  in  the  Palatinate  (for  it  was  the  land 
of  freedom),  but  to  the  overcrowding  of  the  country  with 
refugees  from  other  countries,  who  since  the  Peformation 
had  found  an  asylum  there.  This  emigration  fever  seized 
the  Swiss  especially  at  two  periods,  about  1709  and  later 
about  1730.  The  first  was  the  colony  of  Graifenried  of 
Berne.  The  second  Avas  th(>  colony  of  Pury  of  Neuchatel. 
Of  the  first  only  we  will  speak  here,  the  latter  we  will  con- 
sider later  when  we  come  to  the  liic  of  Goctschi. 

The  canton  of  Berne  seems  to  have  been  at  first  favor- 
able to  colonization.  It  sent  out  Francis  Louis  Michel  to 
America  in  1701.  He  made  twojounicvs  across  the  ocean. 
On  the  first  lie  left,  October  8,  1701,  for  Basle,  arriving  at 
Potterdam,  October  30.  He  left  London,  December  15. 
He  returned  to  Berne  from  America,  December  1, 1702,  but 
left  again,  February  14, 1703,  for  America.  His  published 
yeports  and  letters  stirred  up  a  great  interest  about  the 


THE    SWI8S    EMIGRATION    TO   CAROLINA.  53 

CaroHnas.  Another  Swiss,  John  Rudolph  Ochs,  who  wont 
to  America  in  1705,  returned  to  P^nirUind  and  settled  in 
Ijondon.  He  there  became  a  Ciuaker  and  published  in 
1 71 1  "A  Guide  to  America"  at  Berne.  Quite  a  mnnber  of 
pamphlets  beg'un  to  l)e  ])ublished  in  Switzerland  about 
America,  es])ecially  about  the  CaroHnas.  These  prepared 
the  way  for  this  emigration.  But  it  was  Graffenried  who 
in  connection  with  Michel  (who  was  called  Mitchell  in 
Enghmd)  led  the  colony. 

Christopher  (Ttraft'enried  was  born  in  November,  1(361. 
A  year  and  a,  half  after  his  birth  his  mother  died,  and 
although  his  father  soon  married  again,  yet  as  a  boy  he 
showed  his  headstrong,  roving  disposition.  As  a  young- 
man  he  traveled  througli  Germany  to  Holland,  and  then 
to  England,  and  finally  to  Versailles  and  Paris,  making 
friends  everywhere  and  developing  his  intense  desire  for 
travel.  He  returned  to  Switzerland  and  married,  A})ril 
25,  1084.  When  ]Mich(>l  returned  Graffenreid  listened  to 
his  stories  of  America  witli  great  joy.  Finally  he  could 
hold  himself  back  no  longer,  and  in  1709  he  started  for 
England  with  the  idea  of  founding  a  colonv  in  Virginia. 
He  came  to  London  just  in  the  nick  of  time.  The  city 
was  overflooded  with  Palatines,  whom  the  British  were 
anxious  to  get  rid  of.  So  an  English  society  was  founded 
to  support  him,  which  stood  under  tiie  patronage  of  the 
queen,  who  gave  40( H )  ])()iiiids.  He  also  labored  among 
his  friends  at  Bern,  and  together  with  Michel  they  founded 


54    THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  V.   S. 

a  society  there^  named  George  Ritter  &  Co.,  with  a  capital 
of  7200  pounds.  He  and  Michel  bought  at  London  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors  10,000  acres  of  land  between  the  Xeusc 
and  Cape  Fear  rivers,  paying  20  shillings  sterling  for 
each  100  acres,  and  a  yearly  rental  of  six  jk'iicc  per  100 
acres.  The  surveyor  general  was  also  fo  lay  out  100,000 
acres  to  be  taken  up  afterward.  Under  the  feudal  consti- 
tution of  Locke  he  was  made  Landgrave  of  Carolina,  July 
28,  and  thus  became  one  of  the  English  nobility,  which 
greatly  suited  his  ambitious  fancy.  His  society  then  pro- 
posed to  take  a  number  of  these  Palatines  to  Carolina. 
He  agreed  with  the  queen's  commissioner,  October  10,  to 
transport  92  families  (600  persons),  to  give  to  each  family 
250  acres  for  five  years  free  of  rent  and  after  that  a  rental 
of  two  pence  an  acre.  They  were  to  be  furnished  with 
sufficient  tools  so  as  to  be  able  to  build  dwellings  and  till 
the  soil.  Within  four  months  after  their  arrival  they  were 
each  to  be  given  2  cows,  2  hogs,  2  ewe  sheep,  2  lambs,  2 
sows.  These  were  to  be  repaid  by  them  in  seven  years. 
The  royal  commissioners  allowed  Graifenried  and  Michel 
five  pounds  sterling  a  head  for  transporting  them,  and  gave 
to  each  colonist  one  pound  in  clothes  and  money. 

Together  with  a  small  colony  of  Swiss,  who  had  arrived 
at  London,  they  sailed,  650  in  all,  January,  1710.  Most 
of  them  were  strong  young  men;  but  the  storms,  the  i)oor 
food  and  the  close  quarters  caused  nuich  suffering,  and 
many  of  them  died  on  the  way.     A  French  shij)  captured 


The  SWISS  emigration  to  Carolina.  55 

the  best  of  the  vessels  even  at  the  mouth  of  the  James 
river.  They  then  went  from  Virginia  to  Carolina  by  laud 
on  account  of  the  dangers  of  the  sea.  Instead  of  the  land 
which  had  been  assigned  them,  Lawson,  the  surveyor  gen- 
eral, gave  to  them  the  cape  between  the  rivers  Neuse  and 
Trent,  a  hot  unhealthy  region,  which  was  still  occupied  by 
the  Indians.  Soon  they  came  into  the  greatest  want,  and 
had  to  give  up  clothes  and  tools  so  as  to  get  food  to  pre- 
serve their  lives. 

GrafFenried  did  not  go  out  with  his  colony.  He  deter- 
mined to  wait  for  a  second  expedition,  especially  as  Hitter 
had  opened  an  office  in  Switzerland  and  was  sending  some 
Swiss.  It  left  Berne,  March  18,  1710,  about  120  persons 
in  number,  not  counting  the  Anabaptists,  of  whon  the  can- 
ton was  very  anxious  to  be  rid,  but  who  were  retained  by 
their  brethren  in  Holland.  They  came  by  Rotterdam  to 
England.  At  Newcastle  Graffi?nriedjoined  the  expedition. 
They  weighed  anchor  on  July  6,  1710,  but  waited  on  the 
high  sea  for  a  fleet  which  was  to  accompany  them  and  pro- 
tect them  against  enemies.  They  sailed  together  till  the 
northern  end  of  Scotland,  when  seven  of  them  sailed  for 
America,  going  with  a  good  wind  between  the  Orkney  and 
Shetland  islands.  The  voyage  took  eight  weeks.  On  Sep- 
tember 10  they  lirst  saw  land.  They  sailed  down  the 
coast  of  Jersey  to  Cape  Henry  in  Virginia,  and  lauded  at 
the  mouth  of  the  James  river,  where  is  now  Hampton.  A 
long  journey  of  180  hours  was  still  necessary  to  reach  their 


56  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

colony.  Unforseen  difficulties  came  in  their  way.  The 
governor  of  North  Carolina  having  died,  there  was  strife 
between  the  parties.  The  Lords  Proprietors  had  elected 
Hyde  governor.  But  the  Dissenters  tried  to  put  Carp  in 
his  place  during  his  absence.  The  hitter  wanted  Graffen- 
ried  to  aid  them,  but  he  refused  and  recognized  Hyde.  In 
the  meanwhile  word  came  to  him  of  the  great  need  of  tlie 
Palatines  in  his  colony.  He  gathered,  as  quickly  as  he 
could,  means  of  subsistence  for  them  and  hastened  to  them. 
He  found  them  in  a  very  sad  coiulition,  most  of  them 
being  sick,  quite  a  contrast  to  his  ])arty  of  Bernese,  who 
were  all  well.  As  Colonel  Carp  would  not  recognize  Graf- 
fenried's  patents  to  his  land,  he  came  into  the  greatest  dan- 
ger. He  hardly  knew  what  to  do.  Money  he  had  not 
enough.  Yet  he  did  not  dare  leave  the  colony  or  he  would 
lose  his  reputation  as  an  honorable  man.  He  labored  with 
great  energy  to  get  food.  Meal  was*  ordered  from  Pemi- 
sylvania  and  food  was  sent  to  them  from  A'^irginia.  In  it 
all  he  pushed  forward  the  founding  of  the  colony,  which 
was  called  New  Berne.  Land  was  measured,  divided  among 
them  and  houses  were  built  on  it. 

Difficulties  began  with  the  Indians.  LaAVsou  urged 
Graffi'uried  to  drive  them  away,  but  he  refused,  wishing  to 
live  on  friendly  terms  with  them.  One  day  a  man  from 
Berne  cut  down  one  of  the  two  idols  beside  the  Indian's 
altar,  and  he  boasted  then  tliat  he  had  destroyed  the  devil. 
But  Graffisnried  did  not  apj)rove  of  it,  and  the  Indian  com- 


THE    SWISS    EMIGEATTON    TO    OAEOLINA.  57 

plained  bitterly.  This  was  the  beginning  of  trouble. 
Graftenried  now  proceeded  to  buy  this  land,  which  he  had 
already  twice  bought,  from  the  Indians  with  poM'der  and 
lead.  Unfortunately  this  ])ut  into  their  hands  tlie  Ncry 
instruments  for  the  colony's  desti'iiction.  The  (piarrcl 
between  Carp  and  Hyde  for  the  governorship  of  Nortli 
Carolina  continued  until  Hyde  was  recognized  as  governor. 
All  these  things,  however,  were  only  ])re])aring  for  a  worse 
catastrophe. 

In  the  fall  of  1711  came  the  great  massacre.  Two  of 
the  Indian  tribes,  the  Corees  and  Tuscarawas,  had  by  this 
time  become  jealous  of  the  intentions  of  the  white  men. 
Lawson,  the  surveyor  general,  together  whh  Graffenried, 
went  up  the  Neuse  river  with  two  Indians.  Two  negroes 
rowed  the  boat  and  one  of  the  Indians  led  (Tralfein'ied's 
horse  through  the  woods.  The  Indian  who  led  the  horse, 
went  off  to  Catechna  to  tell  the  news  of  their  coming.  His 
sudden  ap])earanee  brought  out  the  whole  village.  Tavo  of 
the  Indians  came  armed  to  the  shore  of  the  river.  Graf- 
fenried wanted  to  return,  but  Lawson  caused  a  lanchng  to 
be  made.  In  a  moment  they  were  surrounded  and  taken 
captive.  They  were  led  through  the  woods  to  the  Indian 
village.  In  the  evening  the  Indians  held  a  pow-wow  to 
consider  what  was  to  be  done  with  Graffenried  and  Lawson. 
The  Indians  decided  to  permit  them  to  return,  but  the 
next  day  two  strange  Indians  arrived  and  asked  for  a 
rehearing  of  the  case.     Lawson  uufortunately  got  into  con- 


58  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   V.   S. 

troversy  with  the  chief  of  the  Corees,  when  tliey  were  both 
attacked  and  bound.  The  Indians  began  their  wild  dance, 
and  Gratfenried  and  LaAvson  expected  death,  Graifenried 
succeeded  in  getting  into  communication  with  them  througli 
an  Indian  who  understood  English.  The  Tuscarawas  Indi- 
ans held  an  all-night  meeting,  and  in  the  morning  Graifen- 
ried was  set  free.  Lawson  was  put  to  death  most  cruelly 
by  having  pieces  of  splinters  driven  into  his  flesh  and  set 
on  tire.  Graifenried  saved  his  life  by  claiming  to  be  king 
of  the  Palatines,  and  asking  by  what  authority  they  would 
put  a  king  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  committed  no 
crime  against  them.  He  assured  the  Indians  that  he  was 
uot  English,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  encroach- 
ments on  their  territory,  but  that  the  Palatines  were  a 
peaceable  people.  He  Mas  finally  frcetl  after  six  weeks' 
bondage,  but  on  condition  that  the  Palatines  would  uot 
take  any  more  land,  and  also  would  remain  neutral  in  any 
war  l)etween  the  Indians  and  English,  which  they  after- 
wards did,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  English. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  gone  on  the  war-path. 
They  attacked  New  Berne  on  September  22,  1711.  They 
entered  the  village  under  the  guise  of  friendship,  demand- 
ing provisions.  Then  pretending  to  be  offended,  they  fell 
to  Idlling.  The  carnage  in  that  district  lasted  three  days, 
the  Indians  destroying  130  settlers  from  lioauoke  along 
the  Pamlico  Sound  to  the  Neuse,  of  whom  sixty  and  more 
were  of  the  Swiss  and  Palatines  around  New  Berne. 


THE   SWISS    EMIGRATION   TO    CAROLINA.  59 

Thus  the  early  Reformed  had  their  martyrs  in  the  New 
World,  for  all  the  Swiss  aud  many  of  the  Palatines  were 
Reformed.  The  governor  of  North  Carolina  called  out  the 
militia,  600  strong.  They  marched  to  the  Indian  village 
of  Catechna,  captured  and  destroyed  it,  killing  and  taking 
prisoners  900  men,  women  and  children.  Peace  came 
tlieu  with  the  Coree  tribe,  but  the  Tuscarawas  emigrated 
north  and  joined  the  Five  Nations  in  the  Middle  States, 
thus  making  them  the  Six  Nations. 

Graifenried,  set  free  by  the  Indians,  with  great  diffi- 
culty made  his  way  to  New  Berne  through  the  woods. 
He  found  his  colony  virtually  ruined,  their  houses  having 
been  destroyed  ;  aud  many  of  the  colonists  had  gone  away. 
He  did  what  he  could  and  kept  the  remainder  together  for 
22  weeks,  in  constant  fear  of  attack.  But  his  own  colonists 
turned  against  him,  and  the  governor  suspected  him 
because  he  would  not  take  sides  against  the  Indians.  In 
his  great  need  and  danger,  and  without  food,  it  occurred  to 
him  to  ask  aid  of  Governor  Hyde.  He  went  to  him  aud 
he  never  afterward  returned  to  the  colony.  He  then  went 
to  Virginia,  where  the  governor,  Spotswood,  received  him 
kindly.  Finally  his  friend.  Governor  Hyde,  died,  and 
discouraged  he  left  Virginia,  Easter,  1713.  He  returned 
to  Berne  by  way  of  London,  where  his  former  friend,  the 
queen,  had  just  died.  So  giving  up  hopes,  he  went  back 
to  Berne,  where  he  arrived  on  December  2,  1713,  but  he 
found  no  welcome  there.     Durino-  his  absence  he  had  lost 


60  THE   GERMAN   KEFOEMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

his  citizenship  there,  aud  every  one  seemed  to  luive  tnrned 
against  him.  On  the  death  of  his  father  in  1730,  he  inher- 
ited his  property,  and  was  made  comfortabk'  ao-ajn.  He 
died  in  1743. 

The  impression  generally  made  l)y  American  accounts 
of  Gmifenried  is  that  he  was  a  rascal,  who  swindled  the 
Palatines  and  Swiss  out  of  their  lands  in  South  Carolina 
(for  Pollock  afterwards  took  the  lauds  from  them,  ( Jraffen- 
ried  having  mortgaged  himself  to  J\)llock  I'or  <S00  i)()un(ls. 
The  British  government,  however,  afterward  indenmitied 
them  by  giving  them  10,000  acres,  free  of  rent  and  taxes 
for  ten  years).  But  the  last  life  of  (Jrtitfeuried,  recently 
published  at  Berne,  sets  a  higher  character  for  him. 
According  to  it  he  did  not  so  much  deceive  as  he  was 
himself  deceived.  Indeed  it  speaks  of  him  as  a  religious 
man.  He  had  been  licensed,  though  a  layman,  by  the 
Bishop  of  I^oudou  to  read  service  to  the  colonists.  He 
probably  was  sincere,  for  he  lost  all  of  his  fortune,  aud  was 
doubtless  the  victim  of  untoward  circumstancx's.  Beft»re 
his  death,  however,  he  lived  to  hear  that  the  town  of  New 
Berne,  which  he  had  founded,  had  become  <juite  a  success- 
ful and  prosperous  town.  The  lleformed  congregation 
that  was  there,  has  gone  into  the  Presbyterian  (Jhurch,  but 
the  colony  will  ever  remain  as  an  illustration  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  early  Reformed  from  the  Indians. 

Before  leaving  the  south,  another  (!olony  nuist  be 
noticed,  a  small  one  however.     While  the  English  were 


THE   SWISS   EMIGRATION   TO   CAROLINA.  61 

discussing  what  to  do  with  the  Palatines  who  had  come  to 
London,  Governor  Spots  wood,  of  Virginia,  happened  to  be 
in  London.  He  took  some  of  the  Palatines  along  with  him 
on  his  return  to  Virginia,  and  founded  a  colony  on  the  Rap- 
pahannock, called  Germanna.  After  his  retirement  from 
office,  he  went  to  live  among  them,  for  he  was  very  fond 
of  them.  (Some  Germans  came  from  Carolina,  who  were 
shipwrecked,  April,  1714,  in  the  Rappahannock  river.  He 
had  them  W(^rk  at  his  furnace,  and  also  used  them  to  pro- 
tect the  frontier  against  the  Indians.)  In  this  colony  was 
Rev.  Henry  Hoeger,  at  that  time  75  years  old.  In 
1717  a  shipload  of  Germans  were  wrecked  off  the  coast 
and  sold  by  their  captain  (redemptioners  we  suppose)  to 
Spotswood.  These  were  reinforced  some  ten  or  fifteen 
years  after  Spotswood  retired  to  Germanna,  by  Germans 
from  Berks  county.  Pa.,  who  founded  Strasburg  in  the 
lower  Shenandoah  Valley,  just  over  the  mountains  from 
Germanna.  These  German  settlements  were  the  begin- 
nings of  the  churches  which  afterwards,  as  we  shall  see,  so 
long  and  urgently  appealed  to  the  coetus  of  Pennsylvania 
for  ministers. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  PERIOD   BEFORE  CONGREGATIONAL 
ORGANIZATION  (1710-1725). 


SECTION  I. 
THE  DUTCH  PREPARATION. 

The  Dutch  were  the  forerunners  of  tlie  German  Re- 
formed in  Pennsylvania.  In  1655  they  captured  New 
Sweden,  or  Delaware,  from  the  Swedes.  After  the  Dutch 
occupation  of  Delaware,  a  Dutch  Reformed  church  was 
started  at  New  Amstel  (as  the  Dutch  called  what  is  now 
New  Castle),  Delaware.  In  1654  Rev.  Mr.  Polhemus,  who 
had  been  a  minister  at  Itamarca  in  Brazil,  passed  throuuh 
Delaware  on  his  way  to  New  York,  and  founded  a  Dutch 
Reformed  congregation.  From  1657  to  1659  Rev.  Ever- 
ardus  Welius  was  its  pastor.  He  Mas  a  gifted  young  man 
of  learning  and  piety,  whose  early  death  was  nuich  de- 
plored. Then  the  congregation  called  Rev.  I^veranhis 
Iladson,  and  he  was  ordained  (1662)  in  Holland  in  order 
to  go  to  that  congregation,  but  on  his  passage  over  he 
died  (1664). 

The  congregation  seems  to  have  been  without  a  jiastor 
till  1676,  when  Peter  Tesschenmaeker,  wlio   had   been   in 


THE   DUTCH    PREPARATION.  63 

Guiana,  came  to  New  Castle.  The  Delaware  congregation 
greatly  longed  for  a  minister,  and  asked  the  Dutch  clergy  of 
New  York  to  organize  themselves  into  a  classis  and  ordain 
him.  The  governor  also  wanted  it  done  in  order  to 
strengthen  that  colony.  The  Dutch  ministers  of  New  York 
were  inclined  to  do  it.  So  on  Sept.  20,  1679,  the  gov- 
ernor authorized  the  ministers  to  examine  and  ordain  him. 
The  four  Dutch  ministers  took  this  responsibility  on  them- 
selves, without  waiting  for  permission  from  the  Classis  of 
Amsterdam  in  Holland,  and  ordained  him.  It  seems  they 
hesitated  at  first  to  do  this,  as  he  differed  from  them  in 
theology.  The  Reformed  Church  of  Holland  at  that  time 
was  divided  between  Voetians  and  Cocceians.  The  former 
were  high  Calvinists,  while  the  latter,  though  claiming  to 
be  Calvinists  too,  were  more  liberal.  The  latter  were  the 
federal  school,  which  made  the  covenants  the  central  prin- 
ciple in  theology.  The  New  York  ministers,  being  all 
Cocceians,  hesitated  about  ordaining  Tesschenmaeker,  as 
he  was  a  Voetian.*  This  ordination  was  afterward  rati- 
fied in  Holland.  But  two  years  later,  some  time  after 
1682,  he  left  Delaware  for  Staten  Island,  and  afterwards 
went  to  Schenectady,  where  he  was  finally  massacred  by 
the  Indians,  Fel).  8,  1690. 

The  congregation  at  New   Castle   then   seems   to  have 
had  no  regular  pastor,   but  Rev.  Rudolph  A^ariek,  when 

*  If  the  arrangement  had  b'-en  reversed  and  they  had  been  Voetians.  they 
never  would  have  done  it,  but  being  Cocceians,  and  therefore  more  liberal  in 
spirit,  they  did  so  at  length. 


64  THE   GEEMAN   REFOEMED   CHUECH    IN   U.   S. 

he  was  conipelled  to  flee  froui  the  iisurpatious  of  Governor 
Leisler,  of  New  York,  because  he  had  so  severely  de- 
nounced him,  went  to  New  Castle  and  supplied  the  i>ulpit 
in  1GS7.  After  that  date  there  is  no  mention  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  congregation.*  This  congregation  afterwards 
became  Presbyterian.  Indeed  it  was  the  forerunner  of  the 
Presbyterian  denomination,  which  was  founded  by  Rev. 
Francis  Mackemie  in  that  peninsula  in  1699,  as  well  as  of 
the  German  Reformed  Coetus  of  Pennsylvania.  From 
these  facts  we  see  that  when  William  Penn  lauded  in 
Pennsylvania  in  1682,  there  was  a  Reformed  congregation 
at  NcAV  Castle.  Although  this  isolated  Reformed  congre- 
gation never  was  organically  connected  with  the  German 
Reformed  churclies  of  Pennsylvania,  which  were  founded 
later,  yet  it  reveals  the  tendency  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 
to  settle  Avestward  from  New  York.  This  conquest  of 
Delaware  led  the  Dutch  to  settle  New  Jersey.  Some 
passed  over  into  Pennsylvania,  and  tluis  founded  their 
congregation  in  Rucks  county,  Pa.,  whose  pastoi"  organ- 
ized what  may  be  called  the  first  (ierman  Reformed  con- 
gregation in  Pennsylvania. 

For  in  1710  Rev.  Paul  Van  Vlec((  became  tlie  pastor 
of  this  congregation  at  Neshaminy,  Pa.  He  had  been  a 
schoolmaster  at  Kinderhook,  1702.  Colonel  Nicolson 
ordered  the  Dutch  ministers  of  New  York,  Du  Bois  and 

*  for  these  data  we  refer  to  the  excellent  Manual  of  the  Reformed  Church 
in  America,  by  Rev.  E.  T.  Corwin,  D.  1).,  third  edition, 


THE    DUTCH    PREPARATION.  65 

Antonides,  to  ordain  him  as  a  chaplain  to  the  Dutch  troops 
who  were  ordered  to  CVinada.  They  plead  to  be  relieved  of 
doing  this,  as  the  Church  of  Holland  had  not  given  them 
that  authority,  and  so  Rev.  Bernard  Freeman  (who  had 
become  the  tool  of  the  government,  and  was  trying  to 
introduce  episcopacy  into  the  Dutch  churches)  ordained 
him  contrary  to  the  wish  of  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam, 
which  expressed  great  grief  at  its  irregularity.  Van 
Vlecq  was  pastor  of  the  Dutch  congregations  at  Samine 
(Neshaminy),  Bensalem  and  Germantown.  He  organized 
them.  May  20,  1710.* 

Soon  after  Van  Vlecq  became  pastor  of  this  Dutch 
congregation  in  Buks  county,  as  the  Dutch  called  it  then, 
he  began  preaching  also  to  the  Germans,  who  were  then 
beginning  to  increase  rapidly  in  Pennsylvania.  On  May 
29,  1710,  he  visited  Skippack  and  baptized  16  children, 
and  on  June  4,  1710,  he  visited  White  Marsh  and  organ- 
ized what  may  be  called  the  first  German  Reformed  con- 
gregation in  Pennsylvania,  although  there  evidently  were 
a  number  of  Dutch  Reformed  in  it.  On  that  date  he 
ordained  Hans  Hendrick  Meels  and  Evert  Ten  Heuzen  as 
elders,  and  Isaac  Dilbeck  and  William  Dewees  as  dea- 
cons. On  December  25,  six  months  later,  he  ordained 
Evert  Ten  Heuzen  and  Isaac  Dilbeck  as  elders,  and  Wil- 

*  Bensalem  was  reorganized  as  a  Presbyterian  congregation  in  1719,  but 
the  Neshaminy  church  still  belongs  to  the  Dutch  Reformed,  and  now  contains 
two  of  their  congregations — North  and  South  Hampton. 

•  5 


66  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

liam  Dewees  and  Jan  Aweigt  as  deacons.  In  1711  the 
congregation  consisted  of  15  persons. 

Van  Vlecq  seems  to  have  remained  in  that  region  until 
1712  or  1713,  and  in  1715  to  have  left  America.  After 
his  departure  tlie  congregation  at  Neshaminy  was  sup])lied 
at  intervals  by  Frelinghuysen,  the  Dutch  Reformed  min- 
ister on  the  Raritan.  The  organization  made  by  the  Dutch 
at  White  ISIarsh  soon  went  to  pieces,  and  the  congregation 
was  reorganized  by  Boehm  in  1725,  as  we  shall  see.  But 
the  new  consistory  had  in  it  one  name  that  linked  it  to  the 
early  Dutch  consistory,  namely  that  of  William  Dewees. 

Dewees  deserves  special  mention.  He  was  one  of  the 
most  prominent  men  in  that  district.  He  was  the  founder 
of  the  second  paper  mill  in  the  colonies,  built  in  1710,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Wissaliickou  Creek,  He  was  a  most 
godly  man,  the  pillar  of  the  little  congregation  at  White 
Marsh.  As  it  was  too  weak  to  build  a  church  for  itself, 
it  was  accustomed  to  hold  its  worship  in  his  house.  So 
this  congregation,  like  the  early  apostolic  cluu'ches  and 
like  so  many  of  the  other  early  Reformed  congregations, 
was  "  the  church  of  the  house."  After  his  death  the  con- 
gregation went  to  pieces,  and  its  members  were  incorjx)- 
rated  into  the  neighboring  congregations  of  (iermantown 
and  Witpen.  But  the  congregation  was  again  revived  in 
this  century,  and  is  now  located  at  Fort  Wasliington,  Pa. 

Thus  the  Dutcli  organization  was  the  nucleus  for  the 
beginning  of  the  German  organization  later.     And  thus 


THE    DUTCH    PREPARATION.  67 

the  Dutch  in  New  York,  through  their  colonies  in  Dela- 
ware and  Pennsylvania,  were  the  direct  forerunners  of  the 
German  Reformed  Church  in  Pennsylvania. 


CHAPTER  II.— SECTION  II. 

REV.  SAMUEL  GULDIN  (OR  GULDI). 

If  Peter  Miuuit  was  the  secular  forerunner  of  our 
Church  in  this  country,  Rev.  Samuel  Guldin  was  the  spir- 
itual forerunner.  Not  that  Minuit  was  not  spiritual ;  for 
he  was  a  religious  man,  but  he  represented  the  laity 
and  the  political  element  of  our  Church  in  American  his- 
tory. He  stands  out  for  what  the  laity  here  have  done 
for  the  Church,  and  his  life  was  a  prophecy  of  what  our 
Reformed  faith  has  done  for  America,  for  it  was  political 
Calvinism  that  founded  the  freedom  of  these  United 
States.  Like  Minuit,  Guldin  was  a  forerunner  only. 
His  work  was  not  political,  but  distinctively  religious. 
He  represents  the  Evangelism  that  afterward  made  our 
Church  spread  so  widely.  It  is  true,  he  had  no  hand  in 
the  organization  of  our  Church,  for  he  never  belonged  to 
the  coctus  (our  first  synod  in  Pennsylvania).  Still  his 
work  should  not  be  minimized  on  that  account.  His 
earnest  preaching  prepared  the  way  for  organization.  He 
has  the  honor  of  being  the  first  German  Reformed  minis- 
ter in  Pennsylvania,  as  far  as  we  know,  and  he  did  a  very 
valuable  work  in  preaching  to  the  Germans  (who  were  as 
sheep  without  shepherds),  in  baptizing  their  children  and 


REV.    SAMUEL    GULDIN.  69 

administering  the  Lord's  Supper  to  them.  Their  religions 
opportunities  were  so  tew  that  the  coming  of  a  Reformed 
minister  among  any  of  their  communities  was  a  spiritual 
uplift  to  them. 

He  was  born  at  Berne,  Switzerland.  His  ancestors 
were,  however,  from  St.  Gall,  his  grandfather  becoming  a 
citizen  of  Berne,  November  28,  1633,  on  the  payment  of 
100  crowns.  His  father's  name  was  Hans  Joachim  Guldi, 
which  was  the  original  form  of  the  name,  and  his  mother's 
was  Anna  Maria  Koch.  He  was  baptized  April  8, 
1664.  His  sister,  Anna  Maria,  was  baptized  March  11), 
1662,  and  Anna  Magdalena,  January  18,  1667.  He  was 
educated  at  Berne,  entering  the  university  there  in  1675), 
and  became  a  Swiss  Pietist. 

The  story  of  his  conversion  to  God  is  quite  interesting. 
In  his  Apology  he  says  :  "  There  were  four  of  us,  Samuel 
Guldin,  Jacob  Dachs  (not  Kcenig),*  Samuel  Shumaker  and 
Christopher  Lutz,  who  in  1689  determined  to  make  a 
trip  from  Berne  to  Geneva.  We  resolved  to  make  it  a 
distinctively  Christian  journey,  to  avoid  the  quarrels 
(which  are  common  among  students),  and  to  gather  heavenly 
treasure.  While  at  Geneva  Lutz  became  sick.  During 
his  sickness  he  was  not  only  brought  to  a  profound  knowl- 
edge of  his  spiritual  condition,  but  we  all,  who  before 
could  not  agree,  became  so  united  in  spirit  that  we  have 
always  afterward  remained  faithful    to  each   other.     This 

*  "  Bilder  aus  der  Geschichte  der  Protestantischen  Kirche,"   by    Trechsel, 
page  18. 


70  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

happened  at  Geneva,  in  the  seat  of  Calvin.  Then  we 
journeyed  together  to  Lausanne,  and  ever  after  met  daily 
in  the  morning  and  evening  to  worship  God." 

After  their  return  tiiree  of  them  went  to  Holland,  Lutz 
remaining  behind  on  account  of  indisposition.     On  this 
trip  Shumaker  came  into  the  severest  temptation,  suppos- 
ing that  he  had  cooimitted  the  sin  against  the  Holy  Ghost, 
and   continued    in    this    state   of  miud    until    after   thev 
traveled  homeward  again.     On  Guldiu's  return  to  Berne, 
August,  1692,  he  became  pastor  at  Stettlen,  a  league  east 
from  Berne,  but  still  he  was  not  satisfied  with  his  religious 
state.     Full  conversion,  the  blessed  forgiveness  of  sin,  the 
knowledge  of  Christ's  finished  work — these  he  did  not  yet 
understand.    On  Christmas,  1692,  his  companion,  Shumak- 
er, had  been  converted  from  darkness  to   light,  and  wrote 
about  it  to  Guldin.     This  stirred  him  up  the  more.     He 
became  so  dissatisfied  with  himself  and  his  religious  exper- 
ience, that  he  determined   to  give  up  the   ministry.     On 
the  day  that  he  was  about  doing  this  he  experienced  the 
change  tor  which  he  had  been  praying.     Like  the  Apostle 
John  he  could  tell  the  exact  hour  when  first  he  found  the 
Lord.     He  thus  describes  it  :  "On  the  fourth  of  Auirust. 
1693,  between  nine  and  ten   o'clock   in   the   morning,  the 
light  of  faith  arose  and   was  born    within   me.      In  that 
hour  all  my  difficulties  and  scruples  passed  away,  so  that 
I  was  never  afterwards  affected  by  them.     And    I  ])egan 
to  preach  with  new  power,   so  that  all   my  congregation 
saw  that  a  change  had  taken  place  in  my  soul." 


REV.    SAMUEL   GULDIJf.  71 

His  miuistry  uow  became  remarkably  successful,  for 
his  preachiug  was  with  unction  and  power.  He  no  longer 
preached  dry  dogmas  in  a  cold  and  lifeless  manner,  as  was 
only  too  common  from  the  pulpits  of  Berne  in  those  days 
of  dead  orthodoxy,  but  he  preached  Bible  truths,  illumin- 
ated with  his  own  personal  experience.  Great  crowds 
came  to  hear  him,  even  from  other  parishes.  He  became 
too  great  a  preacher  for  so  small  a  country  congregation. 
So  providence  promoted  him.  He  had  been  there  a  little 
over  a  year,  when  on  December  21,  1696,  he  was  elected 
to  one  of  the  highest  positions  in  the  canton,  as  assisstant 
minister  at  the  cathedral  in  the  city  of  Berne.  This  was 
considered  a  great  victory  by  hispietistic  friends.  On  the 
day  of  his  election  Lutz  wrote  a  joyful  letter,  which  con- 
tains those  words  (playing  on  his  name) :  "  Golden  tidings. 
This  day  our  golden  brother  Guldin  was  elected  assistant 
by  the  majority  of  the  votes  of  the  council.  May  He 
anoint  the  man  whom  He  has  ordained.  How  it  will  sound 
in  the  oars  of  our  enemies.  The  leader  of  the  sects  is  now 
a  pastor  in  the  city,  and  a  member  of  the  ministerium  and 
council.  Thus  the  stone  which  the  builder  rejected  has 
become  the  headstone  of  the  corner.  Inform  the  brethren, 
so  that  they  may  praise  God  and  help  us  fight  for  the 
kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  Unfortunately  this 
letter  foil  into  the  hands  of  the  authorities  and  was  the 
beginning  of  later  trouble. 

Opposition  soon  showed  itself.     The  worldly  element 


72     THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

in  the  Church  has  never  been  friendly  to  the  earnest  gos- 
pel of  evangelism,  because  it  makes  them  uncomfortable 
in  their  sins.  This  is  especially  true,  when,  as  at  Berne, 
the  Church  was  united  to  the  state,  which  meant  the  pre- 
dominance in  the  Church  of  the  secular  over  the  spiritual. 
The  conservative  ministers  in  the  canton,  too,  began  to 
take  a  position  against  Pietism.  Dead  orthodoxy  objected 
to  the  new  life  that  was  coming  into  the  Church.  Gul- 
din's  increasing  popularity  as  a  preacher  alarmed  those 
enemies.  Unfortunately  one  of  these  young  Pietists, 
Koenig,  was  extreme  in  his  views,  preaching  prcmillenar- 
ianism,  which  was  then  considered  heretical  by  the 
strictly  orthodox  Reformed.  Koenig  also  several  times 
sharply  criticised  the  government.  Personalities  also 
entered  into  the  controversy.  Bachman,  the  dckan  or 
head  of  the  church  of  the  canton,  and  the  leading  minister 
at  the  cathedral  of  the  city  of  Berne  (whose  assistant  Gul- 
din  was),  bitterly  opposed  the  new  movement.  Some  said 
it  was  because  he  was  jealous  of  Guldin's  popularity  as  a 
preacher. 

As  a  result  of  all  this,  Guldin,  Koenig  and  Lutz  were 
ordered  to  appear  before  the  great  conncil  of  the  canton. 
They  were  condemned  and  ordered  to  sign  the  Association 
oath,  which  was  a  new  oath  of  the  canton  directed  against 
the  doctrinal  views  of  the  school  of  Saiininr  in  France, 
and  also  against  the  practices  of  pietism.  The  ministers 
and  schoolmasters  of  the  canton  were  all  required  to  sign 


REV.    SAMUEL    GUT.DIN.  73 

it,  SO  as  to  purge  themselves  of  the  taiut  of  heresy  as  over 
against  the  old  orthodoxy  of  the  Reformed. 

Guldin  and  his  friends  of  course  could  not  sign  this 
oath.  So  they  were  condemned,  June  9,  1699.  Koenig 
was  the  one  most  severely  punished,  for  he  was  banished 
from  the  canton,  while  Guldin  was  simply  dismissed  from 
liis  po-ition  at  the  cathedral. 

The  time  had  not  yet  come,  as  it  did  later,  for  the 
Berne  church  to  recognize  Pietism  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
Reformed  faith.  This  it  began  to  do  when  Koenig  was 
recalled  (1730)  as  professor  and  afterwards  began  preach- 
ing. Lutz,  his  companion  in  Pietism,  remained  in  the 
canton  of  Berne  to  splendidly  vindicate  the  success  of 
Pietism  at  his  country  parish  of  Arasoldingen  by  his  open 
air  services  and  evangelism. 

Dachs,  one  of  Guldin's  early  companions  in  Pietism, 
was  elected  dekan  or  head  of  the  Church  of  the  canton  in 
1732,  occupying  the  very  position  wliich  Bachman,  who 
HO  bitterly  opposed  it,  had  held.  And  to-day  the  Berne 
church  in  its  Evangelical  Society,  which  is  doing  such 
excellent  work,  emphasizes  Pietism  as  a  part  of  the 
(Church's  life,  over  against  the  rationalism  prevalent  in 
many  paits  of  the  canton. 

Guldin,  however,  did  not  wait  for  this  final  vindication 
of  Pietism.  There  has  hitherto  been  much  uncertainty 
about  Guldin's  movements,  both  in  Europe  and  in  Penn- 
sylvania.    Fortunately  the  facts  are  gradually  coming  to 


74  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

light,  and  the  discovery  of  his  ocean  diary  clears  up  most 
of  the  difficulties.  After  he  was  dismissed  at  Berne  he 
remained  for  a  time  at  Rufenacht,  two  hours  east  of  Berne, 
on  the  property  of  Mr.  Von  Muralt.  He  was  then 
appointed  pastor  at  Boltigen,  a  mountain  parish  south  of 
the  city  of  Berne,  in  1701,  but  he  left  before  he  was  there 
a  year.  His  predecessor,  Grimm,  left  and  his  succes- 
sor, Mauslin,  came  within  the  same  year,  and  his  brief 
pastorate  was  between  them.  Before  his  installation  he 
was  dismissed.  In  1710  he  came  to  America,  having  with 
him  his  wife  and  four  children — Samuel,  Maria  Catharine, 
Christoffel  and  Emanuel  Frederick.  After  his  arrival  in 
Pennsylvania  he  wrote  a  letter,  December  1,  1710,  from 
Rocksburg  (Roxboro),  near  Philadelphia.  This  letter  is 
so  interesting,  because  it  is  the  first  letter  of  a  Reformed 
minister  in  Pennsylvania,  and  also  because  its  description 
of  ocean  travel  reveals  the  peculiar  dangers  to  which  our 
forefathers  were  subject,  that  we  give  in  full  that  part  of 
it  which  describes  his  trip  across  the  ocean  : 

"  r  begin  by  saying  that  when  it  was  the  intention  to 
sail  on  the  ()th  of  June  (O.  S.)  it  was  postponed  in  order 
to  insure  greater  safety,  since  some  preferred  to  cross  the 
North  Sea  with  the  Russian  fleet  as  convoy,  hence  it  took 
place  on  the  20th  (O.  S.),  or  the  1st  of  July  (N.  S.),  and 
on  the  5th  (July)  following  we  sailed  from  London.  At 
the  very  beginning  of  the  journey,  when  we  seemed  to 
be  out  of  all  danger,  being  for  a  long  time  with  a  convoy, 
we   experienced   moi'e  dangers  and  difficulties,   and   saw 


REV.    SAMUEL    GULDIN.  75 

more  enemies  than  afterwards,  when  we  had  left  the  fleet 
and  went  alone  under  the  divine  guidance  ;  for  God  wanted 
to  show  us  that  we  should  have  more  confidence  in  Him 
than  trust  in  the  help  and  protection  of  any  creature. 
Within  the  first  hour  after  our  departure  our  ship  ran  into 
a  little  boat,  by  which  a  boy  was  drowned.  Afterwards  it 
ran  into  another  ship  which  seemed  to  be  broken  in  pieces, 
in  fact  both  ships  were  damaged,  the  corners  being  knocked 
from  our  ship.  In  consequence  of  this  our  captain  was 
arrested  by  a  warship  on  the  8th  (of  July),  and  another  cap- 
tain was  given  to  us  at  Gravesend.  The  captain  otherwise 
was  a  very  fine  and  honest  gentleman,  but  since  we 
depended  too  much  on  him,  and  he,  moreover,  did  not  do 
everything  rightly,  because  he  tore  his  name  and  signa- 
ture unjustly  from  the  agreement  of  a  certain  man,  he  was 
removed  trom  the  ship,  and  hence  we  had  to  give  up 
this  false  hope. 

"  On  the  12th,  (of  July)  in  the  evening,  we  came  at 
last,  under  adverse  wind,  to  Harwich,  from  where  we 
started  early  on  the  13th,  sailing  after  the  Russian  fleet, 
till  on  the  same  day,  Sunday  evening,  we  reached  the 
fleet.  On  the  14th  (of  July)  we  sailed  with  the  same. 
But  on  the  15th  and  16th  there  was  such  a  storm  and  con- 
trary wind,  that  a  few  ships  lost  their  masts,  and  on  the 
17th  we  had  to  return  to  Harwich.  During  this  time 
many,  yea,  even  the  most,  took  sick  and  could  eat  no 
more  meat,  since  the  meat  *was  not  only  very  strongly 
salted,  but  also  cooked  in  salt  water.  From  that  time  till 
we  came  hither  to  the  sweet  water,  I  and  my  children 
never  tasted  any  meat  during  the  whole  journey,  other- 
wise we  would   probably  not  have  escaped  without  some 


76  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

sickness,  or  remained  so  healthy.  On  the  20th  (of  July) 
we  left  Harwich  again,  arriving  at  Newcastle  on  the 
morning  of  the  24th,  with  very  good  wind,  where  we 
found  the  ship  of  our  countrymen  who  wanted  to  go  to 
Carolina.  During  tiiis  time  there  was  again  a  violent 
storm,  so  that  on  the  21st  during  the  night  our  ship  and 
another  one  struck  against  each  other,  whereby  both  came 
into  great  danger.  In  tliis  way  human  help  and  trust 
caused  us  again  additional  anxiety  and  danger. 

"  The  same  day  on  which  we  arrived  at  Newcastle, 
we  continued  our  journey,  as  the  wind  was  very  favor- 
able. Whereupon  on  the  25th,  (of  July)  in  the  evening, 
we  saw  seven  French  warships  with  white  flags,  and  as  a 
result  everybody  was  in  great  alarm  during  the  whole 
night.  There  one  could  iiear  how  the  thoughts  of  men 
become  apparent,  and  where  there  was  a  confidence  in  God 
or  in  creatures.  One  coidd  then  hear  all  kinds  of  state- 
ments, they  had  known  that  seven  warships  had  been 
cquip|>ed  at  Dunkirk,  to  wait  for  the  Russian  fleet,  and  if 
they  would  attack  us,  the  whole  fleet  would  be  lost,  since 
there  were  only  four  warships  with  us.  Soon  they  said 
they  regretted  not  to  have  had  their  goods  insured  (which 
could  have  been  done  at  London  at  a  certain  sum,  by 
which  one  is  compensated  for  all  his  loss),  and  again  they 
trusted  to  be  able  to  fllee,  since  the  ship  could  sail  so  well. 
But  of  trust  in  the  Lord  there  was  no  evidence  in  many,  yet 
nobody  thought  of  resistance,  especially  since  our  siiip 
carried  no  gun  or  ammunition.  Meanwhile  I  thought  how 
easy  it  was  not  only  by  prayer  to  disperse  the  enemies, 
but  also  remembered  wliat  the  Lord  said  to  Israel  through 
Moses  :  Ex.  14,  13,    *  Do  not  fear,  stand  firm   and   you 


REV.    SAMUEL    GIJLDIN.  77 

will  see  the  salvation  of  the  Lord.  As  you  have  seen  the 
Egyptians  this  day,  you  will  henceforth  see  them  no  more.' 
And  I  also  reminded  some  of  this. 

"  It  happened  here  in  the  same  way  that  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  26th  of  July,  and  during  the  following  days, 
we  saw  the  ships  no  more,  a  real  pillar  of  the  smoke  from 
the  Lord — I  mean  a  thick  and  dense  fog  covering  us  for 
several  days,  separating  us  from  the  other  ships  so  far  that 
they  neither  saw  us  again  nor  we  them.  Moreover  another 
wind  arose,  enabling  us  to  change  our  course,  hence  they 
did  not  know  what  way  we  had  taken.  Thus  we  saw 
each  other  no  more,  although  they  ran  ahead  of  us,  wait- 
ing for  our  approach  at  another  place,  where  we  intended  to 
separate  from  the  fleet,  as  will  soon  appear.  On  the  even- 
ing of  the  25th  of  July,  when  the  Russian  fleet  left  us,  we 
began  with  four  other  ships  which  were  all  bound  for 
America,  to  sail  in  a  westerly  direction  under  the  divine 
guidance  and  convoy,  and  early  on  the  29th  of  July  the 
coast  of  Scotland  came  into  view,  where  through  a  strong 
wind  we  would  almost  have  been  thrown  on  cliffs,  but  the 
day  came  to  our  help  and  on  the  30th  we  had  the  same 
experience.  Hence  on  our  way  from  Harwich  to  this 
place  we  experienced  nothing  but  storms  and  dangers, 
from  which  the  Lord  saved  us.  In  such  a  fog  as  a  pillar 
of  smoke,  which  continued  from  the  26th  to  the  29th  of 
July,  we  passed  by  day  and  night  through  many  cliffs 
under  favorable  wind,  leaving  Scotland  at  our  left  and 
other  islands  at  our  right  hand,  so  that  on  the  morning  of 
the  30th  of  July  we  saw  the  island  Festland  on  our  left 
and  some  others  on  our  right  as  the  last  land.  At  the 
same  time  four  of  the  above   mentioned  warships,  which 


78  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

had  waited  for  us  at  these  places,  passed  us,  so  that  we 
neither  heard  uor  saw  anything  of  them,  but  simply 
received  the  reports  from  some  sloops  which  they  brought  to 
us.  We  heard  it  with  great  pleasure,  as  we  were  a  good 
distance  ahead  of  them  and  nearly  out  of  danger.  Here 
then  we  were  upon  the  open  sea  or  the  great  ocean,  where 
we  had  from  the  beginning  a  good  wind,  so  that  in  the 
2-3  weeks  we  had  made  half  of  the  journey. 

"  In  the  middle  of  our  trip  we  had  many  calms,  or 
contrary  winds.  But  at  the  end  we  met  the  best  wind, 
which  brought  us  into  the  land  and  into  the  harbor. 
From  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  Jul}',  when  we  came 
to  this  place,  under  a  clear  and  pleasant  sky,  we  met 
another,  but  good  southwesterly  wind,  which  blew  so 
strongly  that  in  one  hour  we  made  eight  miles,  and  as  a 
result  we  covered  a  good  distance,  losing  the  land  from 
our  sight.  On  the  same  evening  we  saw  as  on  the  North 
Sea,  every  time  before  the  storm,  the  fishes  called  por- 
j)oises,  which  had  taught  us  from  experience  that  a  storm 
would  soon  follow,  as  it  also  happened  at  this  occasion, 
enabling  us  indeed  to  continue  our  fast  sailing,  yet  com- 
pelling us  to  take  in  the  high  sails,  and  sail  only  with  tiie 
lower  ones.  This  wind  continued  yet  the  following  two 
days,  namely  the  31st  of  July  and  the  1st  of  August  (N. 
8.)  This  day  about  noon  we  met  a  ship,  whereupon  the 
four  ships  which  carried  guns  were  immediately  alarmed, 
but  ours  prepared  itself  to  flee.  But  as  it  proved  to  be  no 
hostile  ship,  soon  everything  became  quiet  again.  On 
the  same  evening  the  wind  changed  and  became  southwest, 
through  which  we  made  five  English  miles  an  hour. 
The  storm  continued  on  the  2nd,  3rd  and  4th  of  August. 


REV.   SAMUEL   GULDIN.  79 

On  the  3rd  and  7th  of  Angiist  we  saw  some  fishes,  which 
threw  up  the  water  very  high.  On  the  5th  we  had 
almost  a  perfect  cahn.  The  6th  of  August  in  the  evening 
a  southwesterly  wind  started  up,  continuing  on  the  7th, 
8th  and  9th  of  August.  During  that  time  two  ships  left 
us,  one  of  which  went  to  Jamaica,  the  other  to  Guiana,  in 
a  southerly  course.  But  the  third,  which  was  bound  for 
Carolina,  remained,  so  that  we  saw  it  for  some  days  only  a 
little,  but  afterwards  no  more. 

"  On  the  8th  and  12th  of  August  we  saw  again  a  large 
number  of  fishes,  called  porpoises,  which  were  soon  fol- 
lowed by  a  storm,  which,  however,  did  not  last  very  long. 
On  the  14th  of  August,  while  the  wind  was  very  good, 
we  left  the  fourth  and  last  ship,  which  went  to  New  Eng- 
land, and  hence  we  sailed  alone  with  good  hope  and  under 
divine  guidance.  The  great  storm  which  we  had  was  on 
the  16th  ot  August,  when  we  saw  again  early  in  the  morn- 
ing a  large  number  of  the  above  mentioned  storm-fishes. 
A  strange  wind  was  blowing  at  the  time  followed  by  a 
still  stronger  one  in  the  afternoon,  which  increased  con- 
tinually, so  that  we  had  to  take  down  not  only  the  upper 
sails,  but  also  the  lower  ones.  Finally  in  the  evening  of 
the  17th  of  August  we  could  only  keep  half  a  sail  hoisted. 
The  rudder  had  to  be  tied  securely,  and  during  the  whole 
night  we  had  to  leave  the  ship  to  the  mercy  of  wind  and 
waves.  The  waves  were  then  like  mountains,  and  the  shij) 
was  sometimes  so  high  that  we  thought  that  we  would  be 
capsized,  and  again  it  went  down  so  deep  that  it  appeared 
as  though  we  would  be  hurled  into  the  depths.  And  yet 
with  all  that  I  and  my  children  had  no  fear,  but  looked  at 
the  waves  from  the  deck  of  the  ship.     On  the   18th  of 


80  THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

August  came  a  strong  east  wind,  that  we  eonld  ao;ain 
cover  a  great  distance  of  eight  miles  in  one  hour.  This 
wind  lasted  the  19th  and  the  20th  of  August,  followed  by 
several  days  of  calm,  during  which  time  we  fisiied  occa- 
sionally and  caught  also  several  dolphins,  part  of  which 
we  received.  On  the  2nd  of  September,  we  saw  many  fishes 
jumping  into  the  air  higher  than  a  spear,  and  in  the  after- 
noon many  very  large  fishes,  swimming  in  imposing  order 
and  succession  one  after  the  other,  upon  which  a  good 
wind  followed,  so  that  we  made  every  hour  five  miles. 

"  On  the  6th  of  September  a  splendid  northwest  wind 
began  to  blow,  which  continued  during  the  three  following 
days,  on  the  7th,  8th  and  9th  of  September.  On  the  9th 
we  saw  several  large  fishes  following  each  other  like  cows. 
On  the  10th  and  12th  of  September  we  met  a  very  con- 
trary wind,  which  compelled  us  to  change  our  course  fre- 
quently. On  the  12th  of  September  began  tlie  last  and 
best  wind  which  we  had  during  the  journey,  so  that  we 
made  up  to  nine  miles  during  an  hour.  This  wind  con- 
tinued for  the  13th,  14th,  15th  and  16th  of  Sei)tember. 
It  enabled  us  not  only  on  the  evening  of  the  15th  to 
touch  the  bottom  with  our  sounding  line,  15  fathoms 
deep,  that  is,  30  English  or  45  German  yards,  but  also  on 
the  morning  of  the  16th  of  September  to  see  land  for  the 
first  time,  with  a  great  and  general  joyousncss  that  the 
Ijord  had  happily  thus  far  helped  us.  On  the  same  day, 
the  wind  being  favorable,  we  entered  the  Delaware  so  far 
that  we  were  safe  against  all  pirates,  finding  the  water  not 
more  than  6  fathoms  deep,  and  hence  we  were  not  able  to 
continue,  as  the  night  had  long  lallen  upon  us.  But 
while  we  thought  we  were  beyond  all  danger,  we  had  to 


REV.    SAMUEL    GULDIN.  81 

experience  another  trial,  that  we  might  not  place  our  con- 
fidence outside  of  God,  but  always  learn  to  depend  on 
Him,  for  at  noon  of  the  17th  of  September  we  started 
from  that  place  with  the  tide  of  the  ocean.  In  seeking  to 
get  deeper  water  we  soon  ran  upon  a  sand  bank,  which 
kept  us  busy  during  the  whole  afternoon  to  get  our  ship 
off  from  this  place,  but  finally  we  fortunately  succeeded, 
yet  had  to  stay  there  during  the  night.  On  the  18th  of 
September  we  obtained  a  pilot  of  the  river  to  conduct  us 
up  the  Delaware,  and  with  him  came  the  first  fruits  of 
the  land — apples  and  peaches. 

"  On  the  20th  of  September  we  arrived  at  Newcastle, 
where  some  of  us  went  on  land  for  the  first  time,  being 
received  very  well  and  kindly  by  some  people,  who  gave 
us  not  only  to  eat  and  drink,  but  also  gave  us  enough 
apples  and  peaches  to  take  back  to  the  ship,  and  as  many  as 
we  could  carry,  all  gratuitously.  On  the  21st  of  Septem- 
ber, as  we  coutinued,  others  came  to  us  on  the  ship,  who 
invited  the  captain  and  all  the  people  to  a  dinner.  He 
allowed  some  who  had  been  ashore,  to  go  v/ith  him. 
Others  brought  large  sacks  of  apples  on  the  ship  to  divide 
them  among  the  people.  The  same  happened  when  some 
of  us  left  the  ship  on  the  22nd  of  September,  going  some 
miles  on  foot,  till  we  saw  Philadelphia  for  the  first  time 
from  a  distance  and  came  into  the  city  early  on  the  23rd 
of  September,  where  the  ship  also  arrived  safely  at  noon. 
On  the  24th  my  family  and  others  disembarked  and  were 
received  by  good  friends  into  their  bouses  for  several  days, 
free  and  without  money,  and  were  shown  much  love,  and 
where  we  stayed  to  the  27th  of  Sejitember,  when  a  Chris- 
tian friend,  of  my  countrymen  and  relatives,  procured  a, 
6 


82  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

good  house  for  us,  eight  miles  from  the  city,  among  good 
friends,  which  he  had  given  ns  for  the  winter,  or  as  long 
as  we  need  it. 

"  Thus  the  long  and  tedious  journey  has  come  to  its 
desired  end.  It  has  taken  us  eleven  weeks  from  Lonilon 
to  Philadelphia,  but  seven  weeks  from  one  land  to  the 
other,  whence  we  saw  land  for  the  last  and  the  first  time 
again.  Three  weeks  we  spent  with  the  Russian  fleet 
along  the  coasts  of  England  and  Scotland,  and  eiurht  days 
on  the  Delaware.  We  would  have  finished  the  journey 
much  sooner,  if  at  the  beginning  Ave  would  not  have 
waited  so  long  for  the  other  ships,  and  had  not  sailed  with 
but  half  the  sails.  Thus  the  Lord  has  brought  us  hither 
without  hinderance,  in  great  happiness,  not  one  of  us  hav- 
ing perished  or  having  incurred  any  danger  or  damage 

"  Now  we  live  in  the  house  of  a  dear  friend,  where  the 
dear  friend  has  lived  for  nine  years,  and  which  after 
the  death  of  Kelpius,  he  has  left  our  friend  Matthai,  but 
he  to  us.  There  we  rest  from  our  labor,  the  rest  having 
become  very  sweet.  Close  by  I  have  bought  the  first 
plantation  I  have  seen,  where  we  shall  begin  to  live  next 
Spring.  Tiie  place  is  called  Rocksburg,  or  fortress  of 
rocks,  as  the  whole  country  lies  upon  many  rocks.  Thus 
our  Ark  has  come  to  rest  on  a  mountain  as  my  seal-ring 
(motto  ?)  reads.  Thus  God  has  fulfilled  all  the  signs  of 
his  divine  will  and  pleasure  towards  me  and  uiy  journey, 
which  I  laid  before  Him  witli  mouth  and  heart,  and 
firmly  trusted  in  Him,  as  I  have  gladly  confessed  tliis  hoj)e 
befon;  many  in  writing  as  well  as  in  words,  even  in  (>|)p()- 
sition  to  many  objections,  which  for  that  reason  were 
raised  against  me.     But  God  and  faith  prevailed,  an(l  no 


KEV.    SAMUEL    GULDIN.  83 

danger  was  too  great,  for  everything  is  possible  for  him 
who  believes." 

He  closes  the  letter  with  thanks  to  God  that  his  wife 
and  all  his  children  came  over  safely.  On  the  other  ships 
that  had  been  with  them  many  had  died,  among  them  the 
beloved  Moritz,  whose  ship  was  afterward  shipwrecked 
oif  the  coast  of  New  York,  although  all  on  it  were  saved. 
He  says  he  was  glad  that  he  had  not  arrived  earlier,  be- 
cause of  the  great  heat  of  Pennsylvania  in  summer.  (In 
a  later  letter  of  1734  he  gives  an  account  of  the  great  heat 
in  summer,  so  that  men  fell  dead  in  the  streets  from  it.) 
He  closes  with  a  description  of  Pennsylvania,  of  its  land, 
fruits,  the  cost  of  living  and  the  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

In  1718  he  published  his  book,  "A  Defence  of  the 
unjustly  suspected  Pietists  of  Berne."  This  Defence  (or 
Apology)  consists  of  two  parts.  1.  The  Relation,  which 
contains  thirty  pages,  and  which  is  the  indictment  brought 
against  the  Pietists,  together  with  the  decision  of  the  court 
against  them.  2.  The  Apology,  covering  thirty-eight 
pages.  The  former  is  a  legal  document,  prefaced  by  a 
glorification  of  the  Berne  church  for  its  orthodoxy  to  the 
Reformed  faith,  especially  since  the  reformation.  Then 
it  gives  the  charges  against  Guldin  and  his  Pietistic 
companions.     They  were  : 

1.  The  circulation  of  heterodox,  mystical,  that  is, 
pietistic  books,  as  of  Weigel,  Poiret,  Leade  and  Boehme. 
Guldin  was  charged  with  having  received  some  of  them 


84  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

as  a  present,  and   with    not    having   warned    the    people 
against  such  books. 

2.  Doctrinal  errors  as  perfectionism — that  a  person 
can  become  perfectly  sinless  in  this  life;  also  that  a 
Christian  may  rise  to  such  an  experience,  where  his 
prayers  become  all  thanksgivings,  so  that  he  will  not  need 
to  pray  any  more  in  words;  also  that  an  unworthy  person 
should  not  come  to  the  Lord's  Supper;  also  that  a  person 
could  not  become  a  minister  without  an  internal  call. 

3.  Premillenarianism — that  Christ  would  come  visibly 
to  earth  before  the  milleuium.  This  it  held  to  be  con- 
trary to  the  Swiss  confessions. 

4.  A  new  method  of  preaching  different  from  what 
was  taught  in  the  schools  and  practised  in  the  pulpit.  He 
was  charged  with  usino^  in  his  sermons  the  common  dialect 
of  the  people,  instead  of  the  stiff  style  peculiar  to  the 
clergy.  This  it  claimed  detracted  from  the  dignity  of 
the  pulpit. 

5.  Crowding  the  churches.  They  would  draw  people 
from  other  parishes,  thus  interfering  with  congregations 
and  profaning  the  Sabbath  by  their  journeys.  One  of 
them  is  mentioned  as  drawing  large  crowds  from  the 
country  into  the  city  to  hear  him.  (Most  ministers  in  this 
19th  century  would  be  glad  to  be  charged  with  this  sin  of 
crowded  churches.  It  would  be  considered  to  their  credit 
father  than  their  hurt,  as  in  Guldin's  case.) 

G.  Tremblings.     Some  of  the  congregations  h^d  copQ? 


REV.    SAMUEL   GULDIN.  85 

under  so  much  feeling  that  they  trembled  like  the  early 
Quakers  in  England.  This,  the  opponents  held,  was 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God  and  the  custom  of  the 
Reformed  Church.  Guldin,  it  seems,  laid  himself  open  to 
condemnation,  because  he  had  expressed  a  doubt  whether 
tremblino;  was  a  work  of  God  or  of  Satau.  The  o-overuraent 
held  that  he  ought  to  have  spoken  boldly  against  this,  or 
else  kept  silence  altogether. 

7.  Prayer-meetings.  It  objected  to  these  because  they 
were  held  without  the  authorization  of  the  state  authori- 
ities,  and  especially  as  some  Anabaptists,  who  were  ostra- 
cised in  Berne,  were  present  on  one  occasion. 

8.  Correspondence  with  foreign  Pietists. 

The  Apology  or  Defence  of  Guldin  is  a  personal  defence 
of  himself,  and  yet  at  the  same  time  a  plea  for  experimen- 
tal piety.  He  denies  the  charges  and  defeuds  the  Pietists. 
He  begins  by  stating  that  the  Church  needed  a  new,  a 
second  reformation  ;  that  as  the  first  reformation  was  a 
reaction  against  the  formalism  of  the  Catholic  Church,  a 
new  reformation  was  needed  agaiust  the  formalism  in  the 
Protestant  Church  ;  since  dead  orthodoxy  had  come,  like 
a  dry  rot,  into  the  Reformed  Church  of  Berne.  In  reply- 
ing to  the  charges  he  says  that  he  never  received  his  Piet- 
ism from  others,  but  from  above.  He  then  describes  at 
length  the  journey  which  he  with  three  others  took  to 
Geneva  when  he  was  a  student,  and  also  his  later  conver- 
sion while  in  the  ministry.     He  declares  that  when  he 


86  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

went  abroad  he  did  not  come  into  more  contact  with  Pi(»t- 
ism  than  he  had  found  in  Berne. 

In  regard  to  books  he  declares  his  right  of  freedom  to 
read  Leade's  book,  "  Heavenly  Clouds/'  if  he  wished. 
But  he  confesses  that  when  he  read  it  he  found  much  that 
to  him  was  very  dark.  He  declared  the  forbidding  to  read 
such  books  by  the  Berne  clergy  to  be  a  great  injustice. 

In  regard  to  false  doctrine  he  says  there  can  be  a  per- 
fection in  this  life  that  is  entirely  scriptural,  if  it  is  properly 
understood.  But  he  denies  that  the  Pietists  held  that  the 
fully  sanctified  did  not  need  to  pray.  He  holds  that  Pre- 
millenarianism  is  scriptural,  but  it  was  evident  the  millen- 
ium  had  not  yet  come.  As  regards  church  discipline  or 
keeping  the  unworthy  away  from  the  Lord's  table,  that 
was  clearly  taught  in  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  and  the 
authorities  were,  therefore,  wrong  in  charging  him  with 
that  as  a  sin.  As  to  preaching  in  popular  and  not  pulpit 
language,  he  says  that  was  what  Christ  did.  As  to  tremb- 
lings he  replied  that  such  tremblings  were  scriptural,  like 
the  struggles  of  the  demoniacs  in  Christ's  time.  They 
were  the  signs  of  the  efforts  of  the  evil  spirit  to  retain  con- 
trol over  our  spirits.  And  as  to  prayer  meetings,  they 
were  justified  in  Scripture  by  Christ  and  the  apostles.  As 
to  correspondence  with  Laub  and  Locher,  he  rei)lie(l  that 
it  was  not  true  since  his  student  days.  He  says  that  Piet- 
ism was  nothing  but  active  faith  and  living  Christianity. 

In  a  word,  he  declares  their  decision  in  dismissing  him 


REV.    SAMUEL    GULDIN.  87 

aud  forbickliug  liim  to  [)reach  in  tlie  pulpits  was  unjust  and 
false.  He  says  that  in  Holland  the  arbitrary  aetion  of 
Berne  against  himself  and  the  Pietists,  as  well  as  their 
persecution  of  the  Anabaptists,  had  been  severely  criti- 
cised. He  rejoiced  that  now  he  lived  in  the  free  air  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  not  under  the  aristocratic  tyranny  of 
Berne.  He  evidently  acted  wisely  in  removing  to  another 
land,  from  which  he  could  rebuke  his  native  land  by  a  com- 
parison with  its  freedom,  and  thus  shame  Berne  for  its 
narrowness.  It  is  hardly  necessary  in  closing  this  review 
of  Guldin's  book  to  say  that  Berne  has  since  learned  the 
lesson  he  taught.  Pietism  is  permitted.  The  aristocracy 
of  Berne  was  overthrown  in  the  early  part  of  this  century, 
aud  now  the  Berne  Church  is  only  too  liberal  in  allowing 
heresy,  as  many  of  its  ministry  aud  even  some  of  its  theo- 
logical professors  are  rationalists. 

In  America  Guldin  found  a  wide  field  for  labor. 
There  were  many  Germans  and  Swiss  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  no  Beformed  ministers  but  himself.  His  evangelistic 
spirit  found  a  wide  opportunity  here.  He  preached  for 
the  Reformed  when  opportunity  offered,  gathering  them 
together  in  houses,  barns  or  groves,  for  there  were  as  yet 
no  Reformed  church  buildings.  After  the  first  church  was 
built  at  Germantown  in  1719,  he  seems  to  have  occasion- 
ally preached  there.  Ba'hm  says  in  his  report  of  1739  to 
Holland  that  "at  Germantown  old  Guldi  occasionally 
preached."     His   home   seems   to   have   been  at  various 


88  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

places — at  Roxboro,  Oley  and  Philadelphia.  At  Oley 
he  seems  to  have  led  the  quiet  life  of  a  retired  farmer, 
though  still  preaching.  He  might  have  become  the 
founder  of  the  German  Reformed  Church  in  the  United 
States  if  he  had  wished,  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
an  organizer.  It  was  left  for  two  pious  schoolmasters, 
Boehm  and  Tempelman,  to  do  that  work.  They  began 
very  early  by  holding  religious  services,  and  one  of  them 
(Boehm)  went  farther  than  the  other,  and  fully  organized 
his  churches,  and  so  became  the  founder  of  the  Reformed 
in  Pennsylvania.  Still  Guldin's  influence  was  doubtless  a 
beneficent  one,  as  it  provided  the  colonists  with  some 
preaching,  and  prevented  the  earlier  rising  of  the  sects  to 
power.  He  became  later  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Re- 
formed, as  we  shall  see,  in  the  Moravian  controversy. 
He  died  at  Philadelphia,  December  31,  1745,  aged  eighty- 
one  years. 


CHAPTER  II.— SECTION  III. 
THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  B(EHM. 

The  Boehm  ftimily  had  lived  ut  Dorlieini  in  Hesse. 
The  father  of  Johu  Pliilip  Bfchm  was  Rev.  Philip  Lewis 
Bcehm,  who  was  boru  1645,  at  Dorheim.  In  1665  he 
attended  the  Reformed  gymnasium,  at  Hanau,  and  matric- 
ulated at  Marburg  University,  August  27,  1666.  He 
became  pastor  at  Hochstadt,  near  Hanau,  1680-1688,  and 
was  again  there  1691-1700.  From  1709-1713  he  was 
pastor  at  Wachenbucheu.  On  January  18,  1717,  he  sent 
a  petition  for  support  to  the  consistory  of  Hanau,  because 
he  had  become  blind.  This  was  granted  a  year  and  a  half 
later,  and  five  florins  were  given  him  yearly.  He  died 
in  1725. 

His  son,  John  Philip  Boehm,  was  born  at  Hochstadt, 
and  baptized  there,  November  25,  1683.  He  had  an  older 
sister,  named  Margaret,  born  1681,  and  twin  brothers  older 
than  himself,  named  John  Daniel  and  Clement  Lewis. 
The  place  where  he  was  educated  for  a  schoolmaster  has 
not  yet  been  found,  although  his  older  brothers  attended 
school  at  Hanau.  From  1708-1715  he  taught  school  at 
Worms. 

When  Boehm  taught  at  Worms  the  Reformed  congre- 


90  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN  U.   S. 

gation  was  comparatively  new.  The  Reformed  had  not 
been  permitted,  by  the  Lutherans,  to  hold  religious  ser- 
vices in  the  town  until  1699.  Before  that  they  had  their 
church  service  at  Neuhausen.  But  the  terrible  destruction 
of  the  city  by  the  French,  in  1689,  had  so  depopulated  it 
that  the  city  government  was  inclined  to  grant  concessions 
to  other  denominations  so  as  to  gain  colonists.  So  on 
June  13,  1699,  tlie  city  council  and  the  Reformed  drew  up 
an  agreement,  by  which  the  former  gave  the  Reformed 
permission  to  have  services  in  the  city,  while  the  latter,  for 
this  concession,  promised  they  would  never  seek  any  pub- 
lic office,  or  demand  any  more  rights  than  had  been  granted 
to  them.  The  first  Reformed  service  was  held  in  the  toMu 
in  the  open  air,  June  25,  1699,  and  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
celebrated  in  the  newly  built  churcli,  January  1,  1700, 
with  250  communicants.  The  congregation,  however,  was 
not  strong,  numbering,  in  1714,  eiglity-three  members. 
Its  seal  was  a  table,  on  which  a  candle  was  standing, 
which  was  being  lighted  by  a  torch. 

Boehm  was  the  successor  of  Jacob  de  Malade,  as  school- 
master, and  was  elected  to  that  position  March  11,  1708. 
He  soon  found  that  he  had  bitter  opponents  in  the  congre- 
gatit)n.  It  seems  that  one  of  the  elders,  the  most  promi- 
nent man  in  the  consistory,  Christopher  Schmidt,  had  had 
another  candidate  for  Bcehm's  position,  named  Matthias 
Diel,  of  Kesselstadt.  The  latter's  defeat  made  liini 
Btt'hm's  constant  and  implacable  enemy.  Ag-aiust  him 
Boehm  defended  himself  vigorously. 


HOCHSTAirr  NEAR   HANALI  (tlie  church  in  which   P,.L-hm  was  haptized  is 
ill  the  ceiUre  of  the  picture). 


THE  REFORMKU  CHURCH  AT  WORMS  (in  wlmse  schod   li.elim  taught) 


THE    EAELY    LIFE    OF    BCEHM.  91 

The  first  open  rupture  occurred  in  1710,  in  reference 
to  the  biiptisnial  fees.  The  German  custom  was  that  the 
schoolmaster  (who  also  acted  as  sexton),  received  the  bap- 
tismal fees.  (Bwhm's  salary  was  100  gulden  the  first 
year,  and  if  satisfactory,  100  rixdollars  later  on,  with  the 
baptismal  fees  as  perquisites.)  In  March,  1710,  Schmidt 
proposed  that  the  baptismal  fees  be  put  into  the  alms  fund 
of  the  church.  Boehm  naturally  objected  to  this  breach  of 
the  contract  made  with  him.  The  pastor,  John  Casper 
Cruciger,  afterwards  a  member  of  the  Reformed  consistory 
at  Heidelberg,  sided  with  Boehm,  as  did  the  majority  of 
the  consistory.  The  consistory  divided  on  the  subject,  six 
(the  pastor  and  five  others,)  being  in  fiivor  of  Bcehm,  and 
Schmidt,  the  president,  with  three  others,  against  him. 
So  this  then  was  not  accepted  either  by  the  minister, 
consistory  or  people.  Schmidt  became  angered  when  his 
proposition  was  not  accepted,  and  he  set  about  making 
things  uncomfortable  for  Boehm.  He  had  his  friends  in 
the  consistory,  one  of  whom,  named  Basserman,  became 
his  willing  tool.  Schmidt  persuaded  Basserman  to  take 
the  baptismal  money  at  the  next  opportunity  and  put  it  in 
the  alms  box.  So  on  May  14,  1711,  when  the  child  of  the 
pastor  was  baptized,  and  one  of  the  sponsors  laid  the  bap- 
tismal fee  on  the  table,  Basserman  went  np  and  took  it 
away  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  those  who  were  present. 
He  repeated  this  several  times,  until  on  Monday  after  Pen- 
tecost fifteen  members  lodged  complaint  against  him  before 


92  THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

the  consistory.  Boehm  also  complaiucd  there,  not  only 
about  the  baptismal  fees,  but  because  Bassermau  had  with- 
held his  salary  for  eleven  weeks,  at  which  Bassermau 
became  very  angry  and  abusive. 

As  Boehm  could  get  no  redress  from  the  consistory,  he 
appealed  to  the  city  council,  July  6,  1711.  His  appeal 
was  signed  by  the  members  of  the  church,  wlio  wished  him 
to  receive  the  fees.  The  council  gave  reply  on  July  17, 
that  until  the  question  was  finally  decided,  the  old  custom 
should  remain  and  Boehm  should  receive  the  fees.  But 
Schmidt  continued  taking  the  fees  away  from  Boehm,  as  he 
liad  done  before.  On  August  2  he  took  the  fee,  although  it 
was  wrapped  up  in  paper,  with  Boehm's  name  written  on 
it.  And  when  Bcehm  called  his  attention  to  the  decision 
of  the  city  council,  he  became  as  furious  as  Bassermau. 
The  strife  was  kept  up  for  several  months.  Boehm  kept 
appealing,  and  the  council  kept  giving  decisions,  but 
Schmidt  kept  on  defying  them.  Finally,  on  November  2, 
1711,  they  came  to  an  agreement  that  the  giving  of 
baptismal  fees  was  left  optional  with  the  people.  In  this 
agreement  there  was  a  clause  which  required  Schmidt  to 
give  up  the  account  books  to  the  congregation.  This  he 
refused  to  do.  He  treated  the  minister  just  as  he  had 
treated  Boehm,  and  there  resulted  a  long  conflict  between 
the  minister  and  himself,  in  which  he  jjursued  the  same 
tactics,  but  was  finally  defeated. 

Matters  now  remained  (piiet  for  three  years,  until  sud- 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    BCEHM.  93 

denly  Schmidt  found  another  opportunity  to  attack  Boehm. 
According  to  the  (ionstitntion  of  the  congregation  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  deacons  to  provide  the  communion  bread 
and  bring  it  to  the  schoiibnaster,  who  was  to  cut  it  into 
pieces  and  place  it  on  the  communion  table  for  the  services. 
The  communion  was  to  be  celebrated  on  August  5,  1714. 
Christopher  Erb,  a  baker,  was  to  provide  the  bread.  He 
sent  it  on  Saturday  to  Boehm's  house.  Boehm's  wife 
received  it  and  put  it  away  in  the  cellar.  Boehm  was  not 
at  home  at  the  time,  and  so  did  not  give  it  any  attention 
till  the  next  morning,  when,  on  trying  to  cut  it,  he  found 
it  too  brittle  to  cut  into  slices.  He  therefore  called  to  the 
minister,  who  lived  next  door,  to  know  what  to  do.  The 
latter  said  he  was  too  busy  to  attend  to  the  matter,  and  as 
it  was  the  deacons'  duty  to  look  after  it,  he  advised  him 
to  notify  Erb.  Boehm  then  sent  to  Erb  for  another 
loaf  of  bread.  The  latter  sent  him  one  just  as  brittle  as 
the  last,  which  he  could  no  more  cut  than  the  former  loaf. 
In  desperation  he  at  last  cut  enough  rye  bread,  and  it  was 
used  at  the  communion.  Schmidt,  who  had  not  been  in 
church  for  nineteen  months,  or  to  communion  for  four 
years,  saw  in  this  an  opportunity  to  persecute  Boehm.  On 
August  29  he  informed  the  pastor  that  the  consistory 
w^ould  like  to  hold  a  meeting,  at  which  he  should  not  be 
present.  Boehm's  friends  in  the  consistory  were  also  not 
invited.  The  remainder,  a  minority  of  the  consistory 
(only  four  in  number),  held  a  meeting  and  constituted  them-! 


94  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

selves  a  committee  of  investigatioD.  They  even  liad  the 
audacity  to  borrow  paper  and  ink  from  Boehm's  house, 
when  they  proposed  to  investigate  and  try  him.  Erb  was 
the  first  Avitness,  and  Boehm  was  then  called  in  to  testify. 
The  four  members  then  drew  up  a  report.  They  then 
went  through  the  congregation,  and  Avhen  they  had  the 
matter  sufficiently  stirred  up,  they  asked  the  pastor  to  call 
a  congregational  meeting,  September  9,  after  the  service. 
Cruciger  tried  to  dissuade  them,  but  they  insisted.  When 
Cruciger  had  retired,  Schmidt  opened  the  meeting  with  his 
report  of  investigation.  His  partisans  made  a  number  of 
speeches  in  favor  of  Boehm's  dismissal.  Some  of  the  bet- 
ter members  were  so  disgusted  at  the  spirit  of  the  meeting 
that  they  left.  When  the  vote  was  taken,  Schmidt 
declared  Boehm  was  dismissed.  The  vote  was  a  doubtful 
oue.  This  was  the  more  likely,  as  Schmidt's  adherents  went 
about  after  the  meeting  to  other  members  asking  tliem  to 
give  their  votes  against  Boehm.  But  at  any  rate  Schmidt 
claimed  that  the  congregation  had  dismissed  Boehm.  On 
Tuesday  he  notified  Boehm  that  the  congregation  had  dis- 
charged him,  and  demanded  that  he  vacate  the  school- 
house  within  six  weeks. 

But  they  had  not  reckoned  on  their  host.  Btehm,  who 
always  was  a  vigorous  polemist  when  necessary,  surprised 
them  by  saying :  "  In  the  first  })lace,  I  do  not  accept  my 
discharge  from  you.  I  demand  that  it  be  given  in  writ- 
ing, with  the  reasons  for  such  action  stated  in  full,  because 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    BCEIIM.  95 

I  shall  lay  the  Avhole  matter  before  the  city  council. 
Moreover  you  claim  that  you  act  in  the  name  of  the  con- 
gregation, which  must  first  be  determined."  At  the  next 
midweek  meeting  matters  come  to  a  climax.  Btehm  went 
to  Cruciger  in  the  morning  to  get  the  hymns  for  the  ser- 
vice. The  latter  told  him  that  the  deacons  had  been  with 
him,  and  had  in  the  name  of  the  congregation  requested 
him  not  to  allow  Bcehm  to  lead  the  singing  any  longer. 
Boehm  asked  Cruciger  whether  he  as  pastor  forbade  him 
to  lead  the  singing.  Cruciger  replied,  "  No."  So  Boehm 
went  to  church,  and  took  his  usual  place.  When,  after 
the  bells  had  been  rung,  he  rose  to  read  the  Scriptures  (for 
it  was  customary  for  the  reader  to  begin  service  with  read- 
ing of  a  chapter),  and  had  not  read  many  words,  some  one 
arose  and  in  the  name  of  the  congregation  told  him  to 
cease,  as  he  had  been  discharged,  Boehm  replied  :  "  I  have 
not  received  a  legal  dismissal,  and  I  do  not  accept  it  now." 
Then  another  member  came  up  and  closed  the  Bible  before 
him,  and  would  have  taken  it  away,  if  Boehm  had  not  held 
it  with  both  hands.  The  result  was  a  tumult  among  the 
congregation  between  Bcehm's  friends  and  enemies. 

On  September  14  Boehm  laid  the  whole  matter  before 
the  council  of  the  city,  who  gave  liim  a  favorable  decision. 
The  consistory  not  taking  any  notice  of  this,  he  again  laid 
before  the  council  a  long  statement  of  the  whole  matter, 
October  12,  1714.  He  demanded  that  his  enemies  be 
compelled  to  give  their  reasons  for  his  dismissal  in  full,  sq 


96  THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

he  might  reply  to  them.  After  another  delay  and  repeated 
decrees  of  the  city  council,  Schmidt  and  his  party  finally 
gave  their  reasons.  The  charges  were  mainly  four,  Avhicli 
Boehra  amply  refuted  : 

1.  That  he  was  a  poor  teacher,  and  his  school  was 
becoming  smaller  every  day.  He  answered  that  that  was 
not  his  fault,  but  theirs,  as  they  had  taken  their  children 
out  of  the  school,  and  were  influencing  others  to  do  so. 
He,  however,  claimed  that  his  school  was  larger  than  that 
of  his  predecessor,  as  he  had  forty  children  of  good  families. 

2.  They  charged  him  with  discontinuing  his  private 
instructions.  To  this  Bnehm  replied  that  it  had  not  been 
required  of  him  in  his  call  to  hold  them,  and  hence  he 
could  act  in  this  matter  as  he  thought  best. 

3.  That  Jewish  children  were  taught  in  liis  school 
Avith  the  Christian  children.  He  said  that  that  was  not 
true,  except  that  once  or  twice  a  Jewish  child  had  come  a 
little  early  and  sat  alongside  of  the  other  children. 

4.  His  indistinct  reading  as  a  public  reader  in  the 
church.  He  answered  that  it  was  strange  they  should 
make  this  charge,  when  they  had  him  on  trial  six  weeks 
before  they  first  engaged  him,  and  had  had  liiin  now  for 
six  years,  yet  no  one  had  discovered  that  charge  till  now. 

The  city  council  deliberated  about  this  for  more  than  a 
year.  Bcehm  appealed  to  them  again  and  again  for  a 
decision,  but  in  vain.  Schmidt  evidently  had  considerable 
influence  in  the  council.     Finally  Boehm  became  tired  of 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    BCEHM.  97 

the  suspense.  He  handed  in  his  resignation,  to  take  eifect 
on  November  22,  1715,  and  accepted  the  position  of 
school-teacher  at  Lambsheim,  near  Frankenthal. 

At  Lambsheim  there  are  some  notices  of  him.  On  May 
12,  1718,  he  made  complaint  there  about  the  heathrights 
(these  were  the  assignments  of  waste  lands  among  the 
community)  that  they  had  been  taken  aAvay  from  him  as 
schoolmaster  two  years  before,  and  divided  even  among 
those  who  were  not  citizens.  This  he  thought  was  unjust, 
as  he  had  married  the  daughter  of  a  citizen  there  and  was 
himself  a  citizen  and  paid  taxes  on  150  florins  assessment. 
He  received  145  florins  salary  there,  of  which  he  had  to 
pay  quarterly  forty-six  kreutzers  and  four  hellers  as  tax. 
He  paid  the  first  tax,  June  17,  1717,  in  full,  and  again  on 
August  27  and  November  28. 

On  May  6,  1718,  the  heathlots  were  distributed.  He 
was  again  left  out  and  appealed,  but  the  assistant  magis- 
trate said  that  if  the  pastors  and  schoolmasters  were  to  be 
given  lots,  half  the  commons  would  have  to  be  given  them, 
and  so  he  refused.  Boehm  therefore  appealed  to  the  su- 
preme court  at  Neustadt  in  the  Palatinate.  In  tliis  ap- 
peal he  asked  that  the  Reformed  and  Catholic  ministers 
and  schoolmasters  might  receive  the  same  treatment  as  the 
other  citizens  (for  the  Catholics  had  made  a  similiar  com- 
plaint)— that  he  be  treated  as  the  Catholic  schoolmaster 
had  been.  The  court  replied  by  ordering  the  magistrates 
to  treat  all  equally.  On  May  28  he  again  appealed  to 
7 


98  THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

them,  stating  that  the  magistrate  had  done  nothing  in  his 
case,  and  so  he  would  have  to  lose  the  expected  crop  in 
the  vineyard,  which  had  been  given  to  the  Reformed  for 
many  years,  and  had  been  planted  by  them,  especially  by 
pastor  Mock,  thirty  years  before.  He  therefore  asked  the 
court  to  aid  him.  The  court  ordered  the  chief  magistrate, 
Ferbert,  under  penalty  of  ten  imperial  dollars,  to  inform 
the  assistant  magistrate  that  if  the  assignment  were  not 
made  within  a  week,  the  domain  would  be  fined.  So 
Boehm  gained  his  case. 

We  find  mention  of  Boehm  in  the  town  accounts  as  late 
as  April  6,  1720,  after  which  he  seems  t«  have  come  to 
America.* 

The  petition  that  Btehm's  congregations  sent  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam,  July,  1728,  which  says  that  he  was 
compelled  to  flee  because  of  persecutions  of  the  Catholics, 
does  not  seem  to  be  borne  out  by  those  records  that  have 
been  found.  Still  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Rcfornied 
were  under  persecution  in  the  Palatinate  at  the  time  ;  and 
if  so,  Bcehni  must  have  been  indirectly  a  sufferer  from 
them,  even  if  no  direct  fact  is  found.  For  the  Elector  of 
the  Palatinate  in  1719  issued  two  edicts  against  the  Re- 
formed, one  (April  24)  forbidding  them  to  use  the  Heidel- 

*  He  seems  to  have  married  at  Lambsheim  a  second  time,  his  first  wife 
having  been  Anna  Maria  Stehler,  and  his  second  Anna  Maria  Soberer.  Four 
children  were  born  to  him  at  Worms,  and  baptized  by  Rev.  Mr.  Crucigcr — 
John  Sabina,  born  May  2,  170'J;  Francis  Louis,  July  24,  1711  ;  John  Chris- 
toph,  May  4,  ITlTi,  died  August,  1713,  and  Anthony  William,  April  27,  1714. 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    BGEHM.  99 

berg-  Catechism,  the  other  (August  26)  taking  the  Church 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  at  Heidelberg  from  them.  The  church 
was  not  given  back  to  them  until  foreign  princes,  as  those 
of  Prussia,  Hesse  Cassel  and  England,  retaliated  on  the 
Catholics.  The  persecution  was,  therefore,  sufficiently 
great  to  attract  the  attention  of  these  foreign  princes,  and 
lead  them  to  severe  measures.  Not  till  February  29, 
1720,  did  the  Elector  give  back  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  at  Heidelberg  to  the  Reformed.  And  even  when 
Boohm  left,  the  catechism  was  only  provisionally  permitted. 
Full  liberty  to  use  it  was  not  granted  to  the  Reformed 
until  May  10,  1721,  the  year  after  he  left.  Of  course,  as 
the  whole  Palatinate  was  involved  in  this  persecution,  the 
words  of  Boehm's  congregations  in  their  petition  were  true. 
He  with  all  the  Reformed  had  suffered  from  the  oppres- 
sions of  a  Catholic  Elector,  and  therefore,  like  his  fellow 
Palatines,  he  sought  religious  freedom  in  that  land  famous 
then  in  Germany  for  such  liberty,  namely  Pennsylvania. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CHURCH  UNDER  CONGREGATIONAL 
ORGANIZATION  (1725-1747). 

The  growth  and  development  of  the  Church  was 
gradual.  lu  its  organization  there  came  first,  of  course, 
the  organization  of  the  individual  congregations  or  charges, 
and  finally  their  union  into  a  synod  or  coetus.  The  former 
^vill  be  described  in  this  chapter ;  the  latter  in  the  next. 
John  Philip  Brehm  had  the  honor  of  organizing  the  first 
German  Reformed  congregations  in  Pennsylvania.  What 
Guldin  might  have  done,  had  he  been  an  organizer,  Bwhm 
accomplished.  Michael  Schlatter  has  the  other  honor  of 
being  the  founder  of  the  synod  or  coetus,  which  organized 
the  scattered  Reformed  congregations  into  a  union. 

SECTION  I. 

THE  EARLY  LABORS  OF  B(EHM. 

The  early  Reformed  began  coming  to  Pennsylvania  in 
large  crowds.  Tlic  unfitrtunatc  experience  of  their  friends 
in  New  York  state  led  them  to  avoid  New  York  for  many 
years,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  freedom  and  warm  wel- 
come given  to  them  in  Pennsylvania  drew  large  crowds 
thither.     This  emigration  was  aided  by  the  large  adver- 


THE   EARLY   LABORS   OF   BCEHM.  101 

tising  done  by  the  various  German  Land  Companies,  who 
had  taken  up  laud  in  Pennsylvania,  and  who  sought  emi- 
grants for  their  lands.  It  seems  strange  to  us  that  for 
many  years  they  speak  of  this  colony  as  the  "  island  of 
Pennsylvania."  The  founder  of  Pennsylvania,  William 
Peun,  had  a  warni  place  in  his  heart  for  the  Reformed. 
He  was  favorable  to  thorn  especiall}'  for  three  reasons  : 

1.  His  mother  was  of  the  Reformed  Church,  it  is  said. 
She  was  a  daughter  of  a  Holland  merchant  named  Jasper, 
a  member  of  the  Reformed  Church  at  Rotterdam.  She 
may  indeed  have  had  the  value  of  a  jasper  in  the  eyes  of 
her  son,  for  she  was  ever  his  protectress  when  his  father, 
Admiral  Penn,  became  so  incensed  against  him  for  going 
over  to  the  Quakers. 

2.  He  owed  a  very  important  part  of  his  education  to 
the  Reformed.  When  his  father  sent  him  to  France  to  get 
liim  away  from  the  influence  of  Quakers  at  home,  Penn 
attended  the  Reformed  University  of  Saunuu-,  and  from 
his  training  there  he  acquired  not  only  a  more  liberal  mind, 
but  also  a  certain  polish  of  manner  which  made  him  the 
Quaker  courtier  of  th(!  English  court. 

3.  He  counted  among  his  warmest  friends  one  of  the 
most  learned  and  pious  Reformed  princesses  of  that  day, 
the  Princess  Elizabeth  of  the  Palatinate,  who  was  abbess  of 
the  Protestant  abbey  at  Herford.  There  Penn  had  visited 
lier  and  held  religious  service  in  her  house.  So  highly 
did  he  admire  her  Christian  character  that  he  placed  her 


102        THE   GEEMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

among  the  saints  of  earth  in  his  book,  "  No  Cross,  No 
Crown/'  which  lie  wrote  when  imprisoned  in  the  tower  at 
London  for  being  a  Quaker.* 

Penn  for  these  reasons  owed  a  debt  to  the  German 
Reformed,  which  he  amply  repaid  by  offering  to  them  an 
asylum  in  Pennsylvania  when  they  fled  from  war,  oppres- 
sion and  poverty. 

The  Reformed  began  coming  very  early  to  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  as  the  years  rolled  on  the  number  of  emigrants 
increased.  When  they  arrived,  they  found  that  the  Quakers 
had  already  taken  possession  of  the  best  lands  around 
Philadelphia,  so  they  were  compelled  to  go  out  beyond  them 
toward  what  was  then  the  wilderness.  Tliev  then  beiran 
settling  up  the  Perkiomeu  Valley  and  northward  along 
the  Schuylkill  Valley  to  Falkner  Swamp  (near  Pottstown). 
Wheu  these  were  pretty  well  settled,  they  pushed  out 
farther  into  the  Indian  wilderness,  settling  south  of  the 
Blue  Mountain,  from  Egypt  on  the  east  to  Tulpehocken 
in  the  west,  and  down  into  the  Conestoga  districit  in  Tvan- 
caster  county. 

The  early  Reformed,  although  they  came  without 
ministers  and  had  no  churches,  must  not  be  considered  as 
an  irreligious  people.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  a  relig- 
ious folk,  many  of  them  being  refugees  from  religious  ])er- 
secution.     They  had  loved  their  Reformed  faith  so  much 

*  For  an  account  of  her  life  see  "  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Ger- 
many," by  Rev.  James  I.  Good,  D.  D. 


THE    EARLY    LABORS    OF    BCEHM.  103 

that  they  were  willing  to  give  up  home  and  country  on 
account  of  it.  The  religion  for  which  they  had  sacrificed 
their  old  home  was  too  dear  to  thcni  to  give  up  when  they 
came  to  their  new  home  in  America.  They,  therefore, 
did  not  forget  their  God  or  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  as 
alas  so  many  German  emigrants  have  done  in  this  century. 
The  German  emigration  of  the  last  century  may  be  set 
down  as  a  very  religious  emigration — so  religious  that  the 
tendency  among  them  was  rather  to  go  off  into  religious 
excesses,  as  inspirationism  or  fanaticism,  especially  as 
there  were  almost  no  ministers  to  guide  them.  Being  thus 
religious,  they  brought  with  them  their  Bibles,  their  cate- 
chisms, their  hymn  books,  etc.,  many  of  which  have  come 
down  to  their  descendants.  In  the  wilderness  they  set  up 
their  tabernacles  for  worship.  Where  they  were  able  to 
do  so  they  would  employ  a  parochial  schoolmaster  to  teach 
their  children.  He  would  also  hold  a  religious  service  by 
prayer,  reading  of  sermon  and  singing.  Or  if  the  com- 
munity had  no  schoolmaster,  they  would  sometimes  choose 
one  of  their  own  number,  whose  integrity  of  life  fitted  him 
to  be  a  religious  leader,  and  he  would  hold  worship  for 
them.  What  they  most  missed  were  their  sacramental 
privileges.  Their  children  would  remain  unbaptized,  and 
they  would  miss  the  communion  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 
At  first  some  of  them  would  p-o  to  communion  with  the 
Presbyterians  in  Philadelphia,  and  have  their  children 
baptized  by  the   Presbyterian   minister  at   Philadelphia, 


104        THE   GEE1SLA.N   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Rev.  Jedediah  Andrews,  D.  T>.,  as  he  himself  says  in  a 
letter.  But  it  was  very  unsatisfactory,  as  they  did  not 
understand  an  English  service  well.  Besides,  most  of 
them  were  poor,  and  could  not  aiford  the  journey  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  so  were  not  able  to  enjoy  such  privileges. 

So  in  course  of  time  those  living  in  the  Schuylkill 
Valley  north  of  Philadelphia  became  dissatisfied  with 
their  religious  condition.  As  no  Reformed  minister  was 
to  be  had,  they  finally  prevailed  on  Mr.  B(ehm  to  become 
their  minister.  (Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  had  begun 
holding  religious  services  for  them  without  salary  in  the 
capacity  of  a  "  reader."  Tliis  is  an  officer  in  the  Dutch 
Church  who  holds  services  when  there  is  no  minister,  and 
when  there  is  a  minister,  he  opens  the  services  by  reading 
the  Scriptures.)  He  at  first  refused,  because  he  had  not 
been  ordained.  But  they  became  most  importunate. 
Henry  Antes,  the  leading  elder  at  Falkner  Swamp, 
entreated  him  even  with  tears  to  accept  a  (;all  so  mani- 
festly providential.  He  finally  accepted,  "  protesting 
before  God  that  he  could  not  justify  his  refusal  of  so  neces- 
sary a  work."  The  schoolmaster  thus  became  the  minis- 
ter by  force  of  circumstances,  and  he  organized  the  Re- 
formed north  of  Philadelphia  into  three-  congregations. 
He  first  administered  the  communion  at  Falkner  Swamp, 
October  15,  1725,  to  forty  members;  at  Skii)])aek  in  No- 
vember to  thirty-seven  members,  and  at  Wiiite  Marsli, 
December  23,  to  twenty-four  members.     Falkner  Swamp 


THE    EARLY   LABORS    OF    BCEHM.  105 

is  thus  the  oldest  Reformed  congregation  still  in  existence, 
as  Skippack  afterwards  became  dormant  (Schlatter  declares 
it  extinct)  for  a  while,  and  White  Marsh  went  to  pieces 
after  the  death  of  William  Dewees  (Germantown,  which 
was  the  oldest  of  them  all,  having  since  gone  over  to  the 
Presbyterians).  * 

Boehm  proposed  u  full  eliurcli  constitution  to  these  three 
congregations,  which  was  adopted.  This  constitution 
fully  reveals  the  thoroughly  Reformed  position  of  B(ehm. 
It  was  in  every  way  Calviuistic.  It  was  Calvinistic  in  its 
church  government,  for  it  organized  the  consistory  thor- 
oughly; and  the  consistory  was  Calvin's  contribution  to 
the  Reformed  Church  government.  It  also  ordered  strict 
church  discipline,  and  imposed  penalties  on  tliose  who  had 
proved  unworthy  of  their  Christian  profession  ;  and  church 
discipline  has  always  been  a  peculiarly  Calvinistic  idea  of 
government.  In  doctrine,  as  in  government,  it  was  thor- 
oughly Calvinistic.  It  accepted  the  creeds  of  the  Reformed 
Church  of  Hollaud,  such  as  the  Canons  of  Dort.  It  also 
accepted  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  thus  showing  that  our 
catechism  was  recognized  at  the  very  beginning  of  our 
church  organization  as  one  of  its  syuibols. 

This  constitution  reveals  that  B<ehm,  tliougli  only  a 
school-master,  was  a  man  of  considerable  ability,  and  had 

*  BoehiD  gives  three  reports  of  the  organization  of  his  charge.  The  lirt 
is  given  by  the  letter  of  his  consistories  to  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam  in  July, 
1728.  The  others  are  in  Bochm's  reports  to  Ilollancl,  the  one  in  1739,  the 
other  in  1744. 


106        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

a  fine  mind  for  tlie  logic  of  constitutional  points.  Weiss 
and  Eeiff  tried  to  make  the  impression  on  the  South  Hol- 
land Synod  that  Boehm  was  an  illiterate  man.  But 
although  Bcehm  did  not  have  a  university  education, 
as  far  as  we  kno^v,  he  yet  revealed  a  strength  of  mind 
and  a  practical  tact  that  often  makes  up  for  the  lack  of 
university  training,  and  comes  through  self-development, 
rather  than  through  tlie  schools.  Indeed,  as  we  shall 
see  hereafter,  whenever  a  constitutional  question  of  Re- 
formed Church  law  came  up,  he  was  generally  in  the  right. 
Judging  by  the  positions  he  takes  in  his  letters,  it  would 
have  been  well  if  he  had  lived  longer  thau  he  did,  for  he 
would  have  saved  the  Church  from  much  confusion  in  the 
controversies  which  followed  his  death.  For  where  Schlat- 
ter and  Bffihm  differ  on  church  order,  Bochm  is  generally 
in  the  right,  as  in  his  letter  of  November,  1748.  On  such 
subjects  he  seems  to  sec  to  the  root  of  the  matter,  and  then 
to  reason  out  the  logical  results,  which  never  failed  to  come, 
for  his  words  sometimes  seem  to  have  a  sort  of  prophetic 
insight. 

Boehm  was  not  satisfied  with  having  his  church  consti- 
tution adopted  only  by  his  three  congregations.  He  tried 
to  have  it  adopted  by  other  Reformed  congregations. 
Thus  on  October  14,  1727,  he  went  to  Conestoga  and 
administered  the  connnunion  to  59  members,  and  to  Tul- 
pehocken,  October  18,  1727,  where  he  administered  the 
communion  to  32   members.     Both   of  them   afterwards 


THE    EARLY    LABORS    OF    BffillM.  107 

accepted  his  constitution.  On  July  21,  1734,  Philadelphia 
also  accepted  his  constitution.  He  also  organized  the  Oley 
conp-reffation  accordino;  to  his  church  constitution.  On 
May  4,  1736,  he  administered  the  communion  to  39  per- 
sons. He  went  there  the  second  time,  November  17, 1736, 
gave  the  communion  to  40  and  installed  four  elders  and 
two  deacons.  Then  Goetschi  came  along  soon  after  and 
undid  his  work  there.  Thus  Boehm  was  able  to  introduce 
his  constitution  into  seven  congregations.  But  German- 
town,  which  had  been  so  largely  aflfected  by  the  sect  spirit, 
and  Goshenhoppen,  which  had  been  led  into  independency 
by  the  ReiflF  party  and  Goetschi,  would  not  accept  it. 

We  thus  see  Boehm's  earnest  efforts  to  organize  the 
couprcp-ations.  For  this  he  should  have  the  credit  that 
has  hitherto  been  given  to  Schlatter.  Many  of  the  congre- 
gations which  Schlatter  organized  in  his  early  ministry 
here,  had  been  organized  before  he  came.  He  mainly- 
gathered  them  into  charges.  Not  so  Boehm.  He  had  to 
work  on  virgin  soil.  Besides,  Schlatter  had  the  support  of 
the  strong  Holland  Church  behind  him,  while  Boehm  alone 
and  unaided  heroically  tried  to  organize  the  Reformed  and 
bring  them  out  of  the  confusion  caused  by  the  sects  into 
some  kind  of  order.  Tliat  he  succeeded  in  getting  so  many 
congregations  to  accept  his  constitution  is  remarkable  in 
view  of  his  solitariness  and  the  opposition  to  his  efforts. 
He  should  ever  be  honored  as  the  founder  of  our  Church. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  II. 

CONRAD  TEMPELMAN. 

All  honor  to  the  parochial  scliool-teachers  who  started 
our  denomination.  It  remains  to  speak  of  another,  who 
though  he  did  not  so  well  and  thoroughly  organize  the 
congregations  as  Boehm  did,  yet  he  deserves  mention 
because  he  founded  several  of  the  early  congregations 
very  nearly  at  the  same  time. 

John  Conrad  Tempelman  was  born  at  Weinheim  in  the 
Palatinate,  and  baptized,  March  22,  1692.  He  was  the 
son  of  Henry  Tempelman,  a  miller  by  trade.  He  was 
married,  September  22,  1717,  to  Anna  Maria  Barth.  He 
was  a  tailor  by  trade,  living  on  the  hill  at  the  castle  at 
Heidelberg.  He  had  two  children  born,  Anna  Margaret 
and  Anna  Maria,  the  former  baptized  September  11, 1718, 
the  latter  March  16,  1721.  The  exact  time  when  lie  came 
over  we  do  not  know,  but  it  nuist  have  been  between  1721 
and  1725. 

He  lived  near  Lebanon,  and  began  ]>reaehing  al)ont 
the  same  time  that  Boehm  did,  luinicly  in  1  72r>.  Tempel- 
man thus  describes  the  first  beginnings  of  liis  work  in  a 
letter  sent  to  the  Holland  deputies,  February  13,  1733  : 
"This  church  took  its  origin  in  the  year  1725  at  Chanes- 


CONEAD   TEMPELMAN.  109 

toka  witli  a  small  gathering  here  and  there  in  houses,  with 
the  reading  of  a  sermon  and  with  singing  and  prayer, 
according  to  the  German  Reformed  church  order,  upon  all 
Sundays  and  holidays."  He  also  says  that  on  account  of 
the  lack  of  ministers  they  were  without  the  administration 
of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  The  letter  proceeds  to 
.say  that  "  Bcehm  afterwards  first  voluntarily  at  the  request 
of  the  members  ministered  to  them  once  a  year  for  two 
years  baptism  and  communion,  being  satisfied  with  their 
voluntary  gifts."  Boehm  subsequently  established  a 
church  organization  there  after  he  had  organized  his  own 
three  congregations  in  the  Schuylkill  Valley,  and  Tempel- 
man  was  his  schoolmaster,  holding  services  between  the 
semi-annual  communions  that  Ba?hm  celebrated  with 
them.  Boehm  says  when  he  first  met  Tempelman  he 
noticed  "  nothing  wrong,  and  had  heard  nothing  against 
his  life  and  walk,  he  was  very  watchful  against  sects, 
and  his  congregations  were  very  much  united." 

The  letter  of  Tempelman  in  1733  reports  to  Holland 
that  the  members  of  Conestoga  district  had  separated  them- 
selves into  six  preaching  places.  Three  of  them  had  been 
taken  by  Rev.  John  Peter  Miller,  who  afterwards  went 
over  to  the  Seventh-day  Dunkards,  who  had  served  them 
together  with  Tulpehocken.  The  remaining  three  congre- 
gations, as  they  could  no  longer  be  served  by  Boehm,  on 
account  of  their  great  distance  from  him  and  his  very 
heavy   labor,  asked  the  Holland  synods  to  send  them  a 


110        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

minister  from  Heidelberg.  It  is  a  very  earnest  letter,  and 
is  signed  by  three  elders  from  each  of  the  three  congrega- 
tions. At  the  end  of  it  they  apologize  for  their  simple 
and  poor  language,  for  which  they  ask  the  Holland  synods 
to  excuse  them  because  they  were  not  educated  persons. 
For  they  are  aware  their  letter  is  not  drawn  up  according 
to  the  usual  ecclesiastical  requirements. 

On  August  12,  1744,  the  union  church  at  Quitopahilla 
was  dedicated,  and  the  day  before  the  two  congregations 
entered  into  an  agreement  with  each  other  on  twelve  points. 
This  was  signed  by  24  names,  Tempelman  as  pastor,  rej)- 
resenting  the  Reformed.  Tempelmau's  charge  extended 
over  to  Muddy  Creek,  where  he  baptized,  December  3, 
1745,  and  also  baptized  in  1746.  He  administered  the 
communion  there,  March  30,  1746,  (Easter)  and  admitted 
ten  to  the  Church.  Besides  laboring  at  the  Grubben  and 
Hill  clnu'ches,  he  also  labored  at  Swatara,  some  baptisms 
of  his  being  recorded  there  as  early  as  1740. 

So  great  was  the  attat^lunent  of  his  people  to  him  be- 
cause of  his  earnest  preaching  and  pious  life,  that  Avhen 
Schlatter  came  into  their  midst,  they  did  not  give  him  the 
most  kindly  reception,  because  they  loved  their  old  miu- 
ister  so  much,  and  did  not  wish  liim  to  be  displaced. 
Schlatter  says  in  his  journal,  June,  1747,  "  Up  to  this  time 
these  congregations,  Muddy  Creek,  Cocalico,  Wliite  Oaks, 
have  been  served  by  a  certain  tailor  from  Heidelberg, 
named  Tempelman,  whom  the  people  some  twenty  years 


CONEAD   TEMPELMAN.  Ill 

ago  urged  to  this  service,  tliey  being  willing  to  be 
instructed  and  comforted  by  a  pious  layman,  rather  than 
be  wholly  without  the  public  service  of  God.  This  man 
who  is  nearly  sixty  years  of  age,  is  reported  of  by  the  con- 
gregation as  a  man  of  correct  views,  quiet  and  peaceable 
in  his  spirit,  by  which  he  has  won  the  love  and  respect  of 
the  community.  After  I  had  administered  the  Lord's 
Supper,  I  asked  him  to  preach  the  thanksgiving  sermon, 
to  which  I  listened  with  pleasure  and  edification,  as  being 
well  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  the  people.  He  of 
his  own  accord  ojffered  that  he  would  cheerfully  vacate  the 
post,  to  which  the  necessity  of  the  circumstances  had  called 
him,  as  soon  as  a  regidar  minister  should  be  secured  for 
these  congregations ;  but  at  the  same  time  asked  that  he 
might  be  placed  in  such  circumstances  that  as  a  regularly 
constituted  minister  he  might  conduct  the  holy  service  in 
the  congregations  of  Quitopahilla,  Swatara,  Donegal,  etc. 
He  resides  at  Swatara,  where  he  has  a  family  and  a  })iece 
of  land.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  when  he  shall  have  been 
ordained  according  to  the  order  of  the  Church,  he  could 
labor  there  with  good  fruit."* 

As  the  t\vo  founders  of  the  German  Reformed  C-hurch, 
Bcehm  and  Tempelman,  were  laymen,  it  brings  into  prom- 
inence the  thought  that  the  Reformed  Church  owes  a  debt 

*  A  picture  of  hia  house  in  which  he  held  the  first  services  is  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Reformed  congregation  at  Lebanon,  who  )}aye  kindly  )o^;ne4  it  to 
the  author  of  this  book. 


112        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

to  the  laity.  She  should,  therefore,  give  promineuce  to 
them  in  their  work,  and  uot  try  to  suppress  them.  This 
origin  of  the  Eeformed  through  the  laity  gives  a  special 
emphasis  to  the  idea  that  the  ministry  are  |not  a  separate 
class  appointed  to  do  some  other  work  than  the  laity.  All 
of  God's  people  are  priests.  "  Ye  are  a  holy  priesthood," 
says  the  Apostle  Peter.  And  the  watchword  of  the  Refor- 
mation Churches,  both  Lutheran  and  Reformed,  was  the 
priesthood  of  all  believers.  Our  Church  in  Pennsylvania 
owes  its  origin  to  the  pious  laymen.  Let  us  honor  Boehm, 
the  founder,  and  Tempelman,  his  assistant,  and  let  us  give 
the  laity  a  large  sphere  in  the  activities  of  the  Church. 
And  may  the  example  of  our  founders  be  an  inspiration  to 
the  members  of  our  churches  to  be  as  active  and  devoted 
as  Bcelim  and  Tempelman  were,  so  that,  as  they  earnestly 
seek  and  lay  hold  of  present  opportunities,  through  them 
many  congregations  may  be  founded,  and  thus  the  Church 
be  greatly  enlarged. 


~;>7,-?-;7'/  /;^_43^;^i^2^ 


'5f^l^^s^^i|^ii^_:^:  'j^j 


i:i'l'lN(.KN;_(tlie  1-nthi.lace  of  Weiss). 


WF.INHEIM   (the  birthplace  ..f  Tempelman). 


THK  l,IN/i;ili:ilI.  CHURCH   AT  SI'.  GALL  i«1il.x-  S,  hl.iitcr  prcachetl) 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  III. 

REV.  GEORGE  MICHAEL  WEISS  AND  THE  FOUNDING 
OF  THE  PHILADELPHIA  CONGREGATION. 

Rev.  George  Michael  Weiss  was  baptized  at  Eppingen, 
in  the  Palatinate,  January  23,  1700.  His  father  was 
John  Michael  Weiss,  a  tailor  from  Gross  Engersheim,  in 
Wurtemberg.  His  mother,  his  father's  second  wife,  was 
Maria  Frank,  of  Bretten.*  He  studied  at  the  university 
at  Heidelberg,  having  matriculated  there,  October  18, 
1718,  as  a  student  of  philosophy,  from  Eppingen,  in  the 
Palatinate.  In  1725  he  was  ordained  at  Heidelberg.f 
He  came  to  America  1727,  sent  (as  the  Memorial  of  the 
Holland  synods  of  1730  puts  it)  by  the  Palatinate  con- 
sistory. He  showed  his  diploma  and  appointment  by  the 
Palatinate  consistory,  dated  May  1,  1727,  which  was 
renewed  l)y  that  consistory  April  26,  1728.  On  his  way 
to  America  he  passed  through  Holland,  and  sailed  from 
Rotterdam,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  come  into  contact 
with  the  Holland  Church.     Its  attention   had   not   yet 

*The  Ephrata  Chronicle  is  wrong  about  the  place  of  his  birth,  when  it 
says  Stebbach.  Stebbach  was,  however,  only  two  or  three  miles  east 
of  Eppingen,  and  both  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bretten,  the  birth- 
jilace  cf  Melancthon. 

fDubbs'  History  of  the  Reformed  Church,  page  255. 

8 


114       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.   S. 

been  called  to  the  Pennsylvania  Germans,  as  was  done  the 
next  year.  He  lauded  at  Philadelphia,  September  l.S, 
1727,  in  the  ship  William  aud  Sarah,  which  had  on  it 
four  hundred  German  emigrants,  and  he  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance  September  21.  He  found  a  number  of  Ger- 
man Reformed  in  Philadelphia,  to  whom  B(ehm  had 
occasionally  preached  before  he  arrived.  (Btehm  seems 
to  have  been  the  first  to  preach  to  the  Reformed  in  Penn- 
sylvania in  almost  all  of  the  oldest  congregations.  He 
was  a  true  missionary).  Weiss  celebrated  the  communion 
with  them  the  week  after  his  arrival,  and  organized  the 
congregation  soon  after  (before  the  end  of  1727)  by  the 
election  of  a  consistory.  Peter  Lecolie,  John  William 
Roerig,  Henry  Weller  and  George  Peter  Hiliegass  were 
elected 'elders.  He  also  began  the  organization  of  a  new 
churcn  at  Skippack,  near  which,  in  the  Perkiomen  valley, 
at  Gosheuhoppen,  lived  Frederick  Hiliegass,  who  had 
been  his  companion  on  the  sea  voyage.  Hiliegass  first 
took  Weiss  up  the  country,  and  on  their  way  they  visited 
Boehm,  at  his  farm,  at  Witpen.  Weiss'  friends  in  the 
Perkiomen  valley  wanted  him  to  preach  fi)r  them,  which 
lie  did.  And  a  number  of  the  Skippack  congregation, 
which  had  hitherto  been  served  by  Bcehm,  now  became  dis- 
satisfied with  the  latter  and  wanted  W^eiss  for  their  pastor, 
as  he  was  ordained,  and  Btehm  was  not.  Weiss  preached 
there  for  the  first  time,  October  19,  1727,  and  organized  a 
consistory  composed  of  Wendell  Keiber,  Gerhart   In  de 


KEV.    GEORGE    MICHAEL    WEISS.  115 

Haven,  Christopher  Schmidt  and  Geoige  Reiif.  This 
party  having  split  from  Boehm's  congregation,  led  by 
Jacob  Reiff,  completed  a  church  already  began,  and  in  it 
Weiss  preached.  It  was  located  on  Reift's  ground,  so 
that  the  latter  had  control  of  it,  and  they  afterward  pre- 
vented Bcehm  from  preaching  to  the  congregation  in  it  or 
having  anything  to  do  with  its  dedication,  (June  22,  1729). 
Weiss  also  preached  at  Germantowu,  as  his  later  recon- 
ciliation with  Boehm  says.  He  also  preached  at  Goshen- 
hoppeu  and  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  there  on 
October  12,  1727. 

Weiss  seems  to  have  been  a  young  man  of  more  than 
ordinary  promise,  as  the  following  note  in  the  Philadel- 
delphia  Mercury,  in  1730,  shows  : 

"  This  is  to  give  notice  that  the  ■  subscribe!  hereof, 
being  desirous  to  be  as  generally  useful  as  he  can  ,n  this 
country  (wherein  he  is  a  stranger),  declares  his  willingness 
to  teach  logic,  natural  philosophy,  metaphysics,  etc.,  to  all 
such  as  are  willing  to  learn.  The  place  of  teaching  will 
be  widow  Sprocgel's  on  Second  street,  where  he  will 
attend,  if  he  has  encouragement,  three  times  a  week  for 
that  exercise. 

"  Signed  by  G.  M., 

"  Mini-ster  of  the  Reformed  Palatinate  church."* 
It  seems  that  although  Weiss  was  a  regularly  ordained 

*  This  extract  is  not  from  the  Mercury  of  1729,  as  heretofore  supposed, 
but  from  that  paper  of  1730.  The  first  three  insertions  are  signed  by  only  G. 
M.  In  the  advertisement  of  March  12,  his  full  name,  George  Michael  Weiss, 
appears,  as  it  does  in  the  four  following  insertions. 


116       THE   GERMAN    REF.ORMED    CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

Reformed  minister,  and  had  a  Latin  certificate  to  that 
effect  with  him,  yet  discredit  was  thrown  upon  it.  So  to 
satisfy  his  critics  he,  on  December  2,  wrote  back  to  the 
Palatinate  consistory,  at  Heidelberg,  for  a  German  certifi- 
cate. At  the  same  time  his  letter  also  gave  to  them  an 
account  of  the  condition  of  church  affairs  in  Pennsylvania. 
They  reply  to  him  by  not  only  sending  him  a  German 
certificate,  dated  April  26,  1728,  and  signed  by  Professor 
L.  C.  Mieg,  the  prominent  theologian  of  Heidelberg  Uni- 
versity, and  the  head  of  the  consistory,  but  they  also 
sent  with  the  certificate  a  letter  dated  April  27,  also  signed 
by  Mieg  as  president  of  the  consistory.  The  certificate 
reads  as  follows : 

"  AVhcreas,  Mr.  George  Michael  AVeiss,  born  at  Ep- 
pingen  in  the  electoral  Palatinate,  and  at  prescait  stationed 
as  a  Reformed  minister  at  Philadelphia,  in  Pennsylvania, 
under  date  of  the  third  of  December  of  the  last  year  gave 
information  to  the  Ecclesiastical  Council  of  the  Palatinate 
concerning  the  present  condition  of  religious  and  ecclesias- 
tical affairs  there ; 

"And,  whereas,  on  this  occasion  he  gave  us  to  under- 
stand that  (although  he  had  received  from  this  council  a 
Latin  certificate),  he  needs  also  a  certificate  in  German, 
because  of  the  difficult  circumstances  in  which  he  is  placed, 
and  specially  on  account  of  those  who  do  not  understand 
Latin  ; 

"Therefore,  We  testify  as  we  did  before,  that  he  is 
not  only  right-minded  in  doctrine  and  unblamable  in  life, 
peace-loving  and  sociable  in  his  walk  and  conversation, 


REV.    GEORGE   MICHAEL   WEISS.  117 

but  also  edifying  in  bis  manifold  discourses  preached 
before  us.  Wc  have  no  doubt  but  that,  if  the  Lord  grant 
him  life  and  health,  he  will  prove  useful  and  be  the  means 
of  edifying  many  souls.  The  infinitely  good  and  merciful 
God  and  Father  extend  to  him  light  and  strength  in  full 
measure  from  the  fulness  of  his  grace  which  is  in  Christ 
Jesus,  that  the  received  word  of  the  Lord  may,  by  his  ser- 
vice, make  great  progress,  that  even  tlie  minds  of  the 
heathen  may  be  turned  to  the  Lord,  and  that  their  kings 
may  be  brought. 

"Heidelberg,  April  26,  1728. 

"L.  C.  MiEG, 
"  Councillor  and  Director  of  the  Electoral  Church  Council 
Consistory." 

Rev.  Dr.  Jedediah  Andrews,  the  pastor  of  the  Presby- 
terian church  in  Piiiladelphia,  also  speaks  highly  of  him 
in  a  letter  of  October  14,  1730.     He  says  : 

"  There  is  in  this  province  avast  mumber  of  Palatines, 
and  they  still  come  in  every  year.  Those  that  have  come 
of  late  are  mostly  Presbyterians,  or,  as  they  call  them- 
selves. Reformed.  They  did  use  to  come  to  me  for  bap- 
tism, and  many  have  joined  with  us  in  the  other  sacra- 
ment. They  never  had  a  minister  till  nine  years  ago,  who 
is  a  bright  young  man  and  a  fine  scholar."* 

*  The  reference  of  this  letter  "nine  years  ago"  is  hard  to  exphiin.  Dr. 
Weiser  refers  it  to  Boobm,  who  came  to  Pennsylvania  in  1720.  But  Andrews' 
letter  has  no  reference  to  Boehm  at  all.  Mr.  J.  F.  Sachse,  of  Philadelphia, 
one  of  our  best  state  historians,  claims  to  have  found  at  Weiss'  home  evidence 
that  Weiss'  trip  to  America  in  1727  was  his  second  trip,  not  his  first.  But 
this  is  as  yet  unproved.  It  seems  hardly  likely,  however,  for  several  reasons. 
One  is  that  Weiss  in  his  report  to  the  Synod  of  South  Holland  in  \7'M)  does 
not  speak  of  an  earlier  visit.  And  again  Boehm,  when  he  refers  to  it,  speaks 
of  only  one  visit  of  Weiss  to  America.     If  the  latter  had  come  to   America  in 


118        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED    CHURCH   IN    U.    S. 

Weiss  was  quite  active  before  he  went  to  Europe  in 
1730,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  next  chapter.  One  fact  more 
in  his  life  we  will,  however,  mention  here.  He  published 
(1729)  what  was  probably  the  first  book  published  by  the 
German  Eeformed  in  the  new  world.  It  was  entitled 
"  The  minister  who  had  wandered  in  the  American  wilder- 
ness among  men  of  various  Nations  and  Religions,  and 
who  has  been  variously  attacked,"  etc.*  It  was  published 
by  Andrew  Bradford,  Philadelphia.  It  was  a  small  work, 
only  29  pages,  yet  books  published  in  the  days  of  the  in- 
fant colony  were  many  of  them  small.  The  book  has 
become  lost,  no  copy  having  been  found  as  yet.  It  was 
directed  against  the  sect  of  the  New-Born.  This  sect 
had  become  quite  numerous  in  Oley,  Berks  county, 
which  seems  to  have  been  a  seething  cauldron  of  religious 
ideas  and  novelties  in  those  days,  from  the  Inspirationisra 
of  Gruber,  to  the  Universalism  ot  De  Benneville,  M.  D. 
Some  of  the  New  Born  had  also  settled  in  the  neighbor- 

1721,  there  is  little  likelihood  tliat  Hcchm  would  have  bpen  called  as  minister 
by  his  people,  because  then  they  would  have  had  a  Reformed  minister  among 
them  in  Weiss.  Besides,  Weiss' ordination  did  not  take  place  till  1725,  or 
several  years  after  Andrews  reports  him  here.  Hence  his  coming  in  1721  is 
very  unlikely. 

*  The  full  German  title  is  as  follows:  Georg  Michael  Weiss,  V.  D.  M  ,  der 
in  der  Americanischcn  Wildniisz  unter  Menschen  von  verschiedenen  Nationen 
und  Religionen  hin  und  wieder  gewandelte  und  verschiedentlich  Angefochtene 
Prediger.  Abgemahlet  und  vorgcstellet  in  einem  (iespraeoh  niit  einem  Poli- 
tico und  Nengeborenen  Verschiedene  Stiick,  insonderheit  die  Neugeburt 
betreffende.  Verfertigt  und  zu  Befoerderung  der  Ehr  Jesu  selbst  aus  cigener 
Erfahrung  an  das  Licht  gebracht.  8  vo.  Title  and  hymn  III.-V.,  text 
I.-29  pp.     Published  by  Andrew  Bradford,  Philadelphia,  1729. 


REV.    GEORGE   MICHAEL   WEISS.  119 

hood  of  Germantown  in  1723.  They  believed  in  sinless 
perfection  in  this  life.  Their  leader  was  Matthew  Bow- 
man, born  at  Lambsheim,  from  where  Boehm  came  in 
Pennsylvania.  They  became  so  outspoken  that  their 
disputations  were  heard  in  the  markets  of  Philadelphia, 
whither  these  country  people  went  to  bring  produce 
for  sale.  On  one  occasion  Bowman  proposed  to  walk 
across  the  Delaware  river.  He  was  very  bold  in  his 
attacks,  giving  special  trouble  to  Beissel,  the  mystic  of 
Ephrata.  It  was  against  this  early  tendency  on  the  part 
of  many  of  the  Germans  that  Weiss  set  himself.  Just  as 
Boehm  in  his  controversy  with  the  Moravians,  so  Weiss 
set  himself  against  any  influence  that  would  divide  the 
Reformed.  And  in  doing  so  he  reveals  his  ability  as  well 
as  his  zeal  for  his  Reformed  faith. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  IV. 

THE  ORDINATION  OF  B(EHM. 

The  arrival  of  Weiss  was  a  o;aiu  to  the  Reformed,  for 
it  gave  them  another  minister.  But  it  also  proved  to  be 
an  element  of  discord.  This  at  first  seemed  to  be  an  evil, 
but  divine  providence  overruled  it,  as  it  always  does,  so 
that  it  became  a  blessing.  It  produced  friction  at  first 
between  Weiss  and  Boehm,  but  finally  led  to  the  happy 
result  that  Boehm  became  an  ordained  minister. 

W^eiss  had  hardly  arrived  before  he  began  to  work  most 
actively  among  the  German  Reformed.  He  celebrated 
the  communion  with  the  Philadelphia  congregation  soon 
after  landing,  at  the  urgent  desire  of  the  people,  and  before 
he  preached  to  any  of  the  other  Reformed  congregations. 
He  seems  to  have  been  led  in  the  choice  of  his  fields  of 
labor  largely  by  those  who  came  over  with  him  in  his 
vessel.  Thus,  at  the  request  of  Hillegass,  who  came  over 
with  him,  he  v/ent  and  preached  at  Skippack.  He  was 
afterwards  led  to  do  the  same  thiuy;  at  Conestosra.  This 
caused  friction  with  Boehm,  for  both  of  those  congrega- 
tions were  served  by  him.  Weiss  and  his  followers 
declared  that  Boehm's  course  in  preaching  without  ordina- 
tion was  irregular  and  wrong.     On  the  other  hand,  Boehm 


THE   ORDINATION   OF   BCEHM.  121 

complained  that  Weiss  was  interfering  in  his  congrega- 
ious,  which  up  to  the  time  of  Weiss'  coming  had  been  in 
entire  harmony  with  him. 

The  first  sign  of  trouble  between  Boohni  and  Weiss 
was  a  letter  which  the  latter  wrote  to  a  Mr.  Schwab,  of 
Conestoga,  October  2,  1727,  in  which  he  declared  that 
Boehra  had  usurped  the  authority  of  a  minister  which  did 
not  belong  to  him,  and  claimed  he  could  not  conscien- 
tiously recognize  him  as  a  minister.  He  offered  to  come 
there  and  celebrate  the  Lord's  Supper,  if  they  desired  it. 
This  he  seems  to  have  done  to  several  who  had  come  over 
the  sea  with  him.  Weiss  also  entered  another  of  Boehm's 
congregations,  namely  Skippack,  of  which  Goshenhoppen 
was  then  an  outlying  district.  He  administered  the  com- 
munion at  Goshenhoppen  on  October  12.  Ba>hm  com- 
plains against  Weiss  that  he  administered  the  communion 
without  any  examination  of  the  members  before  com- 
munion, such  as  was  customary  among  the  Reformed,  and 
that  he  liad  admitted  to  the  communion  some  of  Bcehm's 
congregation  at  Falkner  Swamp,  who  were  under  disci- 
pline. At  Goshenhoppen,  Skippack  (where  he  preached 
October  19),  and  also  at  Philadelphia  (where  he  preached 
on  October  26),  Weiss  declared  publicly  that  Boehm  was 
incompetent  to  perform  the  ministerial  office.  The  Luth- 
eran minister  at  Skippack  and  Goshenhoppen — Henkel — 
aided  Weiss  against  Boehm,  and  announced  Weiss'  preach- 
ing services. 


122       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.    S. 

Weiss  also  attempted  to  get  into  the  cougregation  at 
White  Marsh.  He  sent  to  them  stating  that  he  would 
come  and  preach  for  them,  if  they  would  send  him  a  horse 
for  the  journey.  One  of  the  elders  did  so,  supposing  that 
Weiss  had  arranged  with  Ba?hni  ahout  the  matter.  But 
when  the  other  elders  learned  what  this  elder  had  done 
without  their  knowledge,  quite  a  tumult  arose.  Weiss 
also  entered  a  fourth  of  Boehm's  congregation  at  Oley, 
where  he  performed  some  baptisms.  Boehm  charges  him 
with  baptising  some  Indian  children  whose  parents  were 
still  heathen.  Boehm's  friends  at  White  Marsh  and 
Falkner  Swamp  prevented  Weiss  from  gaining  much  of  a 
foothold  in  these  two  congregations. 

Weiss  seems  to  have  been  thoroughly  convinced  in  his 
mind  that  B(fihm's  whole  course  was  wrong.  He  not  only 
tried  to  stop  his  preaching  at  the  points  named,  but  on 
November  28  he  wrote  Boehm  a  letter  summoning  him  to 
Philadelphia  to  an  examination  for  the  ministry.  This 
letter  is  so  remarkable  that  we  give  it  in  full : 

"Greetings  to  you,  my  specially  honored  sir  and 
friend.  Inasmuch  as  the  great  God  is  not  a  God  of 
discord,  but  of  order,  and  as  He  therefore  demands  that 
in  the  Christian  Church  everything  should  be  disposed  in 
accordance  with  the  apostolic  order,  but  whereas  it  is  well 
known  that  in  many  cases  the  gentleman  has  acted  in  a 
manner  contrary  to  this  order  ;  since  without  inquiry  or  per- 
mission of  the  clergy,  taking  into  account  that  this  is  a  free 
country,  he  has  undertaken  such  important  office  singly 


THE    ORDINATION    OF    RCEHM.  123 

and  solely  at  the  iuvitatiou  of  the  people,  not  being  exam- 
ined as  to  his  proficiency  by  such  men  as  are  able  to  pass 
judgment,  much  less  having  submitted  to  an  ordination, 
nay,  having  all  the  time  dissuaded  the  people  from  de- 
manding a  clergyman,  not  to  speak  of  his  neglect  to  tea(!li 
the  catechism  for  the  benefit  of  the  young  and  old,  and  of 
his  admitting  to  the  Lord's  Supper  children  at  once, 
without  giving  them  any  premonition  or  instruction  ;  and 
also  when  I  first  came  to  this  country  having  received  me 
in  a  manner  I  cannot  explain  otherwise  than  by  supposing 
that  he  cares  for  nothing  so  much  as  for  his  vain  reputa- 
tion and  his  own  advantage,  not  to  mention  here  for  the 
present  many  other  things ;  now,  therefore,  by  the 
authority  of  the  Most  Rev.  Ministry,  and  according  to 
the  power  accorded  one  as  a  regular  servant  of  Christ,  the 
gentleman  is  herewith  summoned  and  requested  to  appear 
in  Philadelphia  before  the  presbyterium  (consistory)  of 
the  church  at  the  house  of  the  minister  in  order  to  be 
examined  by  one  or  another  of  those  being  present. 
"  With  the  recommendation  of  God, 
"  I  remain  yours, 

"  G.  M.  Weiss,  V.  D.  M. 

"  Philadelphia,  November  28,  1727." 

Boohm  did  not,  however,  obey  this  invitation  for.  an 
examination.  It  is  almost  needless  to  say  that  Weiss  had 
not  sufficient  authority  to  do  this.  As  a  single  minister 
he  had  no  right  to  examine  Boohm,  neither  had  his  consis- 
tory, before  whom  he  summoned  him.  But  then  young 
ministers  sometimes  make  mistakes  in  church  law,  espec- 
ially when  carried  away  by  zeal.     On  February  11,  1728, 


124       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Peter  and  Michael  Hillegass  and  Micliael  Schmidt,  of 
Philadelphia,  came  to  the  congregation  at  Skippack  and 
tried  to  induce  the  members  to  subscribe  towards  the  sal- 
ary of  Weiss  (and  give  up  subscribing  to  Boehra's  salary). 
On  March  10  Weiss  and  these  three  came  again  to  Skip- 
pack,  when  it  was  Boehm's  Sunday  to  preach.  Quite  a 
number  of  the  congregation  who  were  followers  of  Weiss, 
led  by  the  two  Hillegass  brothers  and  Schmidt,  gathered 
at  the  home  of  Jacob  Reiff,  where  it  had  been  customary 
to  hold  the  services,  as  the  congregation  as  yet  had  no 
church  building.  When  Boehm  appeared  they  would  not 
let  him  enter  the  house,  and  j)revented  him  from  holding 
religious  services  that  day.  A  great  crowd  had  assembled, 
expecting  trouble  between  the  two  factions,  and  there  were 
heated  arguments,  which  finally  led  to  a  tumult.  Boehm 
was  tiius  compelled  to  iiold  his  services  after  that  in  the 
houses  of  those  in  the  congregation  who  were  friendly  to 
him. 

The  final  and  culminating  act  of  this  controversy 
occurred  in  the  next  year,  June  22,  1729,  wlien  the  new 
church  at  Skippack  was  dedicated.  Tliis  church  building 
had  been  started  and  most  of  the  money  contributed  by 
Boehm's  party.  But  ReifF  in  some  way  or  other  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  title  to  the  land,  and  hence  claimed  it  as  his 
own  because  it  was  located  on  his  property. 

As  Weiss  writes  to  Heidelberg  soon  after  arriving  for 
a  German  certificate,  we  suspect  that  Boehm's  party  were 


THE    ORDINATION    OF    BCBHM.  125 

the  ones  wbo  cast  reflections  on  Weiss'  Latin  certificate  of 
ordination,  and  so  also  on  Weiss'  authority  as  a  minister. 
When  the  answer  carae  from  Heidelberg,  probably  in  the 
summer  of  1728,  giving  the  testimonial  of  Weiss  and  his 
German  certificate,  it  put  the  Boehm  party  on  the  defen- 
sive. It  compelled  Boehm  and  his  party  to  do  something. 
What  could  they  do  ?  They  very  wisely  decided  that  the 
best  course  was  to  apply  to  some  religious  body  to  ordain 
Boehm.  But  to  whom  could  they  go  ?  They  might  have 
applied  to  the  Presbyterian  Synod  at  Philadelphia,  as 
Miller  did  afterwards.  But  Boehm  was  so  intensely  Re- 
formed that  nothing  but  an  ordination  by  a  Reformed 
body  would  answer.  The  only  Reformed  in  America  to 
whom  he  could  appeal  were  the  Dutch  Reformed  at  New 
York.  He  and  his  consistories  of  Falkner  Swamp,  White 
Marsh  and  Skippack  therefore  applied  to  them.  He 
might  have  applied  to  the  nearest  Dutch  minister,  Rev. 
Theodore  J.  Frelinghuysen,  on  the  Raritan,  New  Jersey, 
but  Boehm  was  not  in  sympathy  with  Frelinghuysen's 
inclination  toward  Pietism,  which  afterwards  led  him  to 
enter  heart  and  soul  into  the  AVhitfield  movement.  So 
Boehm  passed  over  Frelinghuysen  and  applied  to  the  Re- 
formed ministers  of  New  York,  Gualther  Du  Bois,  Henry 
Boel  and  their  neighbor  on  Long  Island,  A^iuccnt  Anton- 
ides. 

Bcehm's  consistories  in  making  this  application  state 
the  unusual  conditions  under  which  they  persuaded  Boehm 


126        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U,    S. 

to  become  their  minister,  even  though  he  had  not  been 
ordained.  They  express  great  sorrow  of  heart  for  having 
acted  irregularly.  They  bear  testimony  to  his  work,  say- 
ing that  he  had  served  them  faithfully  for  three  years. 
They  say  that  he  had  the  reputation  among  them  of  being 
a  man  of  more  than  common  knowledge  in  the  sound  doc- 
trine of  truth,  of  praiseworthy  life  and  exemplary  zeal. 
They  enclose  a  copy  of  Boehm's  constitution  for  the  con- 
gregations of  his  charge,  so  as  to  show  that  they  were  thor- 
oughly Reformed,  and  they  say  that  Boehm  was  willing, 
if  they  would  send  a  minister  from  Holland,  to  return  to 
his  former  position  in  the  church  as  reader.  Tiiey,  how- 
ever, express  fear  that  if  Boehm  should  desist  from  the 
ministry,  their  congregations  would  fall  into  a  worse  state 
than  they  then  were,  especially  because  of  the  influence  of 
the  Quakers  and  the  sects,  and  that  then  great  confusion 
would  ensue,  because  he  had  already  baptized  two  hundred 
children,  whose  baptism  would  thus  be  irregular.* 

*  There  is  a  rather  amusing  story  of  the  complications  that  might  grow 
out  of  such  circumstances.  One  of  the  Moravian  bishops,  Cammerhof,  tells 
the  story  that  there  was  a  Dutch  Reformed  congregation  in  the  Minnisink 
(Monroe  county,  Pa.,)  which  had  for  its  minister  a  Mr.  Freymuth.  For  sev- 
eral years  he  had  baptized  children,  married  couples  and  performed  other 
ministerial  acts,  claiming  that  he  was  regularly  ordained.  After  Schlatter's 
arrival  in  Philadelphia  in  1746,  being  convinced  that  his  former  ecclesiastical 
ordination  had  no  validity,  he,  following  15a-hm's  e.xample,  applied  to  the 
Classis  of  Amsterdam  for  ordination,  which  request  was  granted.  At  the 
e>ame  time  he  received  an  order  to  rebaptize  all  those  children  whom  he  had 
baptized  before,  because  they  were  not  properly  baptized.  He  read  this  from 
the  pulpit,  and  it  caused  the  greatest  confusion.  Some  of  his  members  sub- 
mitted, others  demanded  back  the  baptismal  fe°s,  because,  according  to  his 
own  confession,  they  had  not  received  the  value  of  their  money. 


THE    ORDINATION    OF    BCEHM,  127 

Boehm  and  William  Dewees  went  to  New  York, 
May  16,  1728,  to  lay  this  matter  before  the  New  York 
ministers.  These  told  Btehra  that  they  had  no  authority 
to  ordain  hizn,  but  they  reeomniendcd  that  he  make  ap- 
plication to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  in  Holland,  under 
whose  authority  the  New  York  consistory  stood,  and  sub- 
mit to  their  ecclesiastical  decision.  This  Boehm  and  his 
consistories  did,  July,  1728,  after  having  sent  out  a  full 
statement  of  the  circumstances  that  led  to  their  call  to 
Boehm.  They  also  sent  a  copy  of  Boehm's  constitution. 
Their  letter  was  signed  by  16  names  of  the  consistories  of 
his  three  congregations.  The  New  York  ministers  en- 
dorse this  petition  in  a  letter  of  August  15  to  the  classis. 

Correspondence  was  slow  in  those  days.  And  the 
Dutch  were  slow.  We  do  not  know  how  soon  these  let- 
ters arrived  at  Holland,  but  the  first  mention  of  them  in 
the  acts  of  the  classis  is  on  November  14, 1728,  when  they 
are  reported  as  having  been  received.  The  classis  request- 
ed its  commissioners  on  foreign  affairs  to  write  comfort- 
ingly to  Boehm's  congregations  and  assure  them  of  a  fur- 
ther consideration  of  their  cause,  and  of  a  reply  in  the 
future.  They  appointed  a  committee  of  two  ministers 
who  knew  German  to  assist  the  foreign  committee.  These 
classical  commissioners  wrote  to  the  New  York  ministers 
on  December  1,  1728,  stating  that  they  postponed  action, 
because  the  matter  was  too  important  to  be  acted  on  speed- 
ily.    On  the  same  date  they  wrote  to  Boehm's  consistories, 


128        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

stating  that  classis  accepted  their  letters  and  would  con- 
sider the  matter  carefully.  They  assured  tliem  of  their 
sympathy,  but  asked  time  to  consider  so  important  a  sub- 
ject. This  letter  was  read  by  Boehm  to  his  congregations. 
It  caused  great  joy,  and  it  had  the  effect  of  checking  their 
opponents  in  casting  slurs  on  Boehm'  ordination.  The 
committee  appointed  by  classis  reported  January  11,  and 
their  action  was  adopted,  but  no  opportunity  seems  to  Iiave 
come  to  them  to  send  a  letter,  and  so  it  was  not  written 
till  June  20,  1739.  There  seems  to  have  been  an  aspect 
of  the  matter  that  had  troubled  the  classis  somewhat, 
namely,  whether  they  had  the  right  to  go  ahead  without 
waiting  for  the  synod  to  act  on  so  important  a  matter. 
This  they  finally  decided  to  do.  (It  would  have  altered 
matters  in  Pennsylvania  history  considerably  if  they  had 
done  so,  for  by  this  action  of  the  classis  B«hm  was  iso- 
lated from  the  synod  for  many  years  ;  whereas  if  it  had 
been  sent  to  tlie  synod  with  their  favorable  notice,  he 
would  have  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  synods. 
The  action  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  classical  affair, 
whik'  if  it  had  gone  to  synod,  Weiss  and  Reiff  would  not 
have  been  able  to  prejudice  the  South  Holland  Synod 
against  Boehm  as  they  afterwards  did.) 

So  finally,  on  June  20,  the  classis  gave  their  decision, 
botli  to  the  New  York  ministers  and  to  the  Pennsylvania 
congregations.  They  declared  that  they  found  in  the 
circumstances  in  Pennsylvania  by   which  Boehm  entered 


THE   ORDINATION   OF    BCEHM.  129 

the  ministry  the  elements  of  a  true  call  to  the  ministry, 
although  all  the  formalities  of  it  had  not  been  gone 
through  with.  They,  therefore,  ordered  that  his  minis- 
terial acts  be  considered  lawful,  but  that  he  must  submit 
to  ordination,  provided  he  accepted  the  Heidelberg  Cate- 
chism, submitted  to  tlie  Canons  of  Dort,  and  would  main- 
tain correspondence  with  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  They 
did  not  wish,  however,  that  Boehm's  case  should  be  con- 
sidered a  precedent  for  any  other  unordained  men  to  begin 
the  ministry  and  afterwards  apply  to  them  for  ordination. 
The  classis  approved  of  his  constitution  drawn  up  for  his 
congregations.  They  placed  the  ordination  into  the  hands 
of  the  New  York  ministers.  These  could  ordain  him 
either  by  going  to  Pennsylvania  or  by  his  coming  to  New 
York,  or  by  both  going  to  some  midway  point.  They  also 
wrote  to  Boehm,  commending  his  work  and  urging  him  to 
greater  activity  when  he  had  been  ordained,  and  prayed 
God's  blessing  on  his  work. 

This  decision  Boehm's  congregations,  having  received 
it  on  September  4,  by  express  from  New  York,  readily 
accepted,  November  4.  Each  of  the  three  consistories 
sent  a  representative  to  go  with  Boehm  to  New  York, 
Frederick  Antes,  of  Falkner  Swamp,  Gabriel  Schuler,  of 
Skippack,  and  William  Dewees,  of  White  Marsh.  The 
Dutch  consistory  of  New  York  held  a  meeting,  November 
18,  at  which  all  these  matters  came  up  and  were  discussed, 
and  the  delegates  of  Boehm's  congregations,  and  Boehm 
9 


130       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

himself,  agreed  to  accept  the  Dutch  confessions.  The  con- 
sistory, therefore,  (November  20)  ordered  his  ordination, 
but  with  this  stipulation,  that  this  act  should  not  serve  as 
a  precedent  for  future  ordinations.  On  Sunday  afternoon, 
November  23,  Boehm  was  solemnly  ordained  by  Rev. 
Henry  Boel  and  Rev.  Gualther  Du  Bois. 

This  ordination  became  also  the  scene  of  a  reconcilia- 
tion of  Boehm  and  Weiss,  who  had  come  to  New  York 
and  been  present  at  the  ordination.  It  seems  that  Weiss, 
before  this,  had  been  writing  to  the  New  York  ministers 
against  Boehm  as  an  irregular  minister.  But  they  had 
been  answering  his  positions  point  by  point.  Weiss  then 
went  to  New  York  and  was  tliere  heard  and  answered  by 
them.  At  the  ordination  he  expressed  regret  at  what  lie 
had  done  and  his  willingness  to  make  complete  Cliristian 
satisfaction.  This  led  to  the  reconciliation.  The  recon- 
ciliation took  place  on  November  24,  the  day  atter 
Boehm's  ordination. 

The  differences  between  them  seem  to  have  been 
honest  differences.  AVeiss  says :  "  I  cannot  conscien- 
tiously re(!Ognize  Boehm  as  a  Reformed  minister  till  he 
submits  to  an  examination  and  is  ordained  properly." 
Weiss  was  right  de  jure  ;  B(ehm  de  facto.  Weiss  was 
constitutionally  riglit  in  claiming  that  an  unordained 
minister  should  not  perform  ministerial  acts,  l^oehm, 
however,  was  right  in  fact,  for  the  circumstances  had 
compelled  him  to  exercise  his  ministry.     Weiss  on   his 


THE    ORDINATION    OF    BCEHM.  131 

part  now  agreed  to  respect  Boehm  as  a  regularly  ordained 
minister,  and  promised  to  stay  away  from  Skippack,  and 
leave  it  and  the  other  two  congregations,  Falkuer  Swamp 
and  White  Marsh,  to  Boehm  ;  while  Boehm  agreed  to  leave 
to  the  ministry  of  Weiss,  Philadelphia  and  Germantown. 
This  reconciliation  was  signed  by  the  representatives  of 
Boehm's  congregations  as  well  as  by  Boehm.  Weiss 
signed  it  alone.  In  this  effort  at  reconciliation  Weiss 
stood  alone  ;  none  of  his  congregations  or  members  sup- 
ported him  in  it.  It  must  have  required  a  good  deal  of 
courage  for  him  to  thus  stand  out  against  his  congre- 
gations. 

Indeed,  even  though  he  here  agreed  to  the  reconcilia- 
tion, his  congregation  at  Skippack  never  agreed  to  it. 
They  protested  against  the  ordination  of  Boehm  in  a  letter 
of  May  10,  1730,  to  the  synod,  urging  them  to  use  their 
authority  against  the  classis  to  nullify  the  ordination  of 
Btelim.  The  classis  took  up  the  matter  and  on  December 
5,  1730,  wrote  to  them  an  earnest  letter  expressing  deep 
regret  at  their  course  in  dividing  so  new  a  congregation  ; 
but  they  refused  to  nullify  Boehm's  ordination,  as  they  had 
requested.  Classis  urged  them  to  become  reconciled  to 
Boehm,  and  also  wrote  to  Boehm's  congregations  at  Skip- 
pack,  Falkner  Swamp  and  White  Marsh,  urging  them  to 
live  in  harmony  with  their  opponents  at  Skippack.  On 
the  same  date  they  wrote  to  Boehm,  urging  him  to  be 
kind  to   his  opponents,  exchange  with   Weiss,  and   thus 


132        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

bring  about  unity.  The  New  York  ministers  wrote  to 
classis,  November  2,  1730,  defending  Boehm  against  the 
attacks  of  his  enemies  at  Skippack.  They  report  to  clas- 
sis that  Skippack  had  refused  to  read  the  letter  of  classis 
asking  for  harmony.  Boehm  complains,  January  29, 
1730,  to  the  New  York  ministers  about  Weiss'  actions 
after  the  reconciliation.  The  Skippack  congregation  in 
its  letter  to  Holland  bears  witness  that  Weiss  had  coun- 
selled them  to  live  in  peace  with  Bcehm,  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  just  before  he  went  to  Europe  in  1730  he  cele- 
brated the  communion  with  the  Skippack  congregation. 
Weiss  in  this  letter  reveals  considerable  independence  of 
spirit  over  against  his  own  congregations,  and  also  a  sense 
of  fairness  in  being  satisfied  when  matters  were  made 
right  by  Boehm's  ordination,  even  though  the  pressure  of 
the  influence  of  his  adherents  at  Skippack  led  him  to  go 
there  just  before  going  to  Europe.  On  the  other  hand, 
Boehm  reveals  a  beautiful  spirit  in  being  willing  to  accept 
the  reconciliation  with  Weiss  after  the  severe  aspersions 
the  latter  had  cast  upon  him  and  his  work  ;  and  also 
reveals  his  humility  and  zeal  for  the  Reformed  Church  by 
offering  before  ordination  to  step  aside  and  give  place 
to  some  one  else  as  minister  whom  the  Holland  Chun^h 
would  send. 

It  only  remains  to  be  noticed  that  by  these  ordination 
proceedings  Boehm  and  his  three  congregations  agreed  to 
become  subordinate  to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  and   the 


THE    ORDINATION    OF    BCEHM.  133 

Church  of  Holland,  and  accept  the  canons  and  constitu- 
tion of  Dort.  Weiss  did  the  same,  and  he  also  agreed  to 
try  to  bring,  if  possible,  his  congregation  at  Philadelphia 
into  subordination  to  the  Church  of  Holland.  Thus  the 
official  connection  of  the  Church  in  Holland  with  the 
Pennsylvania  Reformed  began  in  1728,  when  the  classis 
of  Amsterdam  accepted  the  appeal  of  Boehm.  The  Ger- 
man Reformed  of  Pennsylvania  from  this  time  up  to 
1793  were  under  the  Reformed  Church  of  Holland. 


CHx\PTER  III.— SECTION  V. 
THE  JOURNEY  OF  WEISS  AND  REIFF  TO  EUROPE. 

In  1730  Weiss  took  a  journey  to  Europe,  thus  leaving 
Boelim  the  only  German  Reformed  pastor  in  Pennsylvania. 
He  accompanied  his  warm  friend,  Jacob  Reilf,  of  Skip- 
pack,  (who  had  been  in  Europe  in  1727,  but  had  returned 
in  1729).  There  has  hitherto  been  some  uncertainty  about 
Weiss'  journey  to  Europe,  but  all  is  now  clear. 

The  journey  was  not  made  in  1729,  as  heretofore  sup- 
posed, but  in  1730.  Weiss  was  in  Philadelphia  in  the 
spring  of  1730,  for  his  advertisement,  as  given  in  the 
last  chapter,  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia  Mercury  from 
February  10th,  eight  times  up  to  April  9th.  The  power 
of  attorney  given  by  the  Philadelphia  congregation  to 
Weiss  and  Reiff,  was  dated  May  19th,  1730,  so  that  he 
must  have  sailed  some  time  in  May.  This  power  of 
attorney  was  given  to  Reiff*,  as  it  was  somewhat  uncertain 
whether  AVeiss  would  return  to  America.  By  it  Reiff  was 
ordered  to  receive  the  money  collected  in  Europe,  and,  if 
Weiss  did  not  return  to  Pennsylvania  again,  to  bring 
another  minister  from  Heidelberg.  They  were  both  of 
them  authorized  by  the  congregations  to  collect  money 
for    the    congregations    at    Philadel])hia    and    Skij^j^ack. 


JOURNEY    OF    AYEISS    AND    REIFF   TO    EUROPE.       135 

Tlicy  arrived  in  Hollaiul  about  the  first  of  July,  for  we 
find  them  in  attendanc^e  at  the  South  Holland  synod,  July 
4-14,  at  Breda. 

Providenee  had  been  moving  on  the  Reformed  Church 
of  Holland  in  a  strange  way  to  make  it  take  up  the  poor 
LViuisylvania  churches.  We  behold  here  the  cross  pur- 
poses of  providence.  I'^roni  two  directions  came  the  call 
to  them  in  the  same  year  (1728).  In  that  year,  as  we 
have  seen,  Boehra  and  his  consistories  appealed  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam  for  ordination.  In  that  very  same 
year,  although  about  a  half  a  year  before,  the  Palatinate 
consistory,  at  Heidelberg,  asked  the  synod  of  South  Hol- 
land to  take  the  Pennsylvania  Germans  under  their  care. 
At  this  synod  (July  G— 16)  the  president  read  a  letter  from 
the  Heidelberg  consistory  "■  asking  that  the  Holland 
Church,  on  account  of  the  great  poverty  of  the  Palatinate 
Church,  take  the  Pennsylvania  cougregations  under  their 
care."  Tiiat  consistory,  which  on  June  27,  1709,  seemed 
to  o})i)ose  the  coming  of  the  Palatines,  now  accepted  the 
inevitable,  and  determined  to  do  something  for  them.  It 
had  sent  Weiss  at  the  head  of  a  colony  in  1727,  and  later  sent 
Rieger  at  the  head  of  a  (Milony  in  1731.  We  are  some- 
what suspicious  that  the  report  of  the  churches  in  Penn- 
sylvania (which  Weiss  gave  the  Palatinate  consistory, 
when  he  wrote  for  a  German  certificate  of  his  ordination) 
stirred  up  the  Palatinate  consistory  ;  for  that  letter  was 
probably  received  by  them  just  before  they  wrote  to 
Holland. 


136        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

Thus  from  Germany,  and  also  from  across  the  sea,  in 
America,  came  the  Macedonian  call  to  the  Holland  Church 
to  come  over  and  help.  There  is,  however,  this  difference 
to  be  noticed  :  Boehm  appealed  to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam, 
which  belonged  to  the  North  Holland  synod ;  while  the 
Palatinate  consistory  appealed  to  the  South  Holland 
synod,  through  whose  territory  most  of  the  Germans 
passed  in  sailing  down  the  river  Rhine,  past  Rotterdam, 
Dort,  etc.  The  South  Holland  synod  at  once  took  up  the 
matter.  It  recommended  the  Pennsvlvania  conoreoations 
to  the  Holland  churches,  and  urged  its  classes  to  take  up  a 
collection  for  them.  This  at  the  next  year  was  reported  to 
be  $278.64,  for  Pennsylvania. 

The  coming  of  Weiss  and  Reiff  brought  matters  to  a 
focus,  as  they  arrived  just  in  time  to  attend  the  synod  at 
Breda,  July  4-14.  They  evidently  had  reported  to  the 
deputies  first,  for  the  deputies  reported  to  the  synod  that 
Weiss  and  Reiff  appeared  before  them.  The  deputies 
with  the  committee  of  the  classis  of  Delft  and  Shieland 
(Rotterdam)  bring  in  a  report.  The  synod  received  the 
report,  and  ordered  it  to  be  printed,  if  possible,  during  the 
sessions  of  the  synod,  so  that  copies  miglit  be  delivered 
to  the  council  of  the  provinces,  to  each  member  of  the 
synod,  and  to  those  of  tlieir  number  who  went  as  cor- 
respondents to  other  synods,  to  present  the  matter  to 
them.  It  was  published,  entitled,  "  Re])()rt  and  Organiza- 
tion Concerning  the  Colony  and  Church  of  Pennsylvania. 


JOURNEY   OF    WEISS    AND    REIFF    TO    EUROPE.       137 

Prepared  and  Published  by  the  Deputies  of  the  Christian 
Synod  of  South  Holkind,  Together  with  the  Committee  of 
the  Classis  of  Delft  and  Delftland  and  Shicland."  It  is 
very  interesting,  because  it  is  the  first  official  Reformed 
account  of  Pennsylvania.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
AVeiss  wrote  this  report.  This  is  not  true,  as  the  acts  of 
the  synod  show.  It  was  composed  by  the  deputies  and 
the  committee  of  those  two  classes,  after  conference  with 
Weiss  and  Reiff,  and  based  on  their  statements.  It,  there- 
fore, emphasizes  the  needs  of  the  two  congregations  for 
which  Weiss  and  ReiflP  were  appointed  to  collect,  Philadel- 
phia and  Skippack,  and  entirely  ignores  all  the  congrega- 
tions of  Boehm. 

This  report  of  the  deputies  consisted  of  two  parts,  the 
report  about  Pennsylvania  and  the  regulations  concerning 
the  organization  of  the  church.  The  report  is  quite  an 
elaborate  and  clear  description  of  Pennsylvania.  It  has  a 
brief  preface  which  states  its  object.  This  was  two-fold — 
to  incite  the  Holland  Churches  to  benevolence  for  the 
Penusylvania  congregations,  and  to  show  the  Pennsylvania 
congregations  how  they  shoidd  be  organized,  so  as  to  be  in 
accordance  with  God's  Word  and  the  Reformed  customs. 
The  report  describes  Pennsylvania,  its  climate,  products 
and  minerals,  speaking  of  it  as  still  largely  a  wilderness 
inhabited  by  wild  beasts  and  Indians.  It  briefly  gives  its 
history  under  the  Swedes  and  then  under  Penn,  whose 
invitiition  had  been  accepted  by  many  Germans  of  various 


138        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

denominatious  and  sects.  It  reports  the  number  of 
Reformed  at  15,000,  half  of  the  whole  German  population 
in  the  eolony.  These  were  without  religious  privileges, 
and  were  therefore  attracted  toward  the  Quakers.  The 
only  Reformed  church  it  mentions  is  the  one  at  Skippack. 
(We  are  surprised  that  it  does  not  even  mention  Philadel- 
l)hia,  for  which  Weiss  was  asked  to  collect,  and  it  entirely 
ignores  Boehm's  Avork  in  his  five  congregations).  It 
describes  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  Reformed,  as 
they  were  Avithout  pastors,  and  yet  their  number  was  con- 
tinually increasing.  It  then  speaks  of  the  possibility  that 
through  the  Germans  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  might 
be  hoped  for,  as  the  latter  were  on  very  friendly  terms 
with  the  Germans,  because  they  had  been  kind  to  them. 
It  further  declares  that  this  Church  in  Pennsylvania,  if  fos- 
tered, might  become  an  asylum  or  refuge  for  the  Holland- 
ers in  case  they  were  ever  persecuted  again,  as  they  had  been 
by  the  king  of  Spain.  It  closes  by  stating  that  the  log  or 
frame  church  at  Skippack  ought  to  be  replaced  by  a  stone 
church,  and  that  in  addition  to  Skipj)ack  four  other 
chin-ches  ought  t<^)  be  built,  so  that  the  religious  needs  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Germans  migiit  be  provided  for. 

The  regulations  are  also  elaborate,  tliough  not  so 
imj)()rtant,  as  tluy  were  never  put  into  eifect.  Yet  they 
show  the  interest  of  the  Dutch  in  planning  large  things 
for  t\\(i  Pennsylvania  Reformed  in  the  future,  and  reveal 
the  largeness  of  vision  of  the  Dutch  which  came  to  be  ful- 


JOURNEY    OF   WEISS    AND    EEIFF    TO    EUROPE.       139 

filled  many  years  after.  It  organized  the  Pennsylvania 
churches  under  consistories,  giving  (|uite  minute  directions 
about  the  ministers,  elders,  deacons  and  school-masters. 
It  even  goes  further,  by  preparing  for  the  organization  of 
classes.  One  of  the  most  interesting  points  about  it  is  its  ^ 
regulation  about  creeds.  The  ministers,  elders,  deacons 
and  school-masters  were  required  to  subscribe  no  less  than 
five  creeds :  1.  The  Heidelberg  Catechism ;  2.  The 
Palatinate  confession  of  faith  ;  3.  The  Canons  of  Dort,  as 
received  by  the  Palatinate  ministers  in  harmony  with 
other  nations ;  4.  The  post  acta  of  the  synod  of  Dort ; 
5.  The  Formula  of  Concord  (meaning  the  three  creeds  of 
the  Holland  Clmrch,  The  Heidelberg  Catechism,  Belgic 
Confession  and  Canons  of  Dort).  This  would  make  the 
Pennsvlvanians  amenable  to  all  the  creeds  of  the  Holland 
Church.  The  Holland  fathers  were  always  very  careful 
about  the  orthodoxy  of  the  early  Reformed  in  regard  to 
.  Calvinism.  If  they  gave  their  money  to  help  them,  they 
felt  a  responsibility  that  it  did  not  go  to  aid  any  heresy. 

The  South  Holland  synod  thus  took  charge  of  the 
Pennsylvania  churches,  and  not  the  classis  of  Amsterdam 
in  the  North  Holland  synod,  as  was  done  with  the  churches 
of  New  York.  Up  to  1753  tlie  classis  of  Amsterdam  and 
the  South  Holland  synod  worked  independently  of  each 
other.  But  the  latter  became  the  great  guardian  of  the 
Pennsylvania  churches,  althongh  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam was  always  a  most  liberal  contributor. 


140        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

This  visit  of  Weiss  aud  Reiff  to  Hollaud  caused  a  «rrcat 
deal  of  interest.  Money  soon  began  to  flow  in.  The  Dutch 
were  a  very  liberal  people  for  a  religious  cause,  and  espec- 
ially so  for  their  suffering  Reformed  brethren.  "Was  there 
a  Reformed  congregation  in  any  part  of  the  world,  in  Hun- 
gary, Poland,  Russia,  Italy,  the  Palatinate  or  the  East 
Indies,  they  quickly  responded  to  aid  it.  They  had  about 
a  hundred  churches  on  their  list  of  needy  churches.  They 
were  the  great  missionary  society,  both  home  and  foreign, 
of  the  1 7th  century,  when  the  missions  of  the  English 
speaking  Churches  were  yet  unknown.  And  this  liberality 
they  kept  up  in  the  18th  century.  The  particular  fact 
that  seems  to  have  so  deeply  impressed  these  Hollanders 
was  the  statement  that  there  were  in  Pennsylvania  no  less 
than  30,000  baptized  Reformed  (of  wliom  15,000  were 
members),  for  whose  care  there  were  only  two  ministers, 
one  of  them,  Boehm,bciug  illiterate,  the  other,  Weiss,  being 
away  in  Europe.  This  disproportion  the  Dutch  felt  would 
never  do.  There  must  be  help  given  to  them.  The  truth 
of  the  matter  was  that  these  figures  were  an  overstatement 
of  the  number  of  Reformed  in  Pennsylvania.*     But  there 

*  Reiff,  upon  whose  statements  little  reliability  can  be  placed,  even  put  the 
number  much  higher,  up  to  70,000.  When  the  Reformed  in  Pennsylvania 
afterwards  heard  of  these  figures  they  were  astonished.  A  letter  from  Penn- 
sylvania, November  23,  1731,  says  there  were  only  3,000.  Rieger  and  Diomer 
(1733)  pat  the  whole  number  of  Germans,  which  included  Lutherans  and  the 
sects,  at  15,000.  Finally  when  Schlatter  arrived  in  1740,  he  put  the  number 
of  Reformed  at  12,000,  and  later,  in  1752,  makes  it  30,000,  but  that  was  thirty 
years  after  this,  during  which  time  the  Oerman  emigration  to  Pennsylvania 
had  been  very  large. 


JOUENEY   OF   WEISS    AND    REIFF    TO    EUROPE.       141 

is  uo  question  about  it,  they  produced  the  desired  effect,  as 
money  came  iu  rapidly. 

The  movements  of  Weiss  and  Reiff  in  Holland  as  they 
went  about  collecting  money,  can  be  to  some  extent  traced. 
The  North  Holland  Synod  reported  that  the  South  Hol- 
land synod  had  received  a  letter  asking  aid  for  the  Penn- 
sylvania Reformed.  They  received  this  news  gladly,  and 
ordered  collections  for  it  in  the  classes.  On  August  15, 
1730,  Weiss  and  Reilf  appeared  before  the  deputies.  He 
showed  his  diplomas  from  Heidelberg,  and  gave  informa- 
tion about  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  Reformed  in 
Pennsylvania.  On  September  4  Weiss  and  Reiif  were  in 
Amsterdam,  and  appeared  before  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, asking  for  aid  for  the  Philadelphia  congregation. 
The  letter  of  the  Skippack  congregation  protesting  against 
Boehm's  ordination,  and  asking  classis  to  nullify  it,  was 
also  read  at  the  meeting  at  which  Weiss  appeared.  Classis 
decided  that  Boehm's  ordination  must  stand,  but  gave  Weiss 
permission  to  collect  money  for  his  congregations.  Classis 
(December  5,  1730)  reports  the  following  gifts  to  Weiss. 
(Amsterdam  has  always  been  very  liberal  to  the  Pennsyl- 
vania churches.)  Its  diaconate  then  gave  240  dollars,  its 
consistory  60  dollars,  and  the  burgomaster  had  given  the 
privilege  (October  18)  to  Weiss  and  Reiff  to  individually 
solicit  subscriptions  up  to  240  dollars  in  Amsterdam. 
As  uo  begging  was  allowed  in  Holland  by  law,  he 
appointed  a  resident  of  Amsterdam,  John  Peter   Bolthuy- 


142        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

sen,  to  accompany  tlicm.     This   permission     is   such  an 
interesting  document  that  we  give  it  in  full : 

"  The  burgomasters  and  magistrates  of  the  city  of  Ams- 
terdam, upon  the  report  made  to  their  honors  by  George 
Michael  Weiss,  minister,  a^d  Jacob  Reiif,  elder,  as  com- 
missioners of  the  Reformed  congregation  at  Philadelphia, 
concerning  the  wretched  condition  of  said  congregation, 
consisting  in  general  of  poor  and  needy  people,  who  were 
comjDclled  by  religious  persecution  or  from  lack  of  subsis- 
tence to  depart  thither,  and  after  long  and  expensive  jour- 
neys had  to  settle  there  empty  handed ;  and  being  without 
places  and  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  their  religion, 
and  for  the  propagation  of  the  Christian  Reformed  religion, 
have'  resolved,  in  order  to  so  far  come  to  the  aid  of  these 
same  poor  banished  brethren  in  the  faith  in  the  attainment 
of  their  desires,  to  grant  and  permit  to  their  aforesaid  com- 
missioners, being  assisted  by  John  Peter  Bolthuysen,  resi- 
dent of  this  city,  that  these  same  within  this  city  and  juris- 
diction of  the  same,  may  go  about  to  the  houses  of  the  good 
citizens  and  residents,  and  may  solicit  of  the  same  most  ami- 
cably their  Christian  compassionate  donations  and  gifts,  may 
be  willing  finally  further  to  communicate  these  to  them,  as 
also  receive  these  donations  and  gifts  with  gratitude,  to 
the  amount  of  six  hundred  gulden  ($240)  without  more. 
Done  in  Amsterdam,  October  18,  1730.  By  ordinance  of 
their  honors  aforesaid.  S.  B.  Elias. 

Weiss  still  continued  his  work  for  the  Pennsylvania 
churches.  The  Classis  of  the  Hague  on  November  G 
reports  the  receipt  of  a  Latin  letter  from  Weiss  asking  aid. 
On  March  16  of  the    next   year    A\'eiss    and    Reiff  again 


JOURNEY    OF    WEISS    AND    RETFF   TO    EUROrE.       143 

appeared  before  the  deputies  at  Delft,  and  reported  that 
there  were  four  churches  with  1 5,000  Reformed  in  Penn- 
sylvania. 

But  Weiss  did  not  stay  long  in  Europe.  He  Avas  in 
Holland  only  perhaps  ten  mouths.  He  must  have  left  in 
the  late  spring  or  early  summer  of  1731.  We  know  this, 
because  the  classis  in  a  letter  of  October  19,  1731,  chides 
him  for  not  having  written  to  Holland,  He  must  have 
left  Holland  at  least  four  months  before  that  time,  so  as  to 
get  to  America  and  then  have  a  letter  go  back  to  Holland. 
He  probably  left  soon  after  his  appearance  before  the  dep- 
uties, March  16,  when  the  season  for  navigation  again 
opened.  He  returned  to  Philadelphia  by  way  of  Mary- 
land, but  did  not  remain  there  long.  Perhaps  coming 
events  cast  their  shadows  before,  and  he  foresaw  the  future 
troubles  with  Reiff  about  the  money,  and  so  left  for  New 
York  state,  where  there  were  large  colonies  of  Germans. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  VI. 

WEISS'  LABORS  IN  NEW  YORK. 

The  emigration  of  the  Palatines  to  New  York  state  in 
1710,  which  has  been  previously  given,  formed  the  nucleus 
of  quite  a  colony  of  Germans  there.  They  were  located 
mainly  in  three  groups.  The  first  was  along  the  Hudson, 
the  second  was  in  the  Schoharie  Valley,  and  the  third  in 
the  Mohawk  Valley,  as  at  Palatine  Bridge  and  Stone 
Arabia.  So  that  there  was  quite  a  large  number  of  Ger- 
mans, with  no  Reformed  minister  to  attend  to  their  wants. 
It  is  true.  Rev.  John  Frederick  Haeger  went  with  them 
in  1710,  but  he  went  as  an  Episcopalian,  not  as  a  Re- 
formed. Still  he  is  of  some  interest  to  us,  as  he  was  orig- 
inally Reformed. 

He  was  born  in  1684  at  Siegen,  and  was  the  third  son 
of  Prof.  Henry  Haeger,  who  had  been  the  third  teacher  in 
the  Latin  school  at  Siegen  since  September  25,  1678.  His 
father  afterwards,  on  June  13,  1703,  took  the  pastorate  at 
Oberfischbach,  M'hic-h  place  he  left  in  1711  to  come  to 
America,  settling  in  Virginia.  John  Frederick,  his  son, 
who  went  to  New  York  state,  entered  Ilerborn  University, 
July  5,  1703.  On  September  28,  1705,  Abraham  Puuge- 
ler,  professor  of  philosophy,  gave  him  a  certificate  that  he 


WEI.SS'    LABORS    IN    NEW    YORK.  145 

was  a  diligent  student,  wlio  with  all  the  earnestness  of 
youth  entered  heartily  into  the  study  of  the  Cartesian 
philosophy.  Haeger  closed  his  course  at  Kerborn  by  a 
disputation  on  "  The  Immortality  of  the  Soul."  He  then 
went  to  the  little  university  of  Lingen  in  Germany,  but 
near  Holland.  His  certificate  of  dismissal  shows  that  he 
left  there,  November  14,  1707.  On  February  14,  1708, 
he  was  extunined  by  the  consistory  of  Siegen  and  preached 
his  trial  sermon  on  2  Timothy  3  :  15,  16.  He  was  then 
licensed  to  preach,  but  was  not  yet  ordained. 

AVe  next  find  him  at  London,  in  the  Palatinate  emigra- 
tion of  1709.  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gos- 
pel in  Foreign  Parts  (the  oldest  missionary  society  of  the 
Episcopal  Church  of  England,  having  been  founded 
1701)  began  as  early  in  this  emigration  as  May  20,  1709, 
to  consider  the  advisability  of  sending  a  minister  with  the 
German  emigrants  to  the  new  world.  They  laid  the  mat- 
ter before  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Bishop  of 
London,  who  approved  it.  They  then  began  to  consider 
the  advisability  of  writing  to  Professor  Franke,  of  Halle, 
for  a  yoimg  German  whom  they  coidd  send  to  America. 
But  on  December  16  the  secretary  of  the  society  re- 
]K)i'tcd  that  that  was  not  necessary,  as  they  had  found  a 
young  licentiate,  John  Frederick  Haeger,  of  Siegen,  who 
had  offered  his  services,  and  he  recommended  his  ordina- 
tion. So  Haeger  was  ordained,  December  20,  1709,  by 
the  Bishop  of  Londou,  when  he  preached  his  trial  sermon 
10 


146        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

on  Matthew  11:  5,  "  The  poor  have  the  gospel  preached 
unto  them."  The  society  decided  his  salary  should  be  50 
pounds,  and  accepted  him.  He  left  Portsmouth  early  in 
1710  with  the  Palatines.  He  Avrites  his  first  letter  from 
America  to  the  society,  July  25,  1710.  Ashe  had  become 
a  thorough  Episcopalian  by  the  laying  on  of  the  hands  of 
the  bishop,  he  now  endeavored  in  every  way  to  introduce 
the  Episcopalian  service  among  the  Germans.  It  lias  hitii- 
erto  been  customary  to  count  Haeger  as  one  of  the  early 
Reformed.  This  is  not  true.  He  left  his  simple  Reformed 
worship  at  Siegen  and  came  to  New  York  a  full-fledged 
Episcopalian.  Indeed  he  did  everything  possible  to  win 
the  Reformed  from  their  faith  to  the  Episcopalian.  He 
was  greatly  disappointed  at  his  ultimate  want  of  success. 
Unfaithfulness  to  the  Church  of  his  fathers  brought  no 
ease,  but  only  labor.  First  Kocherthal,  the  lAithoran  min- 
ister, who  came  over  in  the  same  expedition,  vigorously 
opposed  his  efforts  to  turn  the  Lutherans  into  Episcopali- 
ans. As  the  Lutherans  turned  against  his  work,  the  only 
Germans  left  among  whom  he  could  i)roselyte  were  the 
Reformed.  And  these  might  fall  an  easy  prey,  for  he  was 
the  only  German  minister  among  them,  not  a  Lutheran. 
In  his  second  report  to  London  on  October  28,  1710,  lie 
says  he  had  600  communicants,  and  had  received  52  into 
the  church  after  instructing  them  in  the  English  catechism. 
But  after  that  the  number  of  his  comniunicants  grows 
smaller.     This  was  partly  owing  to  the  emigration  of  many 


WEISS'    LABORS   IN   NEW   YORK.  147 

of  the  Germans  westward  to  Schoharie,  but  also  to  his  want 
of  success  in  drawiu";  them  from  their  Reformed  faith. 
Thus  in  1715  he  reports  210  families  and  458  communi- 
cants in  eiglit  places  east  and  west  of  the  Hudson.  Nearly 
a  hundred  of  his  communicants  went  to  Schoharie,  and  the 
next  year  he  reports  only  233  communicants.  In  liis 
efforts  to  make  them  Episcopalian  he  reports  to  the  society 
that  as  they  had  no  decent  place  for  worship,  he  had  not 
insisted  on  their  receiving  the  communion  on  their 
knees  (as  the  Episcopalians  do),  especially  as  the  Germans 
have  a  strong  prejudice  against  such  kneeling,  which 
reminded  them  of  the  Catholic  customs  in  their  country. 
He  himself  was  often  compelled  to  borrow  money,  as  the 
Palatines  were  not  able  to  pay  him,  and  he  did  not  always 
succeed  in  getting  his  salary  from  England.  In  1717 
the  society  tried  to  get  the  state  of  New  York  to  pay  his 
salary,  and  later  they  gave  up  entirely  paying  his  salary, 
although  at  his  urgent  appeal  they  gave  him  50  pounds  in 
1721,  but  he  died  before  receiving  it.  His  widow  married 
Rev.  James  Ogilvie,  the  Episcopalian  missionary  to  the 
Indians.  Haeger  accompanied  Col.  Nicholson's  expedi- 
tion to  Canada  in  1712,  and  not  long  before  his  deatli,  on 
November  22,  1720,  he  presided  at  the  marriage  of 
Conrad  Weiser. 

His  place  was  supplied  by  Rev.  John  Jacob  Oehl 
(Elilig  or  Oel).  He  too  has  hitherto  been  supposed  to 
have  been  Reformed,  but,  like  Haeger,  had  been  ordained 


148        THE   GEE5IAN    EEFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

in  Loudou  by  the  bishop  of  London.  After  his  arrival  in 
New  York  he  wrote,  June  29,  1724,  to  the  society  that  he 
had  been  ordained  in  1722,  had  gone  with  a  coh^ny  of  Ger- 
mans to  New  York  in  1722,  and  since  that  time  he  had 
officiated  among  them  on  the  Hudson  in  Haeger's  phice, 
but  that  since  then  he  had  removed  to  Schoharie.  He 
asked  the  society  to  grant  him  the  same  salary  as  they  had 
been  giving  to  Haeger.  This  was  not  done,  bnt  they 
resolved  that  if  he  would  send  his  certificates,  so  as  to 
corroborate  his  statement,  they  would  present  him  with 
100  dollars.  We  do  not  know  whether  he  did  so,  but  the 
next  year  the  society  sends  him  100  dollars  for  his  past 
services,  and  on  September  30,  1734,  he  thanks  them  for 
tlieir  support.  He  also,  like  Haeger,  labored  among  the 
Indians.  We  thus  see  that  these  two  persons,  who 
hitherto  have  been  considered  Reformed,  were  Episcopa- 
lian. This  Church  would  lay  hold  of  these  young  Ger- 
mans passing  through  to  America  and  have  them  ordained, 
pledging  them  a  salary,  and  they  Avould  come  to  America 
to  win  the  Germans  to  Episco])acy.  This  was  done  in  the 
soutli  as  well  as  in  the  nortli,  as  by  Zuberbuelilcr  and 
others. 

]5ut  with  the  coming  of  Weiss,  in  1731,  a  Reformed 
minister  apjwared  among  them  to  stem  the  tide  to  Episco- 
pacy. This  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  providence 
whicli  took  him  from  Pennsylvania  to  New  York  state. 
Oehl  was  still  preaching  when  Weiss  came  there,  but,  it 


WEISS'    LABORS   IN   NEW   YORK.  149 

seems,  to  dwindling  audiences,  so  that  he  was  led  to  give 
much  time  to  the  Indians.  The  eifort  to  gather  the  Ger- 
mans into  Episcopacy  failed,  and  Weiss  came  to  build  the 
Reformed  Church  on  the  ruins  of  their  work. 

We  do  not  know  when  he  left  Philadelphia,  but  he 
seem's  to  have  left  it  in  the  summer  or  fall  of  1731,  not 
lono-  after  his  arrival.     He  first  found    his    wav    in  the 

c5  •■■■ 

Schoharie  valley  to  Huutersville,  now  probably  the  village 
of  Barton  Hill,  Schoharie  county.  He  was  called  to  Old 
Catskill,  February  8,  1732,  and  the  contract  with 
him  was  signed  by  the  two  consistories  of  Catskill 
and  Coxsackie,  January  8,  1734.  (Catskill  at  that 
time  was  a  large  charge,  extending  along  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson,  from  Coxsackie  in  the  north  to 
West  Camp  on  the  south).  While  at  Catskill  he  was  mar- 
ried on  November  25,  1733.  He  left  Catskill  in  1736 
and  went  to  Burnetsfield  (now  the  township  of  German 
Flats).  On  May  8,  1738,  he  revisited  Skippack,  Penn- 
sylvania. After  this  visit  he  expressed  a  desire  to  classis 
to  again  become  pastor  at  Philadelphia.  They  reply, 
January  13,  1739,  that  they  would  gladly  agree  to  it,  and 
would  put  nothing  in  liis  way.  He  writes,  April  25, 1742, 
that  according  to  the  wish  of  the  classis  he  had  made 
known  to  the  Philadelphia  congregation  his  willingness  to 
serve  them,  but  that  up  to  that  time  he  had  not  heard  from 
them.  He  therefore  suggests  to  the  classis  to  urge  the 
congregation  to  move  in  the  matter.     He  was  willing,  but 


150        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Philadelphia  was  not  willing.  The  Philadelphia  congre- 
gation had  been  prejudiced  against  him  in  the  Reiff  mat^ 
ter,  and  had  become  too  strongly  attached  to  Boehm  to 
agree  to  it.  From  Burnetsfield  he  wrote  two  letters  to 
the  classis,  one  dated  May  10,  1741,  and  the  other  July  4, 
1741.  These  letters,  although  brief,  reveal  a  very  inter- 
esting fact  about  liis  ministry  in  New  York  state,  namely 
that  he  did  mission  work  among  the  Indians.  We  give 
the  following  abstracts  from  his  letters  referring  to  this. 
From  the  letter  of  May  10,  1741  :  "That  transmitted  the 
previous  year  has  doubtless  safely  come  to  hand  :  at  the 
first  opportunity  also  I  shall  communicate  to  your  High 
Worthinesses  a  faithful  description  of  the  Indians  in  North 
America,  which  I  have  myself  composed  from  my  own 
experience  on  having  sufficiently  observed  their  ways  :  even 
as  I  have  also  added  a  painting  both  of  an  Indian  man  and 
an  Indian  woman,  in  order  to  give  your  High  Worthinesses 
a  better  idea  of  the  same."  His  letter  of  July  4,  1741, 
reads  thus  :  "  I  take  the  liberty  to  report  to  you  in  the 
most  obedient  maimer  that  I  have  had  a  sufficient  o])por- 
tunity  to  observe  the  ways  of  the  Indians ;  also  I  have  as 
much  as  I  could  interested  myself  in  them  ;  and  since  the 
Indian  language  is  unkuowu  to  me,  I  have  employed  an 
interpreter  on  several  occasions  and  caused  the  most  essen- 
tial ])arts  of  our  Christian  religion  to  be  spoken  to  them, 
and  have  in  consequence  baptized  several  of  them  at  their 
desire.     It  is  to  be  wondered  at  that  in  this  country  peo- 


Weiss'-  labors  in  new  yoek.  151 

pie  do  uot  iu.sist  upon  the  couversiou  of  the  Indians.  I 
know  of  only  one  English  preacher  who  has  interested 
himself  to  a  partial  degree  in  the  Indians  and  urges  their 
conversion  with  all  earnestness  (the  most  of  the  Indians 
were  allowed  to  run  along  without  instruction,  like  ani- 
mals). The  French  in  Canada  are  of  a  quite  different 
feeling,  as  they  do  much  for  the  Indians,  and  erect  churches 
and  school-houses  among  them  for  their  conversion.  They 
thus  win  the  affections  of  the  Indians,  which  serves  also 
as  a  means,  in  time  of  war,  of  doing  great  injury  to  the 
English,  from  which  much  difficulty  is  to  be  apprehended 
at  the  present  time." 

The  classis  of  Amsterdam,  of  September  10,  1742, 
states  that  it  has  received  a  package  containing  a  minia- 
ture painting  of  the  Indians,  both  meli  and  women,  and 
Weiss'  book,  entitled,  "A  Description  of  the  Wild  Men  in 
North  America,  as  to  their  persons,  properties,  nations, 
languages,  names,  houses,  dress,  appearance  (mien,  aspect), 
ornaments,  marriages,  food,  drink,  household  implements, 
housekeeping,  hunting,  fishing,  fighting,  superstitious, 
political  government,  besides  other  remarkable  matters," 
composed  from  personal  experience  by  George  Michael 
Weiss,  y.  D.  M. ;  thus  (besides?)  the  title.  This  descrip- 
tion consists  (of)  96  pages  and  one-half,  besides  the 
preface,  in  8vo,  The  preface  states  his  reasons  for  writ- 
ing the  book,  and  is  signed  by  him  at  Burnetsfield,  Octo- 
ber 4,  1741. 


152        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

The  Holland  fathers  express  themselves  very  much 
pleased  with  his  description  of  the  Indians.  He  also 
refers  to  the  importance  of  missionary  work  among  the 
Indians  in  his  letter  of  April  25,  1742.  He  became  pas- 
tor at  Rhinebeck,  September  17,  1742,  where  he  celebrated 
the  communion  and  received  17  into  the  Church.  He 
stayed  at  Rhiuebeck  till  June  29,  1746.  During  his  min- 
istry there  115  were  added  to  the  membership,  and  he 
baptized  120  persons. 

Weiss  remained  in  New  York  state  up  to  1746,  when 
his  fear  of  an  Indian  war  led  him  to  accept  the  call  to 
Goshenhoppen. 

Thus  AVeiss  in  New  York  state  aided  in  laying  the 
foundation  of  the  Reformed  Dutch  Church,  which  was 
composed  at  the  beginning  of  this  century  of  a  large  ele- 
ment of  Germans,  as  much  as  one-third  we  have  heard  it 
said.  He  was  afterwards  succeeded  there  by  some  of  the 
ministers  who  had  come  to  Pennsylvania  at  first,  as  Sclmor 
at  Esopus,  Rubel  at  Rhinebeck,  and  others.  Our  Dutch 
brethren  ought  to  lionor  Weiss  as  the  founder  of  their 
work  among  the  Germans.  He  saved  their  Germans 
from  Episcopacy.  And  as  he  founded  the  German  Re- 
formed Church  in  Philadelphia,  so  he  did  in  New  York 
state. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  VII. 

THE  REIFF  ACCOUNTS. 

This  has  been  one  of  the  most  perplexing  subjects  for 
the  Pennsylvania  congregations,  the  Holland  synods  and 
the  church  historian,  to  unravel.  Fortunately  the  minutes 
and  correspondence  now  give  a  pretty  clear  idea  of  the 
state  of  affiiirs.  The  suspicions  of  Reiflf's  integrity  began 
before  he  returned  to  America.  While  he  was  in  Europe 
the  Dutch  ministers  of  New  York,  on  November  2,  1730, 
wrote  to  the  deputies  that  they  did  not  have  the  fullest 
confidence  in  Reiif,  and  suggested  that  the  money  in  his 
possession  be  taken  from  him.  Their  fears  proved  only 
too  true  afterwards. 

Reiif  returned  to  Philadelphia  in  the  autunni  of  1732, 
the  year  after  Weiss  returned.  But  he  did  not  settle  his 
accounts  or  hand  over  the  money  he  had  collected  to  the 
Philadelphia  and  Skippack  congregations.  Weiss,  before 
he  left  Philadelphia,  had  left  a  memorandum  of  the 
amount  in  Reitf's  hands,  stating  that  he  had  2197  gulden.* 
The  congregations  were  very  much  disappointed  at  this 
delay  and  still  more  disappointed  when  he  said  he  had 
only  750  gulden  to  turn  over  to  them,  or  about  one-third 

*  A  gulden  is  worth  40  cents. 


154        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

of  the  amount  that  Weiss  had  led  them  to  believe  was 
coming  to  them.  They  were  still  more  disappointed  when 
he  did  not  attempt  to  turn  over  that  amount  to  them, 
although  the  congregations  were  greatly  in  need  of  money. 
The  congregation  at  Skippack  made  no  attempt  to  recover 
the  money  from  him,  perhaps  because  it  was  dominated 
by  the  influence  of  Reiif,  on  whose  property  its  church 
building  stood.  But  not  so  the  Philadelphia  congregation. 
They  took  up  the  matter  and  kept  pushing  it  for  years 
against  him.  They  wrote  to  Weiss  for  information,  who 
replied  that  he  had  not  received  any  money  from  Reiif, 
except  what  was  necessary  for  his  expenses,  and  that  Reiif, 
before  they  separated,  had  more  than  2000  gulden.  After 
waiting  patiently  for  a  year  after  his  return  they  went 
into  court,  November  23,  1732,  stating  that  he  had  2197 
gulden,  and  asking  that  he  be  compelled  to  deliver  over 
the  money.  They  also  asked  that  he  be  restrained  from 
departing  from  the  colony,  as  they  were  suspicious  he 
was  preparing  to  betake  himself  to  Virginia  to  escape 
payment. 

The  case  seems  to  have  hung  for  nearly  a  year,  and  in 
September,  1733,  Reiif  tiled  his  reply.  In  it  he  refuses  to 
pay,  as  the  consistory  who  made  the  charges  against  him  is 
not  the  same  consistory  that  gave  him  the  authorization, 
May  19,  1730,  to  collect  funds.  He  then  describes  how 
he  came  to  go  to  Holland,  that  it  was  not  his  desire  or 
intention  to  do  so,  but  that  he  did  it  at  the  earnest  request 


THE   REIPF   ACCOUNTS.  155 

of  the  congregation.  He  denied  that  he  had  received 
2032  gulden,  12  stuivers.  He  said  he  had  received  750 
gulden  in  Holland  from  Van  Asten,  and  also  76  gulden  in 
Germany  ;  total,  128  pounds  and  18  shillings;  that  Weiss 
had  suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  putting  the  money 
into  merchandise,  so  that  something  might  be  realized 
otf  it.  But  the  English  custom  house  at  Cowes,  on  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  detained  his  goods,  June,  1732,  as  he  passed 
through,  and  he  was  forced  to  leave  them  behind,  but  left  49 
pistoles  (68  pounds,  12  shillings,  Pennsylvania  money),  to 
pay  the  customs  and  freight.  He  also  says  that  the  suit 
was  brought  against  him  by  only  a  part  of  those  who  were 
interested  in  the  money,  namely  the  congregation  at  Phil- 
adelphia, but  the  congregation  at  Skippack  did  not  join  in 
with  them  in  the  suit. 

Nothing  came  of  this  action  against  him,  except  that 
Reiif  was  put  for  a  time  under  1000  pounds  bail  not  to 
leave  Pennsylvania,  which  made  him  very  angry.  The 
Philadelphia  congregation  could  prove  nothing,  because  it 
did  not  have  sufficient  witnesses.  The  only  witnesses 
who  could  aid  them  were  the  Holland  churches  who  gave 
the  money,  and  Weiss  who  was  a  partner  in  the  transac- 
tion. The  first  were  far  away  across  the  Atlantic,  and  the 
second  had  betaken  himself  to  another  colony,  to  New 
York  state.  Still  the  Philadelphia  congregation  did  not 
give  up.  They  next  made  the  attempt  to  get  Weiss  to 
come  from  New  York  state  to  act  as  a  witness,  offering  to 


1 56        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

bear  his  expenses.  They  seut  to  him,  both  by  letter  and 
by  express  messenger,  but  he  did  not  come.  He,  how- 
ever, wrot€  to  them  that  Reiff  had  over  2000  gulden,  and 
that  he  had  advised  Reiff  against  buying  merchandise. 
Diemer  also  says  (1736)  that  Weiss  took  an  oath  and 
cleared  himself  that  he  had  realized  nothing:  but  200 
gulden  for  traveling  expenses.  They  also  appealed  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam's  deputies,  in  Holland,  to  aid  them, 
March  4,  1733,  and  asked  of  them  to  forward  authentic 
copies  of  the  amounts  given  to  Reiff  and  Weiss.  This 
the  deputies  ordered  to  be  done.  But  it  took  a  number  of 
years  and  a  good  deal  of  trouble  to  get  all  the  data  for  the 
report,  which  was  not  sent  over  until  Ai)ril  21,  1739, 
when  deputy  Probsting  sent  over  the  amount  as  2131 
gulden,  12  stuivers,  which  Reiff  had  raised  in  Holland, 
bssides  the  money  he  had  collected  in  Germany  amounting 
to  750  Holland  shillings.  (When  Reiff  went  to  Europe 
again  in  1734,  the  Philadelphia  congregation  wrote  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam,  warning  them  against  any  effort  of 
his  to  collect  money,  and  asking  them  to  have  him 
arrested,  so  that  they  might  examine  him  about  it.) 

On  April  20,  1734,  they  try  still  another  plan.  As 
Weiss  Avould  not  obey  their  summons  to  come  to  Pennsyl- 
vania and  act  as  a  witness,  they  ask  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, under  whose  authority  he  stood  in  New  York,  to  order 
him  to  come  to  P(>nnsylvania  in  order  to  save  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation  from  disruption.     The  congregation 


THE    REIFF    ACCOUNTS.  157 

also  apjjealcd  to  Ba'hm  the  same  year  to  aid  them  Avith  the 
classis  of  New  York,  as  he  was  in  correspoudeiice  with  it. 
He  did  so,  but  nothing  came  of  it,  except  that  their  writing 
to  him  about  it  opened  up  the  way  by  which  he  became 
pastor  in  Philadelphia.  The  classis  of  Amsterdam,  how- 
ever, listened  to  their  appeal,  and  wrote  to  Weiss,  October 
1,  1736,  that  they  would  not  rest  until  the  2000  gulden 
given  to  Reiff  were  accounted  for,  and  that  if  he  would 
have  his  name  free  from  blame,  and  if  he  wished,  to  pre- 
vent the  cessation  of  their  gifts  to  him,  he  would  see  to  it 
that  they  were  produced.  For  he  wrote  to  them  in  a  let- 
ter received  by  them,  on  above  date,  that  he  had  brought 
the  Reiff  matters  before  the  court  and  was  j)rosecuting 
Reiff.  Weiss  saw  therefore  that  something  had  to  be  done 
about  the  matter,  and  he  went  back  to  Pennsylvania  May 
8,  1738,  to  try  to  arrange  matters.* 

*  The  account  he  then  filed  was  as  follows  :  Receipts  according  to  the  col- 
lection book,  2104  gulden.    Expenditures: 

1.  For  the  voyage  from  Philadelphia,  18  pounds. 

2.  For  board  in  London  during  one  month,  together  with  duty  for  me  and 
Jacob  Reiff,  in  all  5  pounds,  7  shillings,  6  pence. 

3.  For  passage  from  London  to  Rotterdam  for  each,  15  shillings  sterling,  1 
penny  (?)  for  the  bed  and  3  shillings  sterling  for  board. 

4.  Expenses  for  half  a  year's  stay  in  Holland  and  necessary  journeys,  700 
gulden. 

5.  At  Rotterdam,  shortly  before  my  return  to  London,  Reiff  gave  me  250 
gulden.  Of  these  I  paid  the  passage  from  Rotterdam  to  London  15  shillings, 
1  penny  (?)  for  bed,  6  shillings  for^oard.  Passage  from  London  to  Maryland,  8 
pounds,  without  refreshments,  which  I  took  along.  From  Maryland  to  Phila- 
delphia by  land  aad  by  sea,  3  pounds,  12  shillings,  1  pence  board  in  London, 
16  shillings.     In  addition  to  my  labors  and  trouble,  50  pounds  for  the  year. 

N.  B. — Reiff  declares  that  he  paid  me  for  clothing  and  a  few  books  110 
gulden,  14  stuivers. 

(When  pounds  and  shillings  are  mentioned,  sterling  money  is  meant.) 


158        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Thus  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  Weiss  and  both 
the  synods  of  Holland  and  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  took 
every  method  known  to  get  the  money  from  RcifF.  The 
deputies  appealed  to  the  colonial  authorities  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, writing  to  a  Mr.  Lorang,  who  turned  out  to  be 
chief  justice  Logan.  If,  however,  he  could  not  do  any- 
thing, he  was  to  give  authority  to  Dorsius  and  Dicmer. 
Logan  wrote  back  that  he  had  retired  from  office,  and  so 
it  was  left  for  Diemer  to  prosecute.  Diemer  wrote  to  the 
deputies,  November  14,  1743,  that  having  received  author- 
ity from  them  by  letter  of  May  3,  1739,  he  had  gone 
ahead  and  caused  Reiif  to  give  security,  and  had  already 
spent  250  gulden  in  the  matter.  Diemer  also  boastsd  that 
he  would  spend  100  pounds  more  in  order  to  gain  the 
money.  When  Dorsius  visited  Holland  in  1743,  the 
deputies  asked  him  what  he  and  Diemer  were  doing  about 
the  matter.  He  replied  that  he  had  more  than  once  urged 
Diemer  to  go  on,  but  Diemer  did  not  seem  to  be  in  a 
hurry.  The  deputies  order  Dorsius,  when  he  returns  to 
Pennsylvania,  to  notify  Diemer  that  they  would  take  no 
notice  of  any  account  of  his  tiiat  was  not  itemized  or  was 
not  signed  by  Dorsius  as  well  as  himself. 

This  is  as  far  as  the  matter  got  until  Schlatter  came. 
Reiff  refused  to  settle,  and  the  Philadelphia  congregation 
was  powerless  to  compel  him.  All  efforts  on  both  sides  of 
the  water  had  failed.  Tt  remained  for  Schlatter  to  close 
the  matter  in  March,  1747,   by  a  compromise  by   which 


THE    REIFF    ACCOUNTS.  159 

Reiff  paid  100  pistoles.  But  the  baneful  influence  of  the 
money  did  not  stop  with  that  settlement.  It  seemed  to  be 
Judas  money,  causing  trouble  to  all  who  touched  it.  It 
was  made  the  basis  of  a  number  of  charges  against  Schlat- 
ter, until  he  finally  turned  over  the  last  of  the  money  in 
1755,  so  that  the  amount  was  closed  up  about  twenty-five 
years  after  it  was  collected,  although  the  Philadelphia  con- 
gregation received  part  of  it  by  1747,  fifteen  years  after  its 
collection. 


CHAPTER  in.— SECTION  VIII. 

JOHN  PETER  MILLER. 

John  Peter  Miller  was  bom  at  Alzenborn,  near  Kai- 
serslautern  in  the  Palatinate.  His  father  was  minister  in 
the  district  of  Kaiserslautern,  as  Boehm  states  in  his  letter, 
November  12,  1730.  He  was  matriculated  at  Heidelberg 
University,  December  25,  1725.  There  he  was'  a  fellow 
student  of  Rieo;er,  who  came  over  to  Pennsylvania  a  vear 
after  him.  When  he  came  into  this  country,  he  was  only 
a  candidate  for  the  ministry,  and  hence  he  could  uot  have 
been  sent  by  the  Palatinate  consistory.  The)-  would  cer- 
tainly have  ordained  hiui  before  sendino;  him.  He  arrived 
at  Philadelphia  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance,  August  29, 
1730.  He  found  the  Philadelphia  congregation  without  a 
pastor,  as  Weiss  was  in  Europe,  so  he  supplied  them, 
agreeing  to  do  so  till  Weiss  returned.  He  also  began 
preaching  to  the  Reiif  party  at  Skijijiack. 

Bcchm  says  in  a  letter  of  Novembci-  12,  1730,  that 
Miller  told  him  that  he  had  promised  to  sui)i)ly  the  eou- 
gregations  at  Philadel|)hia  aud  Oerniantown  till  Weiss 
rctnrued.  P>ut  to  do  this  rightly  he  would  go  to  the  Pres- 
byterians, so  as  to  gain  ordination.  Bnohm  tried  to  pre- 
vent this,  and  urged  him  to  apply  to  the  Dutch  Keformed 


JOHN    PETER    MILLER.  161 

ministers  of  New  York,  as  he  had  doue,  and  thus  have  it 
done  according  to  tlie  order  of  the  Reformed  Church, 
rather  than  the  Presbyterian.  Miller  replied  that  such  a 
procedure  would  be  too  tedious  and  formal.  He  answered 
Bcehm  rather  sharply,  saying  he  did  not  see  that  it  made 
any  diiference  if  the  Presbyterians  ordained  him.  He 
would  like  to  know  who  had  authorized  the  classis  of 
Amsterdam  to  rule  over  the  Church  in  America.  The 
king  of  England  was  higher  than  -the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, he  thought.  Boehm  replied  that  he  was  glad  to  act 
under  the  control  of  the  classis,  whereat  Miller  repri- 
manded liim  by  saying  "  that  in  this  land  of  glorious 
liberty  the  people  were  free  to  elect  their  ministers  and 
also  to  dismiss  them.  Christians  were  free  and  Christ  alone 
was  their  head."  Bcehm  was  greatly  displeased  and  dis- 
heartened by  Miller's  actions,  as  he  failed  to  bring  him 
under  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  Miller  persisted  in 
being  ordained  by  the  Presbyterians,  and  applied  to 
their  synod  of  Philadelphia.  The  synod  referred  the 
matter  to  the  Presbytery.  The  minutes  of  the  Presby- 
terian synod  of  September  19,  1730,  say  that  "Mr.  John 
Peter  Miller,  a  Dutch  (German)  probationer,  lately  come 
over,  be  left  to  the  presbytery  of  Philadelphia  to  settle 
with  him  in  the  work  of  the  ministry."  Rev.  Jedediah 
Andrews,  D.  D.,  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  at 
Philadelphia,  thus  speaks  in  a  letter  of  October  14,  1730, 
of  Miller's  unusual  scholarship  :  "  V^e  gave  him,"  he 
11 


162        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S, 

says,  "  a  question  to  discuss  about  sanctification,  and  he 
answered  it  in  a  whole  sheet  of  paper  in  a  very  notable 
manner.  He  speaks  Latin  as  well  as  we  speak  our  native 
tongue,  and  so  does  the  other,  Mr.  Weiss."  He  was 
ordained  about  the  close  of  1730  by  the  Presbytery,  whose 
committee,  Tennaut,  Andrews  and  Boyd,  ordained  him. 
He  preached  at  Skippack,  as  well  as  at  Philadelphia. 

We  do  not  know  why  he  left  Philadelphia,  but  he  went 
in  1731  to  Tulpchocken  and  took  that  congregation  away 
from  under  the  care  of  Boehm,  who  was  able  to  supply  it 
only  once  or  twice  a  year  with  preaching  and  the  Lord's 
Supper  on  account  of  its  great  distance.  There  Miller 
labored  faithfully  for  four  years,  and  his  congregations 
were  prosperous.  But  Conrad  Beissel,  the  head  of  the 
Seventh  Day  Dunkards  at  Ephrata,  had  determined  to 
proselyte  one  of  the  new  Reformed  ministers  if  he  could. 
When  he  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Miller  and  Rieger  he 
said  "  he  thought  his  work  would  be  better  carried  out  if 
God  had  provided  one  of  these  young  preachers  for  him, 
for  which  also  he  often  bowed  the  knee  before  God."  lie 
first  tried  to  gain  Rieger,  but  when  he  heard  that  lliegor  had 
married  (marriage  was  contrary  to  the  ruk^s  of  his  cloister 
at  Ephrata)  he  broke  out  into  the  exclamation  :  "  O  Ijord, 
Thou  sufferest  them  to  spoil  on  my  very  hands." 

Beissel  then  turned  his  attention  to  Miller  at  Tul- 
pehocken.  He  visited  Miller  at  TulpeliockcM  in  17.'>5, 
who  with  his  elders  received  him  according  to  his  dignity 


JOHN   PETER   MILLER.  163 

as  a  man  of  God.  He  was  accompanied  on  his  retnrn  to 
Ephrata  six  miles  over  the  country  by  Miller  and  Conrad 
Weiser,  the  prominent  elder  of  the  Lutheran  congregation 
at  Tulpehocken.  Miller  was  impressed  and  later  converted 
to  their  faith.  In  the  spring  of  1735  Miller,  together  with 
Conrad  Weiser  and  three  elders,  besides  a  number  of 
others  (ten  heads  of  families)  were  baptized  by  immersion 
in  the  new  faith.  Boehm  says  that  "on  a  certain  day 
Miller,  Weiser  and  others  assembled  at  the  house  of 
Godfried  Fidler,  and  after  having  collected  the  Heidelberg 
Catechism  (which  he  said  was  man's  work,  not  God's), 
Luther's  Catechism,  the  psalter  and  time-honored  books  of 
devotion,  burned  them."  The  conversion  of  Miller  to  the 
Seventh  Day  Dunkard  faith  produced  a  great  sensation 
among  the  German  colonists,  who  were  divided  into  many 
sects  and  parties.  Most  of  the  converts,  however,  did  not 
remain  in  the  new  faith.  Boehm  says  only  two  men,  one 
of  whom  Avas  Miller,  and  one  woman  remained  with  the 
community  at  Ephrata.  Weiser  soon  after  returned  to  the 
Lutheran  faith,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Muhlenberg,  the  organizer 
of  the  Lutheran  Church  in  Pennsylvania,  married  his 
daughter. 

Miller  took  a  new  name  at  Ephrata  and  was  known  as 
Brother  Jabez,  and  called  himself  Peter  the  Hermit. 
Beissel  proposed  to  place  him  in  his  former  charge  at  Tul- 
pehocken as  a  missionary  to  proselyte  among  the  Germans 
there,   but   Miller   refused   and    made    application    to    be 


164        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

received  iuto  Ephrata,  which  was  granted.  He  lived  61 
years  in  that  society  until  he  died,  September  25,  1796. 
By  the  time  he  died  he  had  been  greatly  disappointed  at 
the  failure  of  his  sect.  He  was  a  spiritually-minded  man, 
very  intelligent,  but  mystical  and  ascetic.  He  was  mainly 
known  as  a  scholar,  and  after  the  declaration  of  indejien- 
dence  he  translated  it  into  seven  languages.  He  trans- 
lated it  into  German  in  1778  so  as  to  be  read  in  the 
various  congregations,  as  this  was  ordered  by  congress. 
The  literary  activity  of  Ephrata,  which  Miller  greatly 
promoted,  was  very  great  during  the  last  century,  and  its 
publications  are  now  very  valuable.  Thus  they  published 
a  Martyr  Book,  translated  from  the  Dutch  iuto  German  by 
Miller,  the  largest  book  published  in  America  before  the 
Revolution. 

There  is  a  beautiful  story  of  forgiveness  told  of  INIiller 
during  the  Revolution.  There  lived  in  Ephrata  a  man 
who  distinguished  himself  for  his  base  conduct  towards 
Miller's  Society,  who  was  also  known  as  a  traitor  to  the 
American  cause.  Charged  with  treason,  he  was  condemned 
to  death.  No  sooner  was  the  sentence  jironounced  than 
Miller  set  out  on  foot  to  visit  General  AVashington  so  as  to 
intercede  for  the  man's  life.  But  he  was  told  his  prayer 
would  not  be  granted  for  his  unfortunate  friend.  "My 
friend,"  exclaimed  Miller,  "  J  have  not  a  worse  enemy 
living  than  this  man."  "  AVIiat !"  rejoined  Washington, 
"you  have  walked   sixty  miles   to  save   the  life   of  your 


JOHN    PETER    MILLER.  165 

enemy?  That  in  my  jiulgment  puts  matters  in  a  different 
light.  I  will  grant  you  his  pardon."  The  pardon  was 
made  out  and  without  a  moment's  delay  Miller  proceeded 
on  foot  to  the  place,  fifteen  miles  distant,  where  the  execu- 
tion was  to  take  place  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day. 
He  arrived  just  as  the  man  was  conducted  to  the  scaffold, 
who,  seeing  Miller  in  the  crowd,  remarked,  "  There  is  old 
Peter  Miller,  who  has  walked  all  the  way  from  Ephrata  to 
have  his  revenge  gratified  to-day  by  seeing  me  hung." 
These  words  had  scarcely  been  spoken  when  he  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  very  different  object  of  Miller's  visit, 
namely  that  his  life  was  spared. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  IX. 

REV.  JOHN  BARTHOLOMEW  RIEGER. 

John  Bartholomew  Rieger  was  fromOberingelheim  in 
the  Palatinate.  He  was  the  son  of  John  Adam  Rieger, 
and  the  church  records  at  Oberino-elheim  sav  he  was  born 
on  January  23,  1707.*  He  studied  at  Heidelberg,  where 
he  matriculated  February  14,  1724,  as  a  student  of  phil- 
osophy. He  was  not  a  fellow  student  of  Weiss,  as  has 
been  suggested,  for  the  latter  matriculated  there  six  years 
before.  Nor  was  he  a  fellow  student  of  John  Peter  Mil- 
ler, who  came  to  the  university  the  next  year,  December 
29,  1725,  for  by  that  time  Rieger  had  gone  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Basle,  where  he  matriculated,  April  20,  1724. 
Why  he  left  Heidelberg  and  matriculated  at  Basle  two 
months  after  he  entered  Heidelberg  w^edonot  know.  He 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  ship  Brittaunia  from  Rot- 
terdam, and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance,  September  21, 
1731.  He  did  not  come  over  with  Weiss,  as  has  been 
suggested,  for  Weiss  came  by  way  of  Maryland,  he  by 
way  of  Philadelphia. 

He  was  at  ouce  accepted  as  a  minister  by  the  Reformed 
congregation  at  Philadelphia,    and    became   their   pastor 

*  His  tombstune  at  Lancaster  sajs  January  10. 


REV.    JOHN    BARTHOLOMEW    RIEGER.  167 

before  November  22,  1731,  for  on  that  date  he  wrote  to 
Holland,  signing  himself  pastor  of  that  congregation.  He 
continued  their  pastor  as  late  as  February  23,  1734,  when 
in  a  letter  to  Holland  he  still  signs  himself  as  pastor  of 
the  Philadelphia  congregation.  During  1733  he  also  sup- 
plied Skippack  and  Germantown  together  with  Philadel- 
phia, preacliing  at  each  place  every  third  Sunday.  His 
pastorate  at  Germantown  was  brief,  Boehm  says.  Neither 
does  he  seem  to  have  succeeded  well  at  Philadelphia,  for 
he  left  before  April  24,  1734,  when  Bcehm  was  called  to 
Philadelphia. 

After  leaving  Philadelphia  Rieger  seems  to  have  gone 
to  Amwell,  from  which  place  he  writes,  February  27, 
1735,  to  Boehm.  The  congregation  at  Amwell  demanded 
that  he  make  an  apology  to  Boehm  before  they  would 
accept  him.  So  in  this  letter  he  makes  a  very  hum- 
ble apology  for  having  held  services  at  Skippack  in  one 
of  Boehm's  congregations  without  the  latter's  permis- 
sion. This  apology  was  made  at  New  York,  and  signed 
in  the  presence  of  the  New  York  ministers  DuBois,  Boel 
and  Antonides,  and  sent  to  Philadelphia.  In  that  letter 
he  also  promises  to  be  subordinate  to  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, and  in  doing  so  he  accepted  the  Canons  of  Dort, 
which  he  afterwards  at  the  second  Pennsylvania  coetus 
retused  to  accept,  although  he  signed  it  again  in  1752. 
We  next  find  him  at  Lancaster.  Meanwhile  his  brother, 
Jacob  Frederick  Rieger,  came  to  America,  September  12, 
1734.     He  settled  at  Lancaster  and  became  a  prominent 


168        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

surgeon.  The  latter  was  also  an  agent  for  the  new  German 
Bible  published  by  Saur,  the  printer  at  Germantown.  He 
is  best  known  through  the  duel  his  son  Jacob  fought  with 
Captain  Chambers,  May  12,  1789.  He  died,  January  2, 
1762,  aged  87  years.  He  must  have  been  a  very  much 
older  man  than  the  minister.  Perhaps  it  was  the  residence 
of  his  brother  that  drew  John  Bartholomew  Rieger  to 
Lancaster.  At  any  rate  he  became  pastor  there  before 
1740.  He  was  at  Lancaster  duriug  the  Zinzendorf  move- 
ment, into  which  he  entered  very  heartily.  Perhaps  like 
Lischy,  he  had  become  acquainted  with  the  Moravians  at 
Basle,  where  he  had  studied.  He  took  Zinzendorf  into 
his  house  and  on  the  next  Sunday  preached  a  sermon, 
praising  the  Moravians  very  greatly. 

The  result  was  that  the  majority  of  the  congregation 
at  Lancaster  turned  against  him,  especially  as  Zinzendorf 
had  been  guilty  of  making  some  extravagant  boasts.  In 
the  reaction  Rieger  found  his  place  very  uncomfortable 
there.  Having  gotten  into  trouble  about  the  iNIoravians, 
he  concluded  the  best  thing  for  him  to  do  was  to  leave  the 
country  for  a  while,  until  the  storm  had  blown  over.  So 
lie  went  back  to  Holland  to  study  medicine  and  thus  fol- 
low in  the  footsteps  of  his  distinguished  elder  brother. 
He  matriculated  at  the  University  ol"  Lcyden,  xMai-ch  20, 
1744.  He  registered  as  from  Oberingelhciin,  which  had 
been  his  birthplace.  His  matriculation  has  written  after 
his  name,  "a  student  of  medic^inc  and  because  of  poverty 
admitted  gratis."     While  he  was  iu  Holland  he  came  into 


REV.    JOHN    BARTHOLOMEW    RIEGER.  169 

contact  with  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  On  November  5, 
1743,  he  appeared  before  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  He 
was  asked  by  the  assembly  to  give  them  an  account  of 
Pennsylvania  where  he  had  spent  twelve  years.  He  was 
thanked  for  this  and  given  a  donation  of  $10,  with  a 
request  to  answer  more  fully  in  writing,  which  he  did,  so 
that  classis  received  a  letter,  April  13,  1744,  giving  a 
description  of  the  condition  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches. 
In  it  he  answers  several  questions  put  to  him  and  advises 
them  how  to  act  for  their  greatest  benefit.  As  the  result 
of  this  association  with  the  classis  he  agreed  on  his  return 
to  America  to  give  them  fuller  information  concerning 
Pennsylvania. 

On  his  return  to  America  he  shows  new  zeal  for  the 
Reformed  Church.  He  returned  to  Lancaster,  March, 
1745,  and  began  the  practice  of  medicine,  which  he  kept 
up  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  was,  however, 
somewhat  surprised  it  seems  when  he  came  back  to  Lan- 
caster, to  find  that  in  his  absence  his  place  had  been  taken 
by  another.  Rev.  Casper  Lewis  Schnorr,  who  had  come  to 
America  in  the  meantime.  The  Lancaster  congregation 
had  not  the  greatest  confidence  in  Rieger's  adherence  to 
the  Reformed  ever  since  lie  liad  gone  off  so  mucih  to  the 
Moravians  in  the  days  of  Zinzendorf.  Wilhelmi  says  in 
his  report  to  the  deputies  of  1735  that  Rieger,  influenced 
by  the  Quakers,  had  refused  to  baptize  children,  and  pub- 
licly taught  that  one  could  be  saved  in  any  religion  of 
the  world.     Boehm  and  Schnorr  charge  him  with   some 


170       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S, 

heresy  about  the  sanctificatiou  of  iufants — that  all  infants 
had  to  pass  through  a  purifying  process  after  death. 
When  Rieger  found  Schuorr  in  his  place  at  Lancaster,  he 
sent  a  letter  to  Holland  signed  by  a  few  of  his  supporters 
in  the  congregation.  But  all  his  efforts  to  get  back  to 
Lancaster  were  in  vain.  Schnorr  charges  him  with  hav- 
ing brought  over  money  from  Holland  for  the  church, 
which  he  failed  to  deliver.  Rieger  declared  that  was  not 
true,  and  wrote,  November  16,  1745,  to  Holland  about  it. 
The  deputies  wrote  to  Schnorr,  completely  exonerating 
Rieger  of  the  charge.  Rieger  reports  to  Holland  that  he 
had  tried  for  six  months  to  organize  a  coetus  or  synod, 
and  had  written  to  Boehm  and  Schnorr,  the  two  Reformed 
ministers  in  Pennsylvania,  but  had  not  received  a  reply 
from  them  about  it.  The  truth  was  that  Rieger  was  not 
the  man  to  be  a  leader  of  such  an  organization.  He  had 
proved  too  unreliable  and  changeable  already,  and  had 
thus  lost  the  respect  of  many  of  the  Reformed.  He,  how- 
ever, found  a  small  charge  at  Schafferstown,  near  Lancas- 
ter, where  he  was  preaching  when  Schlatter  came  to 
America.  The  deputies  write  to  Rieger,  June  6,  1746, 
acquainting  him  with  the  fact  that  Schlatter  has  been 
appointed  to  go  to  Pennsylvania  and  organize  the  Church. 
They  request  that  he  receive  Schlatter  in  love  and  give 
him  all  the  assistance  possible.  They  suggest  that  if  he 
has  any  accusations  to  make  against  Schnorr,  as  he  had 
suggested,  he  make  them  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  coetus 
soon  to  be  formed.     This  he  does  not  seem  to  have  done. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  X. 

THE  GOETSCHIS— FATHER  AND  SON.* 

About  the  year  1730  there  began  a  new  movement  of 
the  Swiss  emigration  to  America,  just  as  there  had  been 
in  1709.  The  Graifenried  to  lead  this  new  movement 
was  John  Peter  Pury,  of  Neuchatel.  He  had  been  in  the 
English  service,  although  a  Swiss,  and  there  learned  much 
about  the  English  colonies.  He  conceived  a  plan  of 
colonizing  the  southern  part  of  Carolina  with  brave 
Swiss.  Having  been  director  general  of  the  French 
East  India  Company,  he  was  therefore  somewhat  familiar 
with  such  settlements.  In  1731  he  visited  Carolina,  and 
arranged  matters.  The  Assembly  at  London,  August  20, 
1731,  passed  an  act  securing  to  him  a  reward  of  four 
pounds  for  every  Swiss  he  would  succeed  in  bringing  to 
Carolina.  He  and  several  of  his  friends  advanced  the 
money,  he  putting  the  larger  part  of  his  fortune  into  it. 
He  at  once  began  a  strong  agitation  at  home.  Switzerland 
now  began  to  be  flooded  with  pamphlets  about  Carolina. 

On  August  1,  1732,  one  hundred  and  seventy  Swiss 

*  In  this  section  we  enter  what  has  hitherto  been  a  sort  of  mythical  part 
of  our  early  history,  but  through  the  documents  that  have  come  to  hand  it  is 
now  clear. 


172       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

colonists  left  England,  and  arrived  at  Charleston  in  No- 
vember, 1732.  The  emigration  began  to  gain  such  power 
that  the  Swiss  governments  tried  to  suppress  it.  The  can- 
ton of  Zurich  published  edicts  against  it  again  and  again, 
as  in  1734,  1735,  1736,  1739,  1741  and  1744.  Of  the 
party  which  left  Zurich  in  1732,  Salomon  Hess,  one  of 
the  leading  pastors  of  the  city,  says ,  "  There  is  no  good 
reason  at  that  time  for  them  to  leave  their  fatherland,  but 
they  are  seized  by  an  insane  idea  to  go  to  x^merica. 
Many  of  them  were  in  good  circumstances,  and  might 
have  remained  comfortably  at  home.  A  few  may  have 
felt  oppressed  by  poverty,  but  work  was  plenty.  The 
whole  movement  must  be  characterized  as  a  piece  of 
folly."*  Berne  also  changed  its  tactics.  It  had  origi- 
nally been  favorable  to  emigration  to  America,  when  it 
sent  out  Michel  at  the  beginning  of  the  century,  but  in 
1736  it  issued  an  edict  against  it,  and  also  another  in 
1742.  As  the  result  of  the  latter  edict  Grindelwald  was 
arrested  and  put  to  dcatli  for  trying  to  go.  The  Swiss 
cantons  tried  in  every  way  to  discourage  the  movement. 
In  1734  the  cantons  of  Zurich,  Berne,  Basle,  Schaffhausen 
and  St.  Gall  endorsed  a  booklet  called  "  News  and  Notices 
of  Things  in  Carolina,"  which  showed  the  many  dangers 
of  emigration.  This  pamphlet  is  interesting  to  the  Re- 
formed of  Pennsylvania,  because  it  has  in  it  a  part  of  a 

*  Quoted   by   Dubbs    in   his    History  of    the    Oeriuan    Refonuetl    Church, 
page  26 H. 


THE    GOETSCHIS FATHER    AND    SON.  173 

letter  of  Guldin  of  1734,  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  ter- 
rible heat  in  Pennsylvania  in  summer,  so  that  it  was  no 
uncommon  thing,  nay,  rather,  it  was  expected,  that  if  men 
walked  out  in  the  summer's  sun  they  would  drop  dead  on 
the  streets.  The  government  tried  to  frighten  the  people 
into  remaining  in  Switzerland  by  showing  them  the  dan- 
gers from  sea  robbers,  from  change  of  climate,  from  sick- 
ness after  their  arrival  and  from  the  virtual  slavery  to 
the  sea  captains  in  order  to  pay  their  sea  passage.  Finally 
in  1754  a  booklet  appeared  describing  an  awful  shipwreck 
of  a  large  ship,  which  had  sailed  from  Rotterdam  and 
had  gone  down  near  Philadelphia,  drowning  468  persons. 
Still,  in  spite  of  all  the  edicts  and  warnings,  the  emigra- 
tion continued. 

One  of  tliese  colonies  was  led  by  Rev.  Maurice  Goet- 
schi,  who  had  been  a  minister  of  the  canton  of  Zurich.  He 
was  born  in  168G,  and  became  a  minister  in  1710.  He  was 
quite  a  scholar,  especially  in  Oriental  languages,  so  that  he 
made  use  of  them  in  his  daily  lessons  at  home  in  his  family. 
He  was  at  first  assistant  at  Bernegg,  then  (1720)  pastor  at 
Salez,  where  he  was  deposed  in  1731.  Still  he  seems  to 
have  retained  a  great  deal  of  influence  there  and  in  the 
canton,  for  three  years  later  he  is  influential  enough  to 
lead  quite  a  large  colony  of  Swiss  to  the  new  world.  He 
boasted  tliat  he  would  be  superintendent  of  all  the  German 
churches  in  the  West  Indies.* 

*  Of  this  trip   we  have   three  accounts,  one  given  by  Louis  Weber  in  his 
pamphlet,    "The    Limping    Messenger."     lie   went  with  Qoetschi  as  far  as 


174        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

Goetschi's  party  left  Zurich,  October  4,  1734.  Loher 
says  the  entire  party  numbered  400.  At  Basle  they  had 
to  wait  a  week  so  as  to  get  passes  through  to  Rotterdam. 
As  France  and  Austria  were  at  war,  it  was  quite  danger- 
ous to  go  down  the  Rhine.  So,  as  they  could  not  get  a 
pass  tlirough  the  Austrians,  they  had  to  get  one  through 
the  French  by  way  of  Strassburg.  The  people  of  Basle 
were,  however,  very  kind  to  them,  and  the  city  of  Basle 
kindly  paid  $17.60  for  their  pass.  They  then,  194  in  num- 
ber, took  ship  down  the  Rhine.  They  had  to  sail  very 
carefully,  concealing  their  fires  at  night,  because  the  French 
soldiers  were  encamped  on  the  west  side  of  the  Rhine  and 
the  Austrians  on  the  east  side.  They  were  fearfully 
crowded  in  the  boat,  so  that  they  could  not  lie  down,  yes, 
were  hardly  able  to  sit.  They  were  not  able,  therefore,  to 
cook.  There  was  much  rain  and  damp  weather,  but  the 
only  place  to  dry  themselves  was  in  the  open  air.  There 
was,  therefore,  much  suflering,  the  children  were  crying 
and  women  lamenting.  Many  would  have  returned  to 
Switzerland,  but  could  not,  as  both  sides  of  the  Rhine 
were  lined  with  hostile  armies.  At  Old  Brysach  they 
were  searched  and  all  their  ciicsts  opened.  As  Goetschi 
went  to  the  commander  of  the  fortress,  the  latter  warned 
him  to  depart  immediately,  as  he  saw  the   French  were 

Rotterdam,  and  then  disgusted  turned  back  to  Switzerland  again,  and  after- 
ward wrote  this  book  which  is  quite  severe  on  Goetschi.  The  second  is  a 
letter  by  Goetschi,  and  the  third  is  by  his  son  John  llonry  after  he  arrived  in 
America. 


THE    GOETSCHIS — FATHER    AND    SON.  175 

training  their  guns  to  shoot  at  them.  Goetschi  says  they 
almost  fell  over  each  other  to  get  back  to  the  boat  so  as  to 
depart. 

At  Ketsch,  west  of  Heidelberg,  the  Austrian  army 
held  them  up  and  treated  them  very  roughly.  They  were 
required  by  them  to  get  a  new  passport.  So  John  Conrad 
Wirtz,  who  took  upon  himself  the  name  of  commissary, 
went  to  Heidelberg  to  their  commander,  the  Dukeof  Wur- 
temberg,  and  paid  him  $12.40  for  the  pass.  Thus  they 
now  had  passes  from  both  the  French  and  the  Austrians. 
Nevertheless  they  had  to  suffer  much  at  the  hands  of  the 
Austrian  hussars,  who  made  them  pay  two  dollars  a  ship. 
These  rode  along  the  shore  following  them  for  three  hours. 
They  took  the  meat,  says  Weber,  from  Goetschi's  dish, 
and  when  he  complained,  they  drew  their  swords  around 
his  head,  so  that  he  clean  lost  his  appetite.  They  forced 
money  out  of  many  of  the  travelers,  sometimes  even  the 
last  that  they  had.  Finally  the  colonists  arrived  safely  at 
Mayence,  where  they  stayed  four  days  until  terms  could 
be  made  with  another  captain  to  take  them  to  Holland. 
They  paid  in  all  $2.80  for  passage  from  Zurich  to  Rotter- 
dam for  adults. 

After  leaving  Mayence  they  were  more  comfortable,  as 
the  ship  was  not  so  crowded.  The  ship's  people  too  were 
more  religious,  and  begged  them  to  pray  for  a  good 
passage.  Henry  Scheuchzer  read  prayers  for  them  morn- 
ing and  evening.     Goetschi  preached  once  and  b^  it  he 


176       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

raised  a  storm.  He  had  before  appointed  four  marriage 
officials  for  his  party.  In  his  seroiou  he  compared  their 
actions  to  the  rebellion  of  Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram. 
For  this  quite  a  strife  arose  between  him  and  them,  but 
all  was  finally  healed  over  by  Wirtz.  At  Neuwied  four 
couples  went  ashore  to  be  married,  among  them  Wirtz, 
who  married  Goetschi's  daughter  Anna.  The  Count  of 
Neuwied  tried  to  retain  them  there,  l>ut  he  could  not,  as 
they  were  bent  on  going  to  Carolina.  From  Neuwied 
they  went  to  Culenborg,  ten  hours  from  Rotterdam.  There 
they  had  to  remain  four  days  because  of  the  strong  wind. 
Goetschi  preached  there  in  tlie  large  church  to  a  congrega- 
tion, he  says,  of  a  thousand.  The  citizens  were  exceeding- 
ly kind,  giving  them  meat,  potatoes,  beer  and  forty  cents  to 
each.  During  this  stay  Goetschi  and  his  family  were  the 
guests  of  the  most  prominent  citizen  of  the  town. 

Goetschi  now  sent  three  men  to  Rotterdam,  telling 
them  tliat  they  would  find  there  two  English  ships  wait- 
ing for  them  to  take  them  to  Carolina,  and  that  every 
arrangement  had  been  made  for  them  to  spend  the  winter 
in  England  (none  of  which  was  true).  The  men  came 
back,  bringing  the  news  that  they  could  find  no  English 
ship.  Then  all  the  colonists  became  very  greatly  fright- 
ened. Goetschi  said  he  could  not  help  them.  The  owner 
of  the  ship  made  them  go  oif  it,  as  he  wanted  to  return  to 
Mayence.  So  each  took  his  bundle  out  of  the  ship  to  seek 
his  own  fortune.     Goetschi  hastened  away,  saying  he  had 


THE    GOETSCHIS — FATHER    AND    SON.  177 

received  a  letter  from  Schobinger,  of  St,  Gall,  urging  him 
to  hasten  to  tlie  Hague.  He  immediately  went  there,  tak- 
ing Wirtz  with  him,  but  leaving  his  wife  and  children 
behind  at  Rotterdam.  The  colonists  remained  at  Rotter- 
dam, wandering  around,  not  knowing  where  to  go,  and 
almost  starving.  They  suffered  much  from  cold  and  hun- 
ger. Sickness  too  began  to  appear  among  them,  and  two 
died.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  kindness  of  some  of  the 
citizens  of  Rotterdam,  led  by  Rev.  Mr.  Wilhelmi,  one  of 
the  Dutch  pastors  there,  they  would  have  suffered  much 
more.  Meanwhile  Goctschi  at  the  Hague  had  remarkable 
luck.  He  had  left  Switzerland  under  the  delusion  that 
England  would  send  them  to  the  Carolinas.  When  he 
arrived  at  the  Hague  he  called  on  the  British  ambassador, 
Count  Walpole,  asking  that  he  and  his  party  be  taken  to 
England.  The  Count  replied  that  no  one  was  taken  at 
the  royal  expense  without  an  express  order. 

Goetschi  therefore  addressed  himself  to  Mr.  Felss, 
a  statesman  (whom  lie  calls  antistes),  and  had  a  long 
interview  with  him.  As  Goetschi  was  leaving,  Felss 
said  :  "  For  six  years  we  have  been  seeking  a  man  to 
organize  the  churches  in  Pennsylvania,  where  the  Re- 
formed number  60,000,  of  whom  20,000  were  not  yet 
baptized.  Divine  providence  has  sent  you  to  us.  I  shall 
have  a  call  made  out  for  you,  by  which  you  shall  be 
superintendent-general  over  the  whole  state  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, which  has  eight  towns  and  more  than  600  boroughs 
12 


178        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

and  villages.  You  will  have  an  income  of  2000  gulden  a 
year  till  the  organization  is  completed.  I  shall  see  that 
your  people  get  support  from  the  government.  But  first 
a  letter  must  be  sent  to  your  government  to  find  out 
whether  you  have  the  requisite  testimonials,  and  you  must 
be  examined  by  our  General  Synod."  Goetschi  in  his 
account  of  this  evidently  has  an  exaggerated  idea  of  his 
field  and  also  of  his  salary.  The  states  of  Holland  never 
promised  him  2000  gulden  a  year,  only  2000  gulden  the 
first  year.  While  the  negotiations  were  going  on,  Goetschi 
wrote  to  Rev.  J.  Baptiste  Ott  at  Zurich  for  testimonials. 
Ott  wrote  to  Wilhelmi  that  Goetschi  had  gone  away 
against  the  advice  of  the  Swiss  people.  Still,  as  he  had 
gotten  as  far  as  Holland,  he  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduc- 
tion to  Wilhelmi.  Wilhelmi  in  reply  wrote  to  Ott  that 
Goetschi  had  arrived  with  400  emigrants  in  midwinter; 
that  while  Goetsclii  went  to  the  Hague  to  secure  passage, 
he  undertook  to  care  for  the  Swiss  who  were  suffering 
from  hunger  and  cold,  and  he  provided  for  their  necessi- 
ties, being  aided  by  two  citizens  who  fed  them  all  the  time 
at  their  own  expense.  Wilhelmi  asks  the  Swiss  to  give 
Goetsciii  a  testimonial,  and  also  asks  what  was  Goetschi's 
ecclesiastical  standing,  as  a  rumor  had  come  that  he  had 
been  deposed.  He  also  says  the  day  appointed  for 
Goetschi  to  sail  was  February  1.  Ott  replied  (but  if  they 
sailed  on  that  date,  they  were  off  before  the  letter  arrived \ 
February  5,  1735,  acknowledging  that  Goetschi  had   beeq 


THE    GOETSCHIS — FATHER    AND    SON.  179 

deposed  for  immorality.  But  his  great  energy  and  ambi- 
tion led  him  to  continue  hoping  for  better  things.  He 
was  therefore  led  to  lay  plans  for  a  colony  to  Carolina. 
Ott  puts  the  best  face  on  the  matter  that  he  can,  so  as  to 
aid  Goetschi.  He  compares  him  to  repentant  Onesimus 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  hopes  a  better  future  for  him 
in  the  new  world,  among  new  surroundings,  as  he  was  a 
man  of  ability. 

Meanwhile  it  seems  from  the  account  of  Weber  that 
there  was  danger  lest  Goetschi's  colonists  might  make 
trouble  against  him  in  Holland  and  spoil  the  arrangement 
about  to  be  consummated  by  Goetschi  with  the  state. 
We  do  not  know  how  much  of  Weber's  story  is  to  be 
readily  believed,  for  he  is  very  bitterly  prejudiced  against 
Goetschi,  but  he  says  that  while  the  Swiss  were  at  Rot- 
terdam they  became  so  poor  and  so  disgusted  with 
Goetschi's  continued  deceptions  of  them  that  they  went  to 
Wilhelmi,  who  suggested  that  they  go  to  Felss  at  the  Hague. 
So  they  sent  three  men  to  the  Hague,  where  Goetschi 
was,  to  complain  against  him.  Now  if  this  dissatisfac- 
tion had  reached  the  ears  of  the  Holland  government, 
Goetschi's  plans  might  have  been  overturned.  He,  how- 
ever, was  adroit  enough  to  frustrate  them.  Before  going 
to  Felss,  the  three  men  first  went  to  Goetschi,  and  told 
him  of  their  intention,  at  which  he  was  greatly  displeased. 
He,  however,  told  them  that  Felss  knew  all  about  the 
matter,  and  that  they  did  not  need  to  go  to  him.     Mean- 


180       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

while  he  kept  them  to  dinner,  inviting  to  it  a  Mr.  Schob- 
inger,  who  had  been  very  active  for  Goetschi's  cause  at 
the  Hague,  and  also  a  Zollikofer,  of  St.  Gall,  as  well  as 
Wirtz,  his  son-in-law.  After  eating,  Goetschi  said  he 
would  give  them  a  letter  to  Wilhelmi  at  Rotterdam. 
They  waited  for  an  hour  for  him  to  bring  the  letter. 
After  the  hour  was  past  he  came  and  told  them  that  he 
had  sent  it  by  his  own  son.  He  thus  kept  them  busy  till 
too  late  to  see  Felss,  so  they  went  back  to  Rotterdam 
without  having  accomplished  their  object.  Soon  after 
Goetschi  came  and  told  them  that  he  had  been  appointed 
to  Pennsylvania,  and  they  must  go  with  him.  They 
agreed  to  it,  and  thus  the  whole  colony  was  diverted  from 
Carolina,  whither  they  started,  to  Pennsylvania.  Weber 
says  they  left  Rotterdam,  February  24,  1735.  Wilhelmi 
says  they  were  to  leave  in  February. 

They  were  twenty-four  hours  in  sailing  to  England, 
and  at  the  end  of  two  days  were  at  the  Isle  of  Wight. 
There,  at  Cowes,  the  captain  took  on  provisions,  and  the 
emigrants  provided  themselves  with  medicines.  On  the 
third  day  out  they  had  a  terrible  storm  and  tremendous 
waves.  This  they  had  to  bear  for  twelve  weeks.  The 
storms  were  severe,  but  they  had  perils  in  the  ship  worse 
than  the  storm.  Many  became  sick,  because  their  food 
was  as  bad  as  that  of  the  galley  slave,  and  as  for  the 
water,  it  soon  became  stale,  stinking  and  wormy.  They 
had  for  a  captain  a  tyrant,  who  treated  them  worse  than 


THE   GOETSCHIS — FATHER   AND   RON.  181 

dogs.  If  any  one  said  he  wanted  to  cook  something  for 
the  sick,  the  captain  replied  :  "  Get  yourself  gone,  or  I 
will  throw  you  overboard."  Finally  they  saw  land,  but 
the  wind  being  unfavorable,  they  still  sailed  three  days, 
when  a  south  wind  brought  them  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Delaware.  According  to  the  Pennsylvania  archives 
Goetschi  arrived  on  the  ship  Mercury,  William  Wilson, 
master,  and  its  passengers  qualified  at  Philadelphia,  May 
29,  1735. 

When  they  arrived  at  Philadelphia  Goetschi  was  not 
well.  The  care  and  worry  before  sailing  and  the  unhealthy 
conditions  on  shipboard  had  made  him  sick.  The  day 
before  he  arrived,  the  elders  of  the  Reformed  congregation 
at  Philadelphia  came  on  board  the  vessel  to  see  him. 
They  received  him  with  great  joy,  when  they  saw  his  cer- 
tificate from  Holland.  They  told  him  of  their  church 
affairs  and  greeted  him  as  their  own  pastor.  He  replied 
heartily  to  them,  summoning  up  his  strength  as  if  he  were 
well.  On  the  next  day  they  came  and  took  him  ashore. 
But  when  his  feet  touched  the  ground,  he  was  so  weak 
that  he  could  not  walk  unaided.  So  they  brought  him  a 
chair,  and  in  it  he  was  carried  to  the  house  where  they 
were  to  meet  him.  Many  people  had  gathered  there 
wanting  to  talk  over  church  affairs  with  him.  But  of  his 
own  family  there  were  none  with  him,  as  his  wife  and 
children  had  remained  on  the  ship.  He  finally  said  that 
all   appeared   dark   before   his  eyes,  and  asked  that   he 


182       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.    S. 

might  lie  down  and  sleep.  They  would  not  let  him  sleep 
in  the  room  on  the  first  floor,  as  it  was  noisy  there,  and 
all  kinds  of  people  were  coming  and  going.  They,  there- 
fore, attempted  to  carry  him  into  a  chamber  on  the  second 
floor.  When  they  were  about  the  middle  of  the  flight  of 
stairs  he  sat  down,  folded  his  hands  across  his  breast, 
lifted  his  eyes  to  heaven  and  expired.  On  the  third  day 
after,  he  was  buried  in  the  church  yard  of  the  principal 
Presbyterian  church  in  Philadelphia  with  elaborate  cere- 
monies. The  funeral  procession  was  considerable,  and 
contained  members  of  the  consistories  of  the  Reformed 
churches  and  a  great  many  members.  He  left  a  wife  and 
eight  children,  of  whom  John  Henry,  aged  seventeen,  was 
the  oldest,  strangers  in  a  strange  land. 

In  their  distress  young  John  Henry  writes,  July  21, 
1735,  to  Rev.  Mr.  Werdmiller,  assistant  of  St.  Peter's 
church,  Zurich,  giving  the  description  of  the  voyage  and 
of  his  father's  death,  and  asking  for  aid,  which  could  be 
sent  to  Rev.  Mr.  Wilhelmi  at  Rotterdam.  He  also  states 
how  he  began  to  preach  here.  When  the  people  found 
that  he  was  a  student  for  the  ministry,  they  were  delighted 
when  they  saw  the  certificate  of  his  studies,  and  insisted 
on  his  preaching.  He  was,  therefore,  the  boy  preacher  of 
the  early  Reformed.  He  says  he  preached  to  them  every 
Sunday  twice  and  had  catechization  twice.  The  first  Sun- 
day he  preached  at  Philadelphia  morning  and  evening, 
and  after  service  he  had  catechization.     On  the   second 


The  goetschis — father  and  son.  183 

Sunday  he  preached  at  Skippack  (wliere  was  a  very  large 
congregation)  in  the  morning,  then  liad  catechization,  and 
in  the  afternoon  he  had  service  and  catechization  at  Old 
Goshenhoppen.  On  the  third  Sunday  he  preached  at  New 
Goshenhoppen  and  had  catechization  in  the  morning.  In 
the  afternoon  he  preacihed  and  catechized  at  Great  Swamp, 
vvheie  was  a  large  congregation.  He  received  his  certifi- 
cate from  Zurich,  May  28,  1786,  that  he  had  attended  the 
college  there  for  one  year,  and  they  had  hopes  of  his  becom- 
iup;  a  ffood  minister  when  he  had  to  leave  school.  He  said 
he  was  minded  to  have  the  Presbyterians  ordain  him  the 
coming  Christmas,  so  that  he  could  perform  all  the  minis- 
terial acts  as  well  as  preaching. 

The  minutes  of  the  Presbyterian  synod,  under  date  of 
May  27,  1737,  have  the  following  notice  : 

"A  letter  was  brought  in  from  Mr.  Henricus  Goetsch- 
ius  to  Mr.  Andrews,  signifying  his  desire  and  the  desire 
of  many  people  of  the  German  nation  that  he  might  be 
ordained  by  order  of  the  synod  to  the  work  of  the  minis- 
trv,  upon  which  the  said  Mr.  Goetschius  was  desired  to 
appear  before  the  synod  that  they  might  see  his  credentials 
and  have  some  intercourse  witli  him  ;  which  being  done, 
he  produced  testimonials  from  Germany,  which  were 
ample  and  satisfactory  to  the  synod  respecting  his  learning 
and  good  Christian  conversation,  whereupon  he  was 
recommended  to  the  care  of  the  presbytery  of  Philadel- 
phia, to  act  upon  further  trials  of  him  with  respect  to  bis 
ordination  as  to  them  should  seem  fit." 

AVhen  the  matter  came  up  before  the  presbytery,   it 


184       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

refused  to  ordain  him,  because  of  bis  lack  of  preparation 
and  of  theological  knowledge.  They  advised  him  to  con- 
tinue his  studies.  He  was,  therefore,  not  ordained  by 
them,  but  nevertlieless  he  kept  on  preaeliing  without  ordi- 
nation, and  performed  the  other  ministerial  duties.  On 
the  title  page  of  the  church  book  of  Goshenhoppen  he 
says  he  ministered  to  the  congregations  at  Skippack,  Old 
and  New  Goshenhoppen,  Great  Swamp,  Egypt,  Maxa- 
tawny,  Moselem,  Oley,  Berne  and  Tulpehocken.  Boehm 
says  he  also  preached  at  Cacusi.  Prof.  William  J.  Hinke, 
who  carefully  examined  the  church  records,  says  :  "  The 
church  record  at  Egypt  has  always  been  supposed  to  have 
been  opened  by  Goetschi  in  1733,  but  on  closer  examina- 
tion the  date  turns  out  to  be  1739.  Dr.  Weiser  says  that 
he  opened  the  church  record  of  New  Goshenhoppen  in 
1731,  but  the  title  page  written  by  Goetschi  has  no  date, 
and  the  first  baptism  was  evidently  not  written  by  him, 
because  it  is  clearly  written  by  a  different  hand,  perhaps 
by  Miller.  The  only  records  made  by  Goetschi  there  are 
between  1736  and  1739."  This  obviates  the  necessity  of 
a  supposition  that  there  were  two  Goetschis.*      Goetschi 

*  That  there  were  not  two  GoetschiK  is  shown  by  the  following: 

1.  The  Zurich  records  know  only  one  John  Henry  Goetschi. 

2.  Boehm  in  all  his  correi^pondence  speaks  of  only  one,  and  his  descriptions 
tally  with  this  one,  namely  that  he  was  a  young  man  and  preached  without 
ordination. 

3.  John  Henry  Goetschi  himself  never  mentions  any  other  Goetschi.  This 
he  would  certainly  have  done  in  his  letter  to  Switzerland,  when  after  the  sud- 
den death  of  his  father  he  asks  for  help.  There  would  have  been  no  need  of 
his  appealing  to  Switzerland,  if  he  had  had  a  near  relative  here  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. 


THE   GOETSCHIS — FATHER   AND   SON.  185 

was  quite  active  among  his  widespread  congrega- 
tions. He  opened  the  church  book  at  Great  Swamp, 
April  24,  1736.  Boehm  complains  of  his  intrusion  into 
his  work  in  Oley,  and  speaks  of  his  being  there,  January 
14,  1739.  Boehm  says  that  he  received  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per for  the  first  time  in  America  from  Rieger  at  Ger- 
mantown,  and  began  preaching  immediately  afterward. 
This  is  shoM^n  by  the  certificate  of  Goetschius  which  he 
received  from  the  Germantown  congregation  in  1744,  as 
follows  : 

"  Grace  and  blessing  to  the  reader. 

"  John  Henry  Goetschius  is  a  member  of  our  Re- 
formed congregation  at  Germantown.  Having  made  a 
profession  of  his  faith,  November,  1736,  and  having  led 
a  consistent  life,  he  has  hereby  proven  himself  worthy  of 
participating  with  us  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  having  evinced 
this  satisfactorily  to  Rev.  Bartholomew  Rieger,  whom  he 
called  at  that  time  to  preside  at  the  table  of  the  Lord  for 
our  congregation,  so  that  we  admitted  him  to  the  partici- 
pation of  the  Holy  Supper  with  us,  which  as  elders  and 
presiding  officers  of  this  congregation  we  now  attest,  and 
in  the  absence  of  our  former  minister  have  endorsed  with 

our  own  hand. 

John  Bechtel, 

Engelbert  Sack, 

John  Rush, 

Paul  Geissel. 

"Done  in  Germantown,  February  19,  1744." 

Thus,  while  Beehm  endeavored  to  gather  the  churches 

into  a  unity  under  the  Holland  Church,  Goetschi  set  up 


186        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

the  spirit  of  independence.  He  claimed  that  he  had 
authority  for  this  (as  did  Reiff  and  his  followers  before 
Goetschi  came)  in  a  letter  of  Wilhelmi  written  in  1730, 
and  brought  over  to  America,  Boehm  says,  by  Weiss. 
This  letter  troubled  Bcehm  very  much.  It  was  a  long 
letter.  It  was  addressed  to  some  one  at  Skippack  or 
Philadelphia.  The  writer  speaks  of  having  received  the 
protest  against  Boehm's  ordination  and  forwarded  it 
to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  as  they  had  acted  on  the  case. 
But  as  they  had  confirmed  Boehm's  ordination,  he  had 
given  it  to  the  committee  of  the  classis  of  Rotterdam,  who 
had  appointed  ten  commissioners,  three  from  the  classis, 
three  from  Delft  and  four  deputies  of  synod,  to  report  to 
the  classis.  This  letter  suggests  that  each  congregation 
has  a  right  to  act  for  itself,  if  the  classis  of  Amsterdam 
will  not  act,  and  that  Skippack  organize  a  church  council 
to  summon  all  the  persons  before  it  who  wrote  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam  in  Boehm's  favor  and  succeeded  in 
getting  the  classis  to  have  him  ordained.  These  men,  for 
deceiving  the  classis,  were  to  be  disciplined,  as  also  Boehm. 
They  were  then  to  make  a  report  of  the  case  and  send  it 
to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  This  letter  goes  on  to  give 
a  regular  church  constitution  for  organizing  the  Reformed 
churches  all  over  the  country  into  an  assembly  of  twenty- 
four  persons.  This  assembly  should  divide  the  country 
up  into  five  parishes,  each  parish  to  have  a  church.  It 
then  goes  on  to  give  regulations  for  ministers,  elders,  dea- 
cons and  consistories,  over  which  there  should  be  a  high 


THE   GOETSCIIIS — FATHER   AND   SON.  187 

cousistory.  The  letter  then  proceeds  to  show  how  money 
could  be  raised  at  a  shilling  apiece  to  cover  all  the  expenses 
of  the  church.  It  was  (juite  an  elaborate  scheme,  but  it 
gave  the  starting  of  the  Church  independent  of  Boehmaud 
the  classis  of  Holland.  It  was,  therefore,  quoted  by 
Ba4mi's  enemies  as  favoring  them.  His  enemies  along 
the  Perkiomen  could  say,  we  too  have  some  one  in  Holland 
who  favors  us  in  being  independent  of  you,  and  that  is 
Hev.  Mr.  Wilhelnii.  They  also  claimed  that  they  had  a 
church  order  as  well  as  Boehm.  Boehm  says  that  he  saw 
this  letter  for  the  first  time  in  1732,  but  he  could  not  get 
hold  of  it  for  a  number  of  years.  Finally,  in  1740,  he 
succeeded  and  he  sent  a  copy  of  it  to  the  deputies.  He 
says  that  he  firmly  believed  the  letter  was  a  forged  letter 
for  the  following  reasons  : 

1.  That  it  was  not  the  original,  but  a  German  trans- 
lation made  by  Weiss,  and  therefore  had  not  the  authority 
of  an  original. 

2.  That  the  signature  is  written  by  the  very  hand  of 
the  translator,  and  the  name  of  the  translator  is  not 
appended.     This  ought  to  be  different. 

3.  The  letter  of  six  sheets  is  sewed  together  and  sealed. 
But  the  seal  is  not  Wilhelmi's,  as  he  had  Wilhelrai's  seal 
on  two  letters  in  three  forms  and  none  of  them  were  like 
this. 

4.  Boehm  says  when  he  heard  of  it  he  wrote  to  Wil- 
helnii, and  the  latter  in  a  letter,  dated  June  30, 1736,  repu- 
diated the  letter. 


188        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

5.  The  letter,  in  its  instructions  for  organization,  is 
almost  the  same  as  the  report  published  by  the  South  Hol- 
land synod.  But  in  their  report  nothing  is  mentioned 
about  the  liberty  of  a  congregation  to  be  virtually  inde- 
pendent. 

We  might  also  add  that  we  do  not  find  a  reference  to 
this  letter  in  the  acts  of  the  deputies  or  the  synod.  Boehm 
was  right.  The  letter  was  concocted  by  Reiff  and  based 
on  the  regulations  published  by  the  Holland  synod,  with 
an  introduction  composed  by  himself,  so  as  to  give  his 
congregations  the  right  to-  independence.  But  whether 
forged  or  not,  Goctschi  showed  it  everywhere  as  his 
authority  over  against  Boehm.  He  seems  to  have  still 
sought  for  ordination.  The  South  Holland  synod,  1738, 
proposed  that  he  be  ordained,  and  asked  whether  this 
could  not  be  done  by  the  Presbyterian  synod  or  some 
neighboring  ministers,  or  those  sent  there  for  that  purpose. 
Goetschi  continued  preaching  till  about  1739,  when  he 
seems  to  have  given  up  the  work.  The  South  Holland 
synod  of  1 740  says  that  after  having  performed  all  the 
work  of  a  qualified  minister,  he  had  sto2)ped  and  gone  to 
Bucks  county  to  finish  his  studies.  He  there  lived  half  a 
mile  from  Dorsius.  He  studied  under  Dorsius,  and  thcji 
Dorsius,  Tennent  and  Frelinghuysen,  the  Dutch  pastor  on 
the  Raritan,  ordained  him,  April,  1741.  (B(Bhm  says, 
April  7,  1740,  that  Goetschi,  February  21,  1740,  asked 
Boehm's  forgiveness  for  all  he  had  done  against  liim,  and 
promised  he  would  live  according  to  church  order,  but 


THE   GOETSCHIS — FATHER   AND   SON.  189 

on  April  20  we  find  him  trying  to  give  the  communion  to 
one  of  Boehm's  congregations  at  Tnlpehocken.)  For  this 
act  of  Dorsius  in  ordaining  Goetschi,  the  classis  of  Am- 
sterdam was  very  angry,  as  he  had  no  authority  from  them 
to  do  it,  and  he  was  censured.  It  later  proved  to  be  an 
unfortunate  thing.  Goetschi  even  before  his  ordination  left 
Pennsylvania  and  went,  October,  1740,  to  Long  Island, 
where  the  congregations  of  Newtown,  Jamaica,  Hempstead 
and  Oesterbay  had  given  him  a  call.  Into  his  later  diffi- 
culties there  we. have  not  time  to  enter,  as  he  passes  thus 
out  from  the  German  Reformed  into  the  Dutch  Reformed 
Church.  Some  of  his  own  members  refused  to  recognize 
him  as  properly  ordained.  The  coetus  of  New  York, 
which  he  joined  by  going  to  Long  Island,  recommended 
him  to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  but  they  refused  to  rec- 
ognize him  as  a  minister,  claiming  his  ordination  was  irregu- 
lar. Many  of  his  congregation  kept  on  refusing  to  recog- 
nize him.  Negotiations  dragged  along  for  eight  years,  and 
finally  he  consented  in  1748  for  the  sake  of  peace  to  be 
examined  and  ordained,  although  he  had  been  in  the  min- 
istry since  his  ordination  for  seven  years,  and  since  he  began 
it  irregularly  thirteen  years.  He  afterwards  became  pastor 
at  Hackensack  in  New  Jersey  in  1748,  where  Muhlenberg 
met  him,  and  Goetschi  gave  him  much  information  con- 
cerning God's  kingdom.  Goetschi's  ministry  was  blessed 
with  great  revivals.  He  was  a  man  of  considerable  erudi- 
tion, a  thorough  Calvinist,  the  editor  of  several  books,  and 
one  of  the  first  trustees  of  Queens  College, 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XI. 

PETER  HENRY  DORSIUS.* 

In  1730  the  consistoiy  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  church 
in  Bucks  county  wrote  to  two  clergymen  in  Holland — 
Knibbe  of  Leyden  and  Wilhelmi  of  Rotterdam — asking 
for  a  minister.  They  sent  funds  for  his  traveling  expenses 
to  America,  and  promised  to  pay  him  144  dollars  a  year. 
The  ministers  wrote  back,  saying  they  had  found  a  young 
man  who  was  willing  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  but  he  had 
not  yet  finished  his  studies.  They,  therefore,  asked 
whether  a  part  of  the  money  sent  on  for  traveling  expenses 
might  be  appropriated  to  help  him  in  his  studies,  in  order 
that  he  might  become  their  pastor.  Tlie  congregation 
granted  this.  This  young  man  was  Peter  Henry  Dor- 
sius.  We  find  that  he  was  then  at  Groningen,  having 
been  matriculated  there,  April  5,  1734.  In  1730  he  went 
to  Leyden,  where  he  matriculated,  Sci)tember  17,  1736, 
aged  25  years.  The  record  says  that  he  was  born  at  Meurs 
in  Germany.  Strange  to  say,  he  was  a  fellow  stu<lent  at 
Leyden  of  Michael  Schlatter.  He  was  still  studying  at 
Leyden,  March  12,  1737,  and  on  July  11   of  that  year, 

*  Not  Dorstius,  as  Ilarbaugh  has  it,  because  ii)  all  his  letters  he  signs  hia^r 
self  Dorsius. 


PETER   HENRY   DORSIUS.  19l 

he  appeared  before  the  deputies.  He  had  not  been  under 
their  direct  care  before,  but  had  been  aided  privately  by 
the  congregation  in  Bucks  county  under  the  supervision 
of  the  two  ministers  mentioned  above.  However,  as  he 
was  now  going  to  America,  he  asked  the  deputies  whether 
he  could  serve  them  in  any  way  there.  He  stated  that  he 
was  called  to  America  at  a  salary  of  144  dollars  a  year. 
The  deputies  saw  their  opportunity.  They  had  been  seek- 
ing for  years  for  a  minister  who  was  going  to  America. 
So  they  ask  him  to  give  them  all  tlie  information  he  can 
about  Pennsylvania,  especially  about  the  Reformed  in  that 
colony.  Dorsius  replies  the  next  year.  His  later  letter 
(June,  1749)  is  so  interesting  that  we  give  the  first  part  of 
it.     He  writes  thus  to  the  deputies  : 

"  It  is  about  twelve  years  ago,  after  I  was  consecrated 
(licensed)  on  April  30,  1737,  by  the  classis  of  Shieland  at 
Rotterdam,  and  on  May  29  ordained  by  the  theological 
faculty  of  Groningen  to  be  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  that  I 
undertook,  on  July  11,  1737,  the  great  and  perilous  voy- 
age from  Rotterdam  to  Philadeljjhia,  when  we  did  not 
arrive  safely  at  Philadelphia  till  October  5th  however, 
with  the  loss  of  several  persons  who  died  at  sea  and  were 
buried  in  the  great  ocean.  There  I  inquired  immediately 
after  niy  location.  I  at  once  learned  at  the  very  beginning 
that  I  had  been  sadly  misled,  and  thus  was  sadly  deceived 
in  my  expectation,  being  compelled  to  preach  for  a  wliole 
year  in  the  barn  of  one  farmer  after  another,  because  there 
was  no  chureli  building ;  and  at  the  same  time  take  up  my 
lodging  with  one  family  after  the   other  in  the  woods,  aa 


192        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

they  are  accustomed  to  describe  it  in  this  hmd.  This 
made  me  think  of  speedily  returning,  but  was  held  back 
by  my  conscience  and  the  example  of  the  apostles  and  the 
early  Christians." 

He  then  speaks  of  being  encouraged  to  remain  l)y  the 
letters  of  deputy  Probsting,  of  Holland,  so  that  he  finally 
decided  to  stay  and  minister  to  the  congregation.  He 
says  he  preached  several  times  in  his  early  ministry  in 
Philadelphia,  either  in  the  Swedish  church  or  in  a  hired 
house,  to  one  of  the  German  congregations  there. 

With  him  there  came  a  student  for  the  ministry,  Van 
Basten,  who  determined  to  sail  with  him  without  waiting 
for  ordination  by  the  deputies.  Van  Basten,  however, 
consulted  with  Rev.  Mr.  AVilhelrai  at  Rotterdam  before 
sailins:  as  to  the  manner  in  which  he  could  be  ordained  in 
Pennsylvania.  The  latter  said  that  as  a  member  of  classis 
he  could  not  license  him,  but  he  thought  that  Dorsius, 
together  with  one  or  two  ministers  in  America,  could  do 
that,  as  there  was  as  yet  no  classis  there.  Van  liasten, 
after  his  arrival,  preached  in  Pennsylvania.  Bcehm  in  a 
letter  of  March  10,  1738,  says:  "Van  Basten  travels 
about  the  country  preaching  here  and  there,  pretending  to 
be  sent  here  by  Holland."  In  1740  the  South  Holland 
synod  says  of  him  that  "  he  had  been  away  from  Pennsyl- 
vania for  more  than  two  years,  preaching  at  Brooklyn  and 
on  Long  Island  without  being  allowed  to  administer  the 
sacraments,  his  life  being  unseemly  at  both   places.     Just 


PETEIt    HENRY    DORSIUS.  193 

now  they  say  he  is  at  Fishkill,  where  he  is  allowed  to 
preach  on  condition  that  he  abstain  from  drink."  We 
hear  nothing  further  of  him,  and  he  probably  dropped  out 
of  the  ministry  because  of  intemperance. 

As  Dorsius  had  been  asked  by  the  deputies  to  corres- 
pond with  them,  he  sent  a  letter  March  1,  1738,  describing 
Pennsylvania  and  its  churches,  but  omits  in  his  letter  any 
reference  to  Boehm's  work.  He  had  offered  to  the  depu- 
ties to  do  anything  they  wanted,  and  they  soon  gave  him 
woi4v  to  do.  The  South  Holland  synod  sent  around  to 
all  its  classes  asking  them  to  suggest  questions  to  be  pro- 
posed to  Dorsius.  A  response  was  expected  from  them 
Avithin  three  months  by  the  deputies.  At  the  deputies' 
meeting  of  November  12,  1737,  it  was  found  that  a  num- 
ber of  questions  were  proposed  by  the  classes.  Deputy 
Van  ISIeurs  was  asked  to  collate  these.  He  did  so,  and 
his  letter  was  submitted  to  the  deputies  of  the  South  Hol- 
land synod,  who  also  submitted  it  to  the  deputies  of  the 
North  Holland  synod.  As  a  result  thirteen  questions 
were  sent  to  Dorsius  by  deputy  Probsting,  June  9,  1738, 
asking  for  information  about  Pennsylvania.  Dorsius  hav- 
ing received  them,  summoned  Boehm  to  visit  him,  which 
he  did,  November  28,  1738.  He  asked  him  to  ajd  him  in 
gaining  information  about  several  of  the  questions  sent 
him,  viz. : 

1.  How  many  German  Reformed  congregations  there 
are  in  Pennsylvania, 
13 


194        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

2.  How  many  congregations  each  minister  serves,  and 
how  many  elders,  deacons  and  communicants  there  are 
in  each  congregation. 

3,  How  matters  stiind  with  the  school-masters  and 
precentors  in  the  congregations. 

Boehm  at  once  proceeded  to  gather  the  desired  infor- 
mation. He  even  made  a  winter  journey  to  his  most  dis- 
tant congregations,  Tulpehocken  and  Conastoga,  although 
he  ordinarily  visited  these  congregations  only  twice  a 
year,  in  spring  and  fall,  when  the  weather  was  more 
pleasant  than  in  winter.  By  January  and  February, 
1739,  Dorsius  had,  with  the  aid  of  Boehm,  formulated  and 
furnished  a  complete  report,  which  he  afterwards  sent  to 
Holland. 

In  1 743  he  revisited  Holland.  He  left  New  York,  May 
26,  1743,  and  arrived  at  Texel,  in  North  Holland,  July 
14.  He  appeared  before  the  North  Holland  synod,  which 
met  July  26  and  27  at  Hoorn.  He  there  made  a  report 
about  Pennsylvania  to  that  synod,  and  for  his  trouble  they 
gave  him  a  present.  He  appeared  before  the  deputies  at 
the  Hague,  September  16,  1743,  and  made  to  them  a 
report  about  Pennsylvania.  They  made  him  a  present  of 
twelve  dollars  in  recognition  of  his  trouble.  They,  Iiow- 
ever,  asked  him  why  he  came  to  Holland.  He  replied 
that  he  had  come  over  to  consult  the  deputies  about  his 
future,  whether  he  would  be  permitted  to  leave  his  con- 
gregation and  accept  another,  and  also  whether   he  could 


PETER    HENRY    DORSIUS.  195 

organize  a  congregation  in  Philadelphia  and  unite  it  with 
his  congregation  in  Bucks  county,  so  that  in  some  way  he 
might  receive  more  salary.  For  his  salary  had  become 
reduced  from  |144  to  $96,  because  his  young  people 
became  English,  and  besides  the  Moravians  and  the 
Romanists  were  active  in  his  neighborhood.  The  only 
remedy  was  to  send  more  ministers  with  salaries  guaran- 
teed by  deputies.  The  deputies  gave  him  permission  to 
change  his  charge  or  to  organize  another  at  Philadelphia. 

But  Dorsius  did  not  stay  long.  Several  reasons  has- 
tened him  home,  as  the  threatened  war  between  England 
and  France  and  domestic  engagements.  Besides,  the 
deputies  urged  his  speedy  return,  for  they  gave  him 
instructions  to  make  out  for  them  a  fuller  report  of  the 
condition  of  the  Reformed  in  Pennsylvania.  This  he  was 
to  have  ready  by  February,  1744,  so  that  it  might  be  sent 
to  Holland  in  time  to  arrive  there  before  the  synods  met 
in  the  summer,  so  that  they  might  take  action  on  it.  He 
hastened  to  sail,  but  missed  the  vessel  he  wanted  to  take. 
He  sailed  from  Rotterdam,  October  19,  1743,  O.  S.,*  and 
landed  at  Philadelphia,  January  16,  1744,  O.  S. 

He  now  prepared  an  elaborate  report  of  the  condition 
of  the  Pennsylvania  churches.  For  it  Boehm  prepared  by 
far  the  largest  and  most  complete  report  he  had  yet  trans- 
mitted.    To  this  Dorsius  added  a  plan  in  his  letter  of  Feb- 

*  0,  S.  means  old  style,  the  old  method  of  reckoning,  and  N.  S.  means  new 
style,  or  our  present  method  of  reckoning.  There  were  eleven  days  between 
them.     Thus  October  I'J,  0,  S.,  means  October  30,  N.  S. 


196        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

ruary  16,  1744,  by  which  the  Pennsylvania  congregations 
could  be  made  self-supporting,  namely,  by  dividing  the 
congregations  into  six  charges,  two  of  which  were  already 
supplied  with  ministers,  namely  Boehm  and  Rieger,  so  only 
four  more  ministers  were  needed.  It  is,  however,  notice- 
able in  this  division  of  the  congregations  that  Dorsius  is 
careful  to  appropriate  Philadelphia  to  himself.  He  evi- 
dently had  an  eye  on  Philadelphia,  where  Boehm  was  then 
preaching.  He  also  suggested  in  the  report  the  formation 
of  a  coetus.  Dorsius  also  did  considerable  educational 
work  in  preparing  students  for  the  ministry,  as  Goetschi, 
Frelinghuysen,  jr.,  Frymoet  (whom  Dorsius  appointed  to 
the  Minnisink,  and  who  had  been  a  gentleman's  servant 
before) ;  Du  Bois  and  Mariuus — all  of  whom  studied  for 
some  time  under  him. 

When  Schlatter  arrived  Dorsius  received  him  kindly. 
Schlatter  says  that  he  expressed  himself  pleased  with 
his  commission,  and  promised  him  all  the  assistance 
necessary  in  carrying  it  out.  Nevertheless  he  docs  not 
seem  to  have  given  Schlatter  much  assistance.  He  did  not 
attend  either  the  preliminary  conference,  October,  1746,  or 
the  first  coetus,  September,  1747,  although  he  gave  as  a 
reason  for  his  absence  from  the  first  the  ill  h(>alth  of  his 
wife.  It  looks,  from  a  letter  of  Dorsius  of  January  19, 
1747,  as  if  he  did  not  enter  as  heartily  into  Schlatter's 
efforts  as  he  had  professed.  He  says  in  that  letter  that 
Schlatter  had  no  right  to  make  an  examination  of  his  con- 


PETER   HENRY  DORSIUS.  197 

sistory,  as  it  was  contrary  to  his  instructions,  which  said  he 
had  to  do  with  the  Gei'man  congregations,  and  not  with 
the  Dutch.  He  also  says  that  his  congregation  is  not  under 
the  Holland  Church,  but  independent.  He  says  Schlatter 
would  stretch  his  authority  too  far,  as  he  himself  had  done 
some  years  before  (as  inspector),  to  his  injury  and  loss.  He 
acquaints  Schlatter  with  the  fact  that  the  week  after  his 
visit  his  consistory  met  and  utterly  refused  to  allow  any 
examination  to  be  made  by  Schlatter.  He  says  he  will  be 
glad  to  give  an  explanation,  but  he  serves  notice  on 
Schlatter  that  his  work  was  among  the  German  churches 
and  not  among  the  Dutch.  But  although  Dorsius  says 
this,  January  19,  1747,  his  consistory.  May  2,  1748,  went 
to  Philadelphia  to  confer  with  Schlatter  about  their  church, 
but  found  him  away,  and  ask  him  to  come  up,  June  2, 1748. 
They  say  they  trust  they  are  rid  of  Dorsius,  and  hope  that 
Schlatter  will  get  them  another  minister.  The  truth  was 
that  Dorsius  was  morally  in  a  bad  condition.  His  moral 
character  was  breaking  down.  His  consistory  appealed  to 
Schlatter  to  aid  them  in  the  trouble  with  him.  Dorsius' 
wife,  Joanna  Hoogland,  to  whom  he  had  been  married, 
December  16,  1740,  left  him  on  account  of  drunkenness. 
His  father-in-law  exposed  him  in  the  Pennsylvania  Ga- 
zette, June  16,  1748,  and  his  consistory  suspended  him 
from  the  ministry,  September  1,  1749. 

Although  the  danger  of  war  was  great,  yet  he  sailed 
from  Philadelphia  for  Ireland  on  August  4,   1748,  and 


198        THE   GERMAN   REPORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

finally  arrived  at  Rotterdam,  October  1,  1748,  O.  S.  He 
does  not  appear  before  the  deputies  until  June  13,  1749. 
He  had  been  supplying  churches  at  Rotterdam  and  Maas- 
lings,  and  had  been  asked  to  become  assistant  at  Issel- 
stern.  He  presented  to  the  deputies  a  summary  of  his 
work  in  Pennsylvania,  with  suggestions  for  properly 
organizing  the  congregations.  He  appears  again  before 
the  deputies,  January  20,  1750,  asking  for  a  dismission, 
so  that  he  could  accept  an  appointment  by  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company  to  d'  Elmina  in  West  Africa,  The  depu- 
ties examined  their  former  acts  at  the  time  of  his  first 
departure  to  Pennsylvania,  and  decided  that  he  had  not 
been  appointed  by  them  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  but  that  it 
was  a  private  arrangement  between  the  Bucks  county  con- 
gregation and  himself.  They  therefore  answered  him  that 
as  they  did  not  appoint  him  to  that  position,  it  was  not  in 
their  power  to  dismiss  him,  but  that  he  must  look  to  the 
congregation  for  his  dismissal.  The  deputies  learned  at 
their  meeting  of  May  27,  by  a  letter  of  his  wife,  about  his 
scandalous  conduct  in  Pennsylvania,  and  they  refused  to 
do  anything  for  him.  They  referred  him  to  the  classis  of 
Amsterdam  for  examination  into  his  case.  On  January 
13,  1750,  he  had  appeared  before  the  classis  of  Amsterdam, 
offering  to  go  to  d'  Elmina  under  the  West  India  Com- 
pany, but  classis  would  not  allow  it  to  go  into  effect  till 
he  had  shown  papers  of  dismissal  and  appeared  before 
classis.      Although  they  repeatedly  appealed    to   him  to 


PETER    HENRY    DORSIUS.  199 

appear  before  them,  he  did  not  do  so.  By  October  5, 
1750,  they  had  learned  from  the  deputies  of  his  conduct 
in  Pennsylvania,  which  fact  the  classis  communicated  to 
the  West  India  Company.  The  Holland  Church,  as  well 
as  the  coetus,  tried  to  aid  Dorsius'  wife  by  gifts  of  money 
for  many  years. 

The  last  mention  of  gifts  to  her  by  the  coetus  is  in 
1776,  up  to  which  time,  from  1752,  the  coetus  granted  to 
her  $244.70,  mainly  in  amounts  from  seven  to  fifteen  dol- 
lars yearly. 

Thus  Dorsius,  though  the  pastor  of  a  Dutch  congrega- 
tion in  Pennsylvania,  very  considerably  affected  the  Ger- 
man congregations  by  his  oversight,  his  visitation  of  some 
of  them,  and  also  by  his  reports  about  them  to  Holland. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XII. 

THE  SYNODS  OF  THE  CONGREGATION  OF  GOD  IN  THE 

SPIRIT. 

The  first  great  controversy  among  the  Reformed 
occurred  in  1 742.  It  came  at  first  iu  the  guise  of  union,  but 
soon  devek^ped  into  disunion.  The  Germans  of  Pennsyl- 
vania contained  among  them  a  great  many  diverse  elements. 
Besides  the  churchly  element,  composed  of  Lutherans  and 
Reformed,  there  were  many  sects,  as  Dunkards,  Mennon- 
ites,  Schwenkfelders  and  even  some  converts  to  Quakerism, 
besides  many  mystics,  as  Inspirationists,  the  New-born, 
Labadists,  Ronsdorfers,  etc.  For  the  Germans  as  a  race 
are  naturally  inclined  toward  religious  things.  It  was  out 
of  Germany  and  German  Switzerland  that  the  Reformation 
was  born.  This  peculiarity  became  prominent,  especially 
as  many  of  them  had  come  to  America  for  the  sake  of 
religious  liberty.  They  were,  therefore,  a  religious  people. 
And  as  there  were  so  few  ministers  among  them,  tliese 
sects  found  abundant  opportunity  to  spread  their  influence 
unhindered.  In  1736  John  Adam  ({rnber,  of  Oh'v,  the 
Inspiratiouist,  issued  a  call  urging  the  religious  elements  to 
come  into  some  sort  of  a  union.  The  coming  of  Wliitcficld 
into  Pennsylvania,  although  lie  preached  only  in  English, 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD   IN   THE    SPIRIT.  201 

yet  stimulated  the  religious  life  of  tlie  Germans  very  much, 
lu  1740  he  preached  at  the  house  of  Henry  Antes  at  Falk- 
uer  Swamp,  where  Bishop  Bohler,  the  Moravian,  preached 
the  same  afternoon  in  German. 

Henry  Antes  is  an  interesting  religious  character.  He 
was  born  at  Freinsheim  in  Khenish  Bavaria  in  1701.  He 
was  a  leading  man  in  the  business  life  of  the  community, 
especially  in  the  making  of  wills  and  the  settling  of  estates, 
because  every  one  had  confidence  in  liis  integrity  and  judg- 
ment. And  he  was  also  a  leader  in  the  church  in  that 
district,  '^  the  pious  Reformed  elder  of  Falkner  Swamp," 
as  he  was  called.  He  seconded  the  appeal  of  Gruber,  and 
when  Whitefield  came,  he  gave  him  a  hearty  welcome. 
Even  before  Whitefield's  arrival  in  Pennsylvania,  the  Mo- 
ravians had  begun  to  evangelize  there.  Bishop  Spangen- 
berg  visited  it  in  1736,  spending  some  time  at  Skippack, 
where  Antes  became  acquainted  with  him.  All  these 
events  prepared  Antes  for  the  part  he  took  in  the  Congre- 
gation of  God  in  the  Spirit,  and  later  in  the  Moravian 
Church. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Germans  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fourth  decade  of  the  last  century.  The  various 
elements  among  them  had  been  religiously  stimulated  and 
were  ready  for  only  a  spark  to  ignite  them.  "^I'lie  coming 
of  Count  Ziuzendorf,  the  head  of  the  Moravian  Church,* 


*  The  Moravian  Church  in  the  last  century  was  in  EuDpe  a  f-plendid  wit- 
ness for  the  truth  against  the  tide  of  rationali-'iu  that  went  over  (ierm^ny;     ^ 
but  on  the  other  hand  she  was  charged  with  trying  to  proselyte  among  the 
different  denominations. 


202        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH  JN    U.    S. 

brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  Zinzcndorf  says  he  found 
the  Germans  in  Pennsylvania  a  perfect  Babel.  He  under- 
took to  gather  them  into  the  Moravians  under  the  idea  of 
tropes  (with  which  the  Moravians  were  very  familiar  in 
Europe.)  The  idea  of  tropes  (circles  of  believers)  was 
founded  on  Scripture  in  Philippians  1  :  18  :  "  What  then? 
notwithstanding,  every  way,  whether  in  pretence,  or  in 
truth,  Christ  is  preached."  The  word  for  "  way"  in  the 
Greek  is  "  tropos."  The  idea  of  tropes  meant  that  mem- 
bers of  other  denominations  who  were  earnest  Christians 
could  form  circles  by  themselves  in  their  own  denomina- 
tions. But,  although  they  still  remained  members  of  the 
other  denominations,  these  tropes  would  be  connected  ^^■ith 
the  Moravian  Church  and  thus  under  their  control,  and 
really  a  part  of  their  Church.  The  IVIoravians  had  churches 
of  this  kind  at  various  ]>laces  in  Europe,  as  Geneva  and 
Basle,  where  circles  of  Moravians  were  still  members  of 
the  Reformed  Church. 

Zinzendorf  planned  to  do  in  America  what  had  been 
done  by  them  in  Europe.  He  aimed  at  a  union  denomi- 
nation, in  which  there  would  be  a  Reformed  trope  or  circle 
composed  of  the  Reformed  members  in  the  union,  and  a 
Lutheran  trope  composed  of  the  Lutherans,  etc.,  but  all 
these  tropes  being  under  the  control  of  the  Moravian 
Church.  He  could  the  more  easily  introduce  these  tropes 
among  the  Reformed,  because  they,  especially  along  the 
northern  Rhine,  were  accustomed  to  "  ecclesiola  in  ecclesia," 


CONGREGATION    OF    GOD    IN    THE    SPIRIT.  203 

(a  little  church  within  the  church),  composed  of  the  spirit- 
ually-minded, who  would  hold  prayer  meetings  for  spiritual 
edification.  Zinzeudorf  could  still  more  easily  carry  this 
aiovemeut  into  effect,  for  he  himself  was  a  peculiar  combi- 
nation religiously.  According  to  his  creed  he  was  a  Luth- 
eran, for  he  had  received  the  Augsburg  Confession,  which 
the  Moravians  also  accepted.  (Indeed  he  claimed  to  the 
Lutherans  in  America  to  represent  the  true  Lutheranism, 
the  piety  of  Luther's  early  life  before  scholasticism  gained 
control.)  Again,  he  could  well  represent  the  Reformed, 
for  had  he  not  been  ordained  by  the  head  of  the  Reformed 
Church  of  the  Electorate  of  Brandenburg,  Jablonsky,  who 
was  also  a  Moravian  Bishop  ?  So  he  was  Lutheran  and 
Reformed,  and  yet  the  liead  of  the  Moravian  Church. 

He  arrived  at  Philadelphia  in  December,  1741,  and 
soon  after  went  up  to  Oley.  At  Falkner  Swamp  he  met 
Henry  Antes,  who  became  deeply  interested  in  him,  so 
much  so  that  he  accompanied  him  to  the  Forks  of  the  Del- 
aware (Bethlehem)  where  Zinzendorf  was  laying  out  a  col- 
ony for  the  INIoravians.  Antes  spoke  to  him  on  the  subject 
of  church  union.  It  was  just  the  thought  that  Zinzendorf 
had  uppermost  in  his  mind.  And  when  Antes  suggested 
that  a  circular  be  sent  out,  such  as  had  been  sent  out  by 
Gruber  in  1736,  Zinzendorf  told  him  to  go  ahead  and  issue 
it ;  the  sooner,  the  better.  Antes,  therefore,  issued  his  cir- 
cular, December  15, 1741, 0.  S.,  calling  for  a  meeting  of  all 
who  desired  union.     It  said  that  they  were  to  meet  "  not  for 


204        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

the  purpose  of  disputing,  but  in  order  to  treat  peaceably 
concerning  the  most  important  articles  of  faith,  and  to 
ascertain  ho^v  far  we  might  agree  on  most  essential  points 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  mutual  love  and  forbearance." 
The  circular  called  for  a  meeting  at  Germantown  on  January 
1,  O.  S. 

For  Zinzendorf  had  already  gained  great  influence  at 
Germantown.  The  pastor  of  the  Reformed  church  there, 
at  that  time,  was  John  Bechtel.  He  was  born  October 
3,  1690,  at  Weinheim,  in  the  Palatinate.  His  mother 
died  when  he  was  nine  years  old  and  his  father  when  he 
was  fourteen.  Then  he  learned  the  trade  of  turner  at 
Heidelberg.  After  serving  his  time  at  the  trade,  in  1709 
he  traveled,  as  the  German  apprentices  are  accustomed  to 
do,  to  further  learn  at  their  trades.  He  said  that  he  was 
wild  and  frivolous  for  three  years,  but  then  came  under 
the  influences  of  tl\c  Holy  Spirit  and  became  deeply  peni- 
tent for  his  sins.  In  1714  he  started  at  his  trade  at 
Heidelberg,  married  the  next  year,  and  in  1717  he  moved 
to  Frankenthal.  In  1720  lie,  with  his  family  of  a  wife 
and  three  daughters,  came  to  America,  and  settled  at  Ger- 
mantown. He  found  a  Reformed  congregation  there 
without  a  jiastor.  Tlie  Swedisli  I>utheran  minister, 
Dylander,  in  tlic  absence  of  a  pastor  for  it,  had  hiid  its 
corner-stsone  in  1719;  and  in  1725  the  church  had  a 
bell,  which  was  a  sign  tliat  its  members  had  some 
means.      The   Pennsylvania   Historical    Magazine    (vol- 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD    IN   THE   SPIRIT.  205 

lime  1 9),  says :  "  He  began  holding  religions  meetings 
for  the  Reformed  two  years  after  he  settled  there.  At 
first  he  held  them  in  his  own  house,  not  only  on  Sunday, 
but  every  morning  and  evening  on  week  days."  The 
congregation  in  1733  called  him  as  pastor.  A  license  to 
preach  was  sent  him  from  Heidelberg.  He  was  minis- 
tering to  the  Reformed  when  Zinzendorf  arrived. 

His  congregation  had  always  inclined  to  pietism,  for  it 
was  located  in  the  midst  of  the  sects  who  first  settled  Ger- 
mantown.  He  himself  became  early  acquainted  with  the 
leaders  of  the  Moravians  who  were  in  Pennsylvania.  In 
1738  he  met  Spangenburg,  when  he  was  at  Skippack,  and 
Bechtel  was  in  the  habit  of  visiting  him  every  four  weeks. 
So  when  Zinzendorf  arrived,  Bechtel  was  prepared  to  sym- 
pathize with  his  movement.  And  yet  it  seems  that  he 
underwent  a  severe  struggle  before  he  first  met  Zinzen- 
dorf personally.  Perhaps  he  instinctively  felt  it  would 
ultimately  change  his  whole  career,  as  it  did.  Jordan 
says  that  Bechtel's  daughter  tells  the  following  incident  of 
her  father : 

"  On  Zinzendorf 's  arrival  at  New  York  he  wrote  to 
my  father  to  meet  him  in  Philadelphia.  Through  fear  of 
incurring  the  displeasure  of  such  of  his  friends  as  had 
been  prejudiced  against  the  Count,  he  hesitated  to  comply 
with  this  request.  I  urged  him  to  go.  I  gave  him  no 
rest,  and  as  my  verbal  ])ersuasi()ns  were  of  no  avail,  I  ran 
to  the  pasture,  caught  his  riding  horse,  and  had  it  saddled, 
bridled   and   brought   to   the   door.     This   appeal  father 


206        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

could  not  resist,  and  out  of  regard  for  me  he  rode  to  town 
to  see  the  remarkable  man,  who  impressed  me  so  deeply 
when  I  saw  him  the  next  day  at  our  house,  and  indelibly 
so  when  two  weeks  later  I  heard  him  for  the  first  time  pro- 
claim the  words  of  eternal  life." 

After  Bechtel  had  thus  called  to  see  him  Zinzendorf 
came  to  Germantown,  and  the  next  morning  after  his 
arrival  visited  Bechtel.  He  said  to  Beclitel  that  he  wanted 
to  see  his  place  of  work.  Bechtel  who  was  a  turner  by 
trade,  naturally  thought  he  wanted  to  see  his  turner-shop, 
and  did  not  notice  that  Zinzendorf  referred  to  his  church, 
in  which  he  had  preached  many  years.  At  last  when  he 
comprehended  what  Zinzendorf  meant,  he  took  him  into 
the  church.  Zinzendorf  asked  him  how  many  persons  it 
would  hold.  Bechtel  replied,  "  about  a  thousand."  Zin- 
zendorf replied  that  he  saw  there  was  a  wide  field  for  work 
when  he  returned.  Zinzendorf  was  thus  trying  to  gain 
influence  in  Bechtel's  field.  Twice  he  told  Bechtel  that  he 
wanted  to  be  his  coufessor  or  private  chaplain.  As  a  result 
*•  Bechtel  became  infatuated  with  him  and  tlirew  open  his 
church  to  him.  Zinzendorf  preached  a  course  of  sermons 
there  on  1  Timothy  3  :  16,  beginning  the  first  of  the  year, 
1742.  Thus  Germantown  was  being  prepared  to  receive 
the  first  of  the  synods  of  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the 
Spirit. 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD   IN   THE   SPIRIT.  207 

The  First  Conference,  January  1  and  2,  0.  8. 

The  first  conference  met  at  Germautown,  at  the  house 
of  Theobald  Endt.*  The  circuhir  of  Antes  said  that  it  was 
believed  there  would  be  a  large  assembly,  but  hoped  that  that 
fact  would  not  keep  any  one  away.  It  was  attended  by 
quite  a  number  of  persons  who  came,  some  expecting  great 
results  from  the  movement,  others  out  of  curiosity.  Most 
of  the  various  German  denominations  were  represented, 
Lutherans,  Reformed,  Mennonites,  Dunkards,  Schwenk- 
felders,  Moravians,  Mystics  and  Separatists.  Of  these  the 
only  ones  who  had  been  regularly  appointed  to  represent 
their  denomination  were  the  four  delegates  from  the  Sev- 
enth-day Dunkards  of  Ephrata.f  The  rest  came  merely 
in  their  individual  capacity  and  did  not  represent  their 
denominations,  as  they  had  not  been  appointed  by  them. 
In  this  conference  the  Reformed  were  represented  by 
Antes,  Bechtel  and  others.  Altogether  more  than  eight 
denominations  were  represented,  and  there  were  thirty-six 
members.  Among  the  number  was  one  Reformed  minister. 
Rev.  Samuel  Guldin,  who  attended  the  first  session. 

But  although  it  was  intended  to  be  a  conference  on 
union,  very  soon  dissimilar  elements  came  to  the  surface. 
It  seems  that  Conrad  Matthai,  one  of  the  Mystics  along  the 
Wissahickon,  together  with  a  tailor  named  Schierwagon, 

*  It  was  situated  next  to  Bechtel's  house  on  the  west  side  of  Main  street, 
near  Queen  Lane. 

f  A  sect  who  believed  in  immersion  and  celibacy,  and  kept  Saturday  as, 
Sunday. 


208        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

criticised  Zinzendorf's  public  teaching  in  a  paper  which 
they  presented.     Zinzendorf  replied  severely,  which  fright- 
ened them.     The  Seventh-day  Duukards  seconded  Zinzen- 
dorf, and  as  Zinzendorf  reproved  him,  there  was  a  consid- 
erable disturbance,  and  some  saw  that  he  was  acting  as  the 
judge  as  well  as  defendant  in  the  matter  under  discussion. 
The  result  was  that  many  good  people  went  away  from  the 
first  session,  saddened  at  the  Avant  of  harmony,  and  did  not 
come  again.     He  also  became  involved   in  a  controversy 
with  a  Seventh-day  Dunkard.     Still  the  published  pro- 
ceedings of  the  conference  say  all  was  harmony,  although 
Freseuius  gives  the  other  side.     In  spite  of  difficulties  and 
differences  it  was  determined  to  hold  a  second  conference  at 
Falkuer  Swamp.     The  minutes  of  this  conference  were 
signed  by  nine  persons  (not,  however,  by  the  Seventh-day 
Dunkards  present). 
The  Second  Conference  at  Falkner  Swamp,  Janaary  14- 
and  15,  0.  S. 
This  was  held  at  the  house  of  George   Huebner.     It 
was  considerably  smaller  than  the  first  conference  at  Ger- 
mantown.     From  Germantown  there  came  only    Bechtel. 
The  Seventh-day  Dunkards  sent  delegates.     Soon,  how- 
ever, there  appeared  a  controversy.     There  was  present  a 
former  Moravian,  Haberrecht,  of  Georgia,  \\\\o   had   left 
the  Moravians   and   gone  to  the   Seventh-day   Dunkards. 
He  remained  with  them  two  years  and   then   returned   to 
the   Moravians.      The  Seveuth-day  Dunkards   naturally 


CONGREGATrON    OF    GOD    IN    THE    SPIRIT.  209 

objected  to  his  admission,  while  the  Moravians  were  favor- 
able to  him.  The  eontroversy  Zinzendorf  passed  over  as  a 
love-strife.  ]3ut  Haberrecht  stayed  to  the  conference. 
The  lot  (as  was  the  custom  of  the  Moravians)  was  constant- 
ly consulted  before  anything  was  done.  It  was  always 
kept  lying  on  the  table.  The  minutes  of  the  conference 
Avcre  signed  by  twelve  persons,  one  of  them  from  Amwell, 
N.  J.  The  conference  was  declared  undenominational. 
The  Third  Conference  at  Oley,  February  10—12,  0.  S. 
It  was  held  at  the  house  of  John  De  Turck.  This  con- 
ference revealed  still  further  the  beginnings  of  disorganiza- 
tion in  the  movement,  for  the  Seventh-day  Dunkards  were 
not  represented,  but  sent  two  letters  instead  in  reference  to 
the  subject  of  marriage,  which  caused,  quite  a  discussion. 
They  withdrew  because  by  this  time  they  saw  that  there  was 
no  possibility  of  their  gaining  Zinzendorfover  to  their  ideas 
of  immersion  and  celibacy.  Still  while  the  movement  w^as 
disintegrating  by  the  loss  of  some  of  its  varied  elements,  it 
was  also  becoming  more  compact  in  its  organization  of 
those  who  remained.  Thus  it  appointed  trustees,  ordain- 
ing four,  Eschenbach,  Ranch,  Bunnerand  Pyrlaus.  There 
was  also  a  Quaker  lady  i)resent  at  this  conference  who 
made  an  address.  But  the  most  important  event  was  the 
baptism  of  three  Indians — the  first  Indian  baptisms  in 
Pennsylvania.  (Brainard's  work  among  the  Indians  in 
Pennsylvania  came  later,  and  his  converts  were  in  New 
Jersey.) 
14 


210        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Christian  Henry  Rauch  was  one  of  the  most  beantiful 
characters  of  the  Reformed  who  entered  tliis  union  move- 
ment.    He  came  over  to  do  missionary  work  among  tlie 
Indians.     When  he  arrived  at  New  York,  July  16,  1740, 
he  accidentally  met  a  missionary  from  St.  Thomas  and  was 
introduced  by  him  to  friends,  from  whom  he  expected  help 
for  the  heathen  among  whom  he  was  to  work.     But,  on 
the  contrary,  they  tried  to  dissuade  him,  saying  the  Indians 
were  a  bad  set,  among  whom  no  European  could  live  in 
safety.     He  found  that  the  Indians,  Avho  happened  just 
then  to  come  to  New  York  on  an  embassy,  were  given  to 
intoxication,  vet  he  found  them  tractable.     And   receivinsr 
an  invitation  to  visit  them  in  their  town,  he  went  to  Sheko- 
meko,  on  the  borders  of  Connecticut,  east  of  the  Hudson. 
There  he  preached  to  them  in  Dutch,  which  they  under- 
stood.    He  had  many  difficulties  in  his  work.    The  Indians 
were  dull  to  the  gospel.     The  white  settlers  around  plotted 
against  him.     But  he  continued,  and  by  1 742  he   brought 
with  him  by  way  of  New  York  to  Oley,  three  of  the 
IMohican  Indians  for  baptism.     The  scene  must  have  been 
impressive.     The  three  Indians  were  placed  in  their  midst, 
and  witli  fervent  prayer  and  supplication  devoted  to  the 
Lord  Jesus    Christ  as  his  eternal    })roperty.     And    then 
Rauch  baptized  them  after  the  Moravian  custom  "  into  the 
Avounds  of  Jesus"  with   the    names    Abraham,  Isaac    and 
Jacob,     Then    Zinzendorf  and   the   rest  laid  their   hands 
upon  them  while  a  hymn  was  sung.     The  scene  took  place 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD   IN   THE   SPIRIT.  211 

in  the  barn  of  Mr.  De  Turck.  These  three  were  the  first 
fruits  of  the  work  of  the  Moravians  among  the  Indians. 
(Before  the  end  of  the  year  twenty-one  more  were  added  to 
the  Church.)     This  conference  closed  with  a  love  feast. 

The  Fourth  Conference  at  Germantown,  March  10 — 12. 

This  conference  should  have  been  held  at  Ephrata, 
according  to  a  previous  arrangement  made  at  the  second 
conference  with  the  Seventh-day  Dnnkards,  but  as  they 
had  withdrawn  from  the  movement,  it  was  held  at  Ger- 
mantown, at  the  house  of  Mr.  Ashmead.  There  was,  as 
usual,  a  good  deal  of  discussion  at  this  conference,  but 
nothing  of  vital  importance  done,  except  that  it  was  decided 
to  have  preaching  in  Philadelphia  Sunday  mornings  and  at 
Germantown  Sunday  afternoons.  The  acts  were  signed  by 
twelve  persons. 

The  Fifth  Conference  at  Germantown,  April  6  and  Fol- 
lowing Days. 
This  was  opened  at  the  Reformed  church  and  was  the 
most  important  conference  yet  held.  It  still  further  con- 
solidated the  movement  by  the  adoption  and  publication 
for  the  Reformed  of  a  catechism  known  as  Bechtel's  cate- 
chism. Bechtel  read  the  catechism  to  them.  It  was 
either  written  by  Zinzendorf  or  at  least  inspired  by  him, 
or  perhaps  written  by  both  together,  but  it  generally  goes 
by  the  name  of  Bechtel's  catechism.  Its  title  is :  "A 
Short  Catechism  for  some  Congregations  of  Jesus  of  the 


212        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Keformed  religion  in  Pennsylvania,  who  hold  to  the 
ancient  Synod  of  Berne  :  Agreeable  to  the  Doctrines  of  the 
Moravian  Church.  First  published  in  German  by  John 
Bechtel,  Minister  of  the  Word  of  God:  Philadelphia, 
1742."  It  says  it  was  based  on  the  articles  of  the  Berne 
synod  of  1732,  but  the  authors  of  those  Berne  articles 
would  hardly  recognize  them  in  the  catechism.  Their 
articles  were  dogmatic,  this  was  practical,  emotional,  some- 
times even  wandering  in  its  thought.  It  lacks  depth  of 
thought,  for  it  was  composed  in  only  four  weeks,  but  it  has 
some  unction  of  spirit.  It  reflects  the  high  state  of  experi- 
mental piety  demanded  by  the  Moravians.  It  consists  of 
243  questions,  and  its  answers  are  in  many  cases  Bible 
quotations.  It  was  first  published  in  German  and  English. 
A  very  interesting  translation  of  Bechtel's  catechism 
is  the  Swedish.  It  seems  that  the  Moravians  under  Zin- 
zendorf  had  begun  a  mission  among  the  Swedes,  and  two 
Moravian  young  men,  graduates  of  the  University  of 
Upsala,  were  ordained  to  this  work.  One  of  their  converts 
was  Olaf  Melander,  who  came  from  Sweden  in  1737  with 
Dy lander  as  parochial  school-teaclier.  In  1743,  while  em- 
ployed in  the  printing  office  of  Franklin,  he  became  so  much 
interested  in  this  catechism  of  Bechtel  that  lie  translated  it 
into  Swedisli.  It  is,  therefore,  interesting  as  one  of  the 
few  Reformed  books  in  the  Swedish  language,  whose  relig- 
ious literature  is  almost  entirely  Lutheran,  because  tlie 
people  are  all  Lutherans.     The   publication    of  the   cat<?- 


CONGREGATION   OF  GOD   IN   THE   SPIRIT.  213 

chism'was  offered  to  Saiir,  but  he  refused,  because  he  was 
piqued  at  some  of  the  members  of  the  conferences.  So  they 
gave  it  to  Franklin  to  print,  who  printed  the  German  in 
English  letters,  as  he  had  no  German  type.  It  is,  there- 
fore, to-day,  like  all  the  Franklin  imprints,  very  valuable. 
"■  Bechtel's  catechism  belongs  to  the  early  and  glorious  era 
of  Pennsylvania  bibliography,  of  which  it  is  a  rare  and 
highly  prized  ornament." 

Bechtel  claimed  that  he  could  not  teach  the  Heidelberg 
catechism,  because  he  did  not  believe  the  80th  and  114th 
answers,  especially  the  latter,  for  he  claimed  that  true  con- 
verts could  be  perfect.  His  catechism  was  introduced  into 
all  the  congregations  that  joined  the  Congregation  of  God 
in  the  Spirit.  At  this  conference  Saur's  attack  on  the 
Moravians  was  severely  criticised  and  caused  a  still  greater 
breach. 

On  Easter,  April  18,  Bechtel  was  ordained  by 
Nitschman.  He  was  made  not  merely  pastor  of  the 
Reformed  congregation  at  Germantown,  but  also  inspec- 
tor over  all  the  German  Reformed  congregations  in  Penn- 
sylvania. This  of  course  was  a  reflection  on  Boehm,  who, 
although  nothing  but  an  ordinary  minister,  was  the  leader 
among  the  German  Reformed.  Zinzendorf  wrote  to 
Boehm,  saying  he  lioped  that  he  would  not  be  angry 
because  he  had  placed  Beclitel  over  the  Reformed  min- 
isters in  Pennsylvania,  and  suggested  to  Boehm  that  he 
should   become   subservient   to   Bechtel's   authority.     Of 


214        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

course  this  angered  Boehm,  because  he  did  not  believe  that 
the  Reformed  Church  had  any  such  office  as  inspector, 
and  besides  he  was  not  favorable  to  the  ])ietism  of  Bechtel 
and  Zinzeudorf,  and  refused  to  have  either  of  them  act  as 
if  they  were  his  master.  These  things,  says  Fresenius, 
caused  much  dissatisfaction  and  opposition,  and  injured 
the  movement  still  more,  for  the  Germans  do  not  respect 
mere  titles  much,  especially  in  the  Church.  A  very  inter- 
esting feature  of  the  fifth  conference  was  the  appearance 
of  a  Moravian  missionary,  named  Israel,  from  St.  Croix, 
West  Indies,  who  related  a  wonderful  preservation  from 
shipwreck  near  Tortola,  in  December,  1739. 

The  Sixth  Conference  at  Gennantoicn,  May  5 — 7. 
There  does  not  seem  to  have  been  anything  very  im- 
portant transacted  at  this  conference,  although  tliere  was 
the  usual  amount  of  discussion.  It,  however,  aimed  to 
organize  the  Lutheran  party  in  the  union,  as  it  had  done  the 
Reformed,  by  the  composition  of  a  Lutheran  catechism 
and  church-order.  Henry  Antes  was  appointed  assistant 
to  Eschenbach  as  preacher  in  Oley.  On  Whitsunday 
Bechtel  requested  all  the  Reformed  to  gather  in  the  Re- 
formed church,  when  he  brought  before  them  the  organi- 
zation and  building  up  of  the  Reformed  congregation,  to 
which  end  any  one  who  wanted  to  be  a  member  and  would 
hold  to  the  Berne  synod  (which  to  most  of  them  was  an 
unknown  thing),  could  then  subscribe  their  names.  He 
said  that  he  would  be  their  pastor  and  administer  the  sac- 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD   IN   THE    SPIRIT.  215 

raments,  and  use  for  catcchization  either  the  Heidelberg, 
Basle    or   Berne    catechism,    or    whatever   they    wanted. 
Boehra  said  that  seventeen  or  eighteen  voted  in   favor  of 
this,  and  subscribed  their  names. 
Ihe  Seventh  Conference  at  Philadelphia,  June  2  and  3. 

It  was  held  partly  at  Evans'  house  and  partly  at  Zin- 
zendorf's  house.  Zinzendorf  before  this  had  preached  his 
farewell  sermon  at  Germantown,  May  30.  He  was  pre- 
paring to  leave  the  country.  He  was  finding  that  the 
union  movement  was  waning,  while  the  elements  that 
were  left  were  consolidating  under  the  influence  of  the 
predominant  Moravianism.  Now  occurred  an  event  that 
completed  the  Moravianizing  of  the  movement.  A  ship 
load  of  120  Moravian  emigrants  destined  for  Bethlehem, 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  just  before  this  conference.  They 
came  on  the  ship  "  Snow  Catharine,"  and  qualified.  May  28. 
This  colony  at  once  joined  the  conference,  increasing  the 
number  and  completing  the  supremacy  of  the  Moravians 
in  the  movement.  Antes,  too,  was  now  quite  carried  away, 
and  declared  in  this  conference  that  the  synod  acknowledged 
the  Moravians  as  the  true  Church,  thus  committing  the 
Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit  to  the  Moravians.  This 
conference  also  took  action  in  regard  to  the  Churches  in 
the  union.  It  took  the  following  position  about  the 
Reformed  : 

"  The  gracious  election  of  the  first  fruits  out  of  all  peo- 
ple and  of  the  disciples  of  the  Lamb,  and  the  secure  reward 


216        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U,    S. 

obtained  by  suffering  for  his  martyrs  in  body  and  soul,  is 
the  most  precious  divine  truth.  But  because  all  those 
preachers  which  come  from  the  classis  of  Holland  are  bound 
in  their  consciences  to  teach  that  God  does  not  wish  to  save 
all  people,  the  entire  Reformed  C^hurch  in  Pennsylvania  is 
hereby  warned  in  the  most  solemn  manner  :  We  will  prove 
before  an  assembly  of  them  all,  that  whoever  does  not  bring 
this  doctrine  with  him  to  America  aild  advocate  it  here,  is 
not  acknowledged  by  them  as  a  true  teacher  :  but  that  who- 
ever brings  this  doctrine  with  him,  is  absolutely  necessi- 
tated to  contradict  the  Apostles  and  Prophets.  Inasmuch 
as  we  can  call  our  own  countrymen  to  witness  that  in  Ger- 
many we  did  not  believe  this  bold,  adventurous  doctrine, 
let  each  one  consider  for  himself  whether  he  will  learn  it 
here  ;  or  for  the  sake  of  any  man's  self-interest,  whether  he 
will  help  in  deceiving  the  Amsterdam  classis,  who  imagine 
that  it  is  here  taught  as  a  fundamental  doctrine  ;  or  whether 
all  those  who  approve  of  the  twelve  articles  of  the  Berne 
synod,  will  openly  acknowledge  their  adherence  to  this 
basis,  and  see  that  the  office  of  the  ministry  in  this  country 
is  conducted  in  agreement  with  it.  Their  well  known  and 
faithful  Bechtel,  who  has  now  for  fifteen  years  preached 
the  gospel  for  them  in  all  simj)licity,  Henry  Antes,  Peter 
Miller  and  the  former  bookkeeper  of  Basle,  Jolm  Brand- 
muller,  offer  to  take  all  sincere  Peformed  souls  under  their 
tenderest  care,  without  designing  in  so  doing  in  the  least 
to  stand  in  the  way  of  other  servants  of  Christ,  who  ^vill 
unite  with  them  to  this  end.  As  soon  as  we  know  the 
mind  of  any  on  this  point,  we  will  a])point  a  geneml  assem- 
bly to  compare  views  in  regard  to  a  Ghristian  ecclesiastical 
organization."* 

*  Budingen  Samiulung.     Vol    II,  pp.  S12-3. 


CONGREGATION    OF    GOD    IN   THE    SPIRIT.  217 

Thus  the  movement  naturally  weut  into  Moravianism, 
because  most  of  the  other  deuominatious  and  sects  left  one 
after  the  other,  while  the  Moravian  element  continually 
increased,  especially  through  the  arrival  of  the  ship's  col- 
ony in  May,  and  far  outnumbered  the  rest  who  remained 
in  the  movement.  The  conferences  reveal  great  earnest- 
ness on  the  part  of  their  members,  but  they  were  com- 
posed of  so  many  elements,  especially  at  iirst,  that  no  real 
unitv  could  be  found.  Accordiuii:  to  the  Moravian  custom 
the  lot  was  kept  lying  on  the  table  fov  consultation. 
Thus  the  Moravian  consciousness  ruled  from  the  begin- 
ning;  especially  as  Count  Zinzendorf  presided.  He  found 
that  a  body  composed  of  such  various  elements  was  quite 
ditKcidt  to  control  at  times,  and  he  sometimes  manifested 
too  much  warmth  and  considerable  impatience  when  his 
opinion  or  decision  was  questioned.  The  truth  was,  the 
arrival  of  the  vessel  with  the  Moravian  colonists  was  most 
opportune,  for  it  probably  saved  the  movement,  which 
as  a  union  had  been  dwindling,  from  becoming  a  failure. 
It  also  gave  it  permanency,  as  these  settled  at  Bethlehem, 
which  afterwards  became  the  centre  of  Moravianism. 

Zinzendorf  did  not  remain  in  America  long  after  this. 
On  December  31,  1742,  he  j^reached  his  farewell  sermon 
in  Philadel})hia,  and  sailed  for  Europe  on  January  9, 
1743,  from  New  York. 

This  first  controversy  among  the  lieformed  revealed 
two  differences  among  them.  1.  It  revealed  that  tliere  was 
a  difference  among  them  about  Pietism.     The  party  who 


218        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

went  off  with  the  Moravians  were  the  extreme  Pietists, 
while  the  Boehm  party  were  extremely  churchly  (anti- 
pietistic).  The  leaders  of  the  former  party  among  the 
Reformed  went  off  into  Pietism,  Avith  the  exception  of 
Rieger,  who  had  been  inclined  that  way  to  some  extent. 
Still  with  the  reaction  after  the  movement,  as  we  shall 
see,  many  of  the  pious,  earnest  ones  who  were  carried 
away  Avith  the  movement,  came  back  to  the  Reformed 
Church,  producing  a  strong  pietistic  element  in  the  Church. 
2.  It  revealed  a  difference  about  Calvinism.  The 
Boehm  party,  like  the  Church  of  Holland,  were  strong 
predestinarians.*  Weiss  had  also  been  of  that  type,  for 
he  signed  the  Canons  of  Dort.  But  the  Congregation  of 
God  in  the  Spirit,  as  we  have  seen,  by  their  action  in  the 
seventh  conference,  opposed  very  bitterly  the  doctrine  of 
predestination.  It,  however,  claimed  to  be  Reformed,  for 
it  claimed  to  hold  the  lower  views  on  predestination,  as 
represented  in  the  Reformed  Church  of  Brandenburg  in 
Germany,  of  which  Jablonsky  was  the  head.  This  Bran- 
denburg Churcli  had  always  been  low  Calvinistic,  from 
the  days  of  its  first  professors  of  theology,  Pelargus  and 
Bergius,  and  in  the  days  of  Jablonsky  it  went  farther  than 
low  Calvinism  into  the  spirit  of  unionism,  which  virtually 
gave  up  the  confessions  and  sacrificed  the  denomination 
for  the  sake  of  union.  For  the  movements  were  begin- 
ning in  it  that   ultimately   resulted   in  the  organization 

•  See  Harbaugh's  Fathers  of  the  Reformed  Church,  Vol.  I ,  page  321. 


CONGREGATION   OF   GOD   IN   THE   SPIRIT.  219 

(1817)  of  the  Uuioii  Church  of  Prussia,  composed  of  Re- 
formed and  Lutherans.  This  union  movement  was 
reflected  in  this  country  by  Zinzeudorf,  or  rather  he  util- 
ized it  to  gain  the  Reformed  for  his  Church.  For  that 
reason  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit  adopted  a 
catechism  based  on  the  Berne  articles,  which  was  com- 
posed before  the  doctrine  of  predestination  had  become 
prominent  in  the  Reformed  Church,  although  the  Berne 
Church  under  Muslin  and  others  became  strongly  pre- 
destinarian. 

Thus  it  was  hoped  to  start  a  new  Reformed  Church  in 
Pennsylvania,  over  against  the  Church  of  Boehm  under 
the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  and  on  the  basis  of  the  Berne 
articles,  and  governed  by  tropes  instead  of  synod.  It 
hoped  to  render  the  Pennsylvania  Reformed  independent  of 
the  classis  of  Amsterdam  by  raising  up  and  ordaining  min- 
isters in  Pennsylvania,  without  waiting  for  ministers  sent 
from  Holland.  This  movement  was,  therefore,  most 
important,  and  threatened  for  a  time  to  be  successful.  It 
would  have  split  the  Reformed  Church,  as  the  Whitefield 
movement  split  the  Presbyterian  into  Old  and  New  Lights. 
Nay,  more,  if  it  had  been  successful,  it  would  have  given 
an  entirely  different  character  to  the  Reformed  of  Penn- 
sylvania from  that  which  they  afterwards  had  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Holland  Churches,  as  they  would  have 
become  Melancthonians  rather  than  Calvinistic.  But  as 
we  shall  see,  the  movement  having  run  its  course,  the 
reaction  came,  back  to  Calvinism. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XIII. 

THE  REFORMED  OPPONENTS  OF  THE  CONGREGATION 
OF  GOD  IN  THE  SPIRIT. 

To  prevent  the  absorption  of  the  Reformed  Church  in 
Pennsylvania  in  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit, 
two  men  rose  up  to  defend  and  preserve  the  old  faith. 
They  were  Boehm  and  Guldin. 

Guldin,  of  wiiom  we  have  heard  nothing  for  thirty- 
two  years  since  his  arrival  in  America,  now  in  ids  old  age 
again  comes  into  prominence,  as  he  writes  against  the 
Moravian  attempt  at  unifying  the  Germans.  His  opposi- 
tion was  a  great  surprise.  It  was  supposed  that  as  he 
had  been  a  Pietist  in  Switzerland,  of  course  he  would  be 
a  Pietist  in  Pennsylvania,  and  join  heartily  in  this  move- 
ment. Indeed,  at  first  ho  does  not  take  a  position  antago- 
nistic to  it,  for  he  attended  the  first  conference  at  Ger- 
mantown,  1742,  on  the  first  day.  But  he  seems  to  have 
been  among  those  who  went  away,  disheartened  by  the 
lack  of  unity  displayed  there.  That  lack  of  unity  is  the 
principal  theme  on  whicih  he  harps  in  his  book,  entitled 
"  Unpartisan  Witness  on  tlie  New  Union  of  all  Denomi- 
nations in  Pennsylvania,  and  also  Some  Other  Points." 
It  was  published  by  Saur  at  Germantown,  1743.     It  con- 


THE  EEFOEMED  OPPONENTS.  221 

sists  of  five  booklets.  The  first  of  them  was  written  before 
February  4,  1742,  and  the  rest  before  the  end  of  that  year, 
and  it  was  published  in  1743  as  a  whole.  The  topics  of 
the  parts  are : 

1.  The  True  and  False  Union.  This  was  intended  to 
answer  the  minutes  of  the  first  and  second  of  the  synods 
of  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit.  He  says  there 
must  first  be  a  union  in  Christ  before  there  can  be  a  union 
with  each  other.  It  must  be  a  union  from  above,  rather 
than  a  work  of  man,  which  theirs  evidently  was.  They 
emphasized  the  spirit  of  separatism  too  strongly,  so  that 
they  had  not  enough  in  common  with  each  other.  The 
last  paragraphs  have  some  direct  attacks  on  Zinzendorf,  in 
which  he  says  that  nothing  good  will  come  out  of  these 
many  conferences.     It  contains  fifty-seven  paragraphs. 

2.  The  Balm  of  Gilead  which  shall  heal  all  Sects.  He 
refers  in  it  to  the  fact  that  he  was  present  at  the  first 
synod,  but  says  he  heard  nothing  but  ill-willed  speeches. 
He  was  not  present  the  second  day  because  of  indisposi- 
tion. He  again  emphasizes  the  fact  that  this  movement 
■svas  not  God's  work,  but  man's,  for  it  did  not  begin  with 
the  right  method.  Real  union  does  not  come  from  many 
words,  acts  or  synods.  The  balm  is  true  repentance  and 
conversion  to  God,  which  rises  above  the  narrowness  of 
sects.  In  the  latter  part  he  passes  from  the  figure  of  the 
balm  to  that  of  the  oil  of  the  ten  virgins.  It  contains 
forty-nine  paragraphs, 


222        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

3.  False  Prophets.  In  this  he  gives  the  various  signs 
of  the  false  prophets  and  their  fruits.  He  here  makes  a 
personal  reference  to  himself,  that  although  he  was  evan- 
gelistic, yet  he  did  not  seek  to  draw  people  to  himself,  so 
as  to  make  a  separate  sect,  but  he  turned  them  away  from 
himself  up  to  God,  and  preached  from  one  congregation 
to  another  without  either  a  call  or  permission.  He  thus 
puts  himself  on  record  over  against  the  narrow  sects. 
This  part  consists  of  fifty-one  paragraphs. 

4.  Of  True  Ministers  and  Servants  of  Christ.  This 
was  a  meditation  on  John  15  :  16,  as  the  first  booklet 
was  a  meditation  on  John  10 :  7-10.  It  consists  of 
twenty-eight  paragraphs. 

Each  of  these  booklets  is  followed  by  an  index  of  the 
subjects  of  its  paragraphs.  This  much  of  the  book  is 
devoted  to  the  Moravians  in  Pennsylvania.  His  main 
idea  was  to  show  that  the  Congregation  of  God  in  tlie 
Spirit  was  composed  of  too  many  diverse  elements  to  form 
a  true  union.  In  it  he  attacks  the  sects  who  were  very 
narrow,  especially  the  Seventh-day  Baptists. 

But  while  the  first  part  of  the  book  is  an  attack  on 
sectism  witliout  the  Church,  the  latter  part,  which  is  an 
appendix,  is  an  attack  on  formalism  within  the  Church. 
It  is  devoted  not  to  the  Moravians,  but  to  the  great 
revivalist,  James  Davenport,  and  is  headed  :  "  Sincere 
Reflections  on  the  conduct  of  James  Davenport,  minister 
in  Long  Island,  and  on  the  witness  of  fifteen  ministers  of 


THE  REFOEMED  OPPONENTS.  223 

Boston  in  New  England  against  it,  as  it  appeared  in  the 
German  Newspaper  of  Germantowu,  number  XXVI." 
James  Davenport  was  the  great  revivalist  of  his  day.  In 
his  early  labors  he  had  thrown  jewelry,  wigs,  etc.,  into  the 
fire,  because  by  them,  he  said,  people  were  led  into  idola- 
try of  ungodly  things.  Guldin  defends  Davenport  against 
the  attacks  of  his  opponents,  especially  unconverted  min- 
isters. Davenport  had  gone  through  the  streets  and  alleys 
on  Sundays  and  other  days  with  his  friends  singing,  call- 
ing on  his  brethren  to  pray,  and  delivering  exhortations 
to  men  in  smaller  or  larger  gatherings.  Guldin  says  these 
movements  of  Davenport,  which  have  wakened  up  a  new 
spirit,  must  not  be  opposed,  but  must  be  carefully  guarded 
that  they  do  not  run  into  excesses. 

These  booklets  of  this  book,  "  Uupartisan  Witness," 
perhaps  do  not  reveal  quite  the  force  of  his  earlier  work 
of  1718  on  the  Pietists  of  Berne,  but  they  reveal  a  ripe- 
ness of  thought  and  judiciousness  of  judgment  that  must 
have  been  very  helpful  when  men  were  apt  to  be  swayed 
to  one  extreme  or  the  other.  In  it  all  he  shows  himself  a 
Pietist,  but  a  churchly  Pietist.  He  had  no  sympathy 
with  the  sects  in  their  narrowness,  nor  had  he  any  sym- 
pathy with  the  formalism  of  the  Church.  In  it  he  shows 
himself  favorable  to  church  union,  but  it  must  be  a  true 
union,  by  which  the  hearts  were  brought  together;  and 
not  an  outward  union,  which  allowed  so  much  bitterness 
and  quarreling.     His  book  doubtless  exerted  a  wide  influ- 


224       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

euce,  and  kept  many  Pietists  from  heiug  carried  away  into 
the  Moravian  movement.  Its  prophecy  of  this  movement 
proved  too  true  ;  it  soon  fell  to  pieces. 

This  protest  of  Guldin  revealed  that  there  could  be 
within  the  Reformed  Church  a  true  Pietism,  which,  while 
it  emphasized  experimental  religion,  yet  had  no  sympathy 
with  the  sects.  It  did  not  call  the  Chur(;h  a  Babel,  as 
they  did,  but  it  honored  the  Church.  It  was  not  fanati- 
cal, but  conservative  in  its  methods,  and  yet  aggressive  in 
its  ends.  Such  an  element  was  in  the  Reformed  Church 
in  Pennsylvania  from  its  beginning,  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
it  seems  to  have  gained  the  upper  hand  afterwards  under 
Otterbein,  Hendel  and  Helfifenstein.  Quiet  revivalism  in 
connection  with  catechization  is  quite  in  harmony  with  the 
Reformed  Church,  and  has  been  in  her  ever  since  the  days 
of  Zwingli,  Lasco,  Lampe  and  others.  Guldin  died  soon 
after  the  publication  of  his  book,  on  December  31,  1745. 

But  the  strongest  defender  of  the  Reformed  was  Boehm. 
While  his  works  do  not  reveal  the  suggestiveuess  on  relig- 
ious thought  that  Guldin's  does,  yet  he  ably  attacks  the 
Moravians  from  the  practical  standpoint.  His  works,  too, 
have  the  greater  influence,  because  he  does  not  writ(,'  as  an 
individual,  as  Guldin  did,  but  as  a  pastor  whose  churches 
are  behind  him  to  back  him  nj).  licehni,  even  before 
writing  his  first  book,  had  shown  his  opposition  to  the 
Moravian  movement.  Kven  before  the  coming  of  Count 
Zinzendorf,  liwlim  had  been  warned  against  the  Moravians 


THE    REFORMED    OPPONENTS.  225 

by  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  who  sent  him  Kulenkamp's 
book.* 

When,  therefore,  Zinzendorf  arrived  in  Pennsylvania 
in  the  latter  part  of  1741,  he  soon  came  into  collision 
with  Boehm.  The  Lutheran  congregation  of  Philadel- 
phia worshiped  in  the  same  building  with  the  Reformed. 
On  Christmas,  1741,  (Friday),  the  Reformed  had  their 
services  as  usual  and  the  following  Sunday  was  their 
Sunday  for  service  in  the  church.  So  Boehm  stayed  over 
from  Friday  to  Sunday,  instead  of  going  home  to  Wit- 
pen.  The  Lutheran  church  had  been  without  a  pastor 
since  1733,  and  a  prominent  member  of  that  congrega- 
tion fixed  on  Saturday  night  as  the  time  for  the  Christ- 
mas service  of  the  Lutherans.  Boehm  was  asked  by  him 
to  be  present.  He  went  to  the  church  with  some  of  his 
elders  and  members,  but  when  they  approached  the 
church  they  saw  a  great  crowd  of  people  gathered  before 
the  church.  They  asked  the  cause  of  this,  and  were 
informed  that  it  was  because  it  was  rumored  that  Count 

*  The  title  of  this  book  is,  "  The  naked,  exposed  Enthusiasm,  Fanaticism 
and  Corrupt  Mysticism  of  the  so-called  Moravians,  exhibited  most  clearly  from 
their  German  hymn-books-and  others  of  their  writings,  and  their  agreement 
with  the  Corrupt  Mystics  and  Fanatics  in  Germany,  and  the  Tremblers  in 
England,  most  plainly  indicated,  tending  to  repeated  faithful  warning  against 
those  people,  and  to  the  complete  defense  of  the  Pastoral  and  Paternal  Letter 
of  the  Rev.  Amsterdam  Consistory  against  the  false  accusations  of  certain 
anonymous  writing  added  back  of  this.  Published  at  the  earnest  request  and 
by  order  of  the  Rev.  Consistory,  and  from  love  of  the  truth  which  is  unto 
salvation,  by  Gerardus  Kulenkamp,  preacher  at  Amsterdam,  at  Amsterdam, 
1739. 

15 


226        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Zinzendorf  was  going  to  preach,  as  he  had  been  invited 
to  do  so  by  some  of  the  Lutheran  members,  although 
many  of  them  were  much  opposed  to  his  doing  so.  Boehm 
remained  i?ileut  at  this  until  some  of  the  Lutherans  asked 
him  what  he  had  to  say  to  it.  He  answered  :  "  I  think 
I  have  more  information  about  these  things  than  many  of 
you  and  therefore  I  protest  against  any  one  saying  that  it 
is  consented  to  by  the  Reformed,  or  by  me,  that  Count 
Zinzendorf  can  preach.  We  Reformed  have  nothing  to 
command  about  your  side.  If  you  do  anything  against 
yourselves,  we  do  not  want  any  part  in  what  may  result 
from  it."  However  the  Count  did  not  make  his  appear- 
ance, but  preached  that  evening  and  the  following  day 
(Sunday)  in  his  own  house. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  their  differences.  Zinzen- 
dorf sent  a  letter  by  special  messenger,  Michael  Haan,  to 
Bcehm,  at  his  home,  in  Witpen,  saying  that  the  Lutheran 
congregation  had  asked  him  to  preach ;  and  that  as  he 
was  a  Lutheran  and  had  preached  in  many  of  the  Luth- 
eran churches  in  Germany,  he  felt  like  agreeing  to  do  so. 
But  he  did  not  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  reprobation,  as 
Boehm,  as  a  Calvinist,  did.  He,  therefore,  asked  him 
whether  he  had  a  right  to  say  anything  against  his 
preaching  in  the  union  church,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  enter 
the  pulpit  against  his  authority.  Bcehm  wrote  back  that 
day  that  as  to  his  right  to  do  anything  against  Zinzendorf 's 
preaching  in  the  union  church  he  could  not  answer  so 


THE    REFORMED    OPPONENTS.  227 

quickly ;  but  he  would  say  that  he  adhered  to  the  words 
he  spoke  on  December  26  previous  to  the  Lutherans  in 
Philadelphia.  Plis  position  amounted  to  this,  that  the 
Lutherans  could  do  as  they  pleased ;  that  was  their  affair, 
but  he  did  not  wish  to  be  responsible  for  the  conse- 
quences. 

On  Sunday,  January  10,  Zinzendorf  preached  for  the 
Lutherans  in  the  church.  Zinzendorf  was  elected  pastor 
of  the  Lutheran  congregation  before  Easter,  and  on  Easter 
wanted  to  hold  the  communion  there,  but  as  that  was  the 
Sunday  that  the  church  belonged  to  the  Reformed,  Boehm 
curtly  refused  to  give  it  to  him,  when  Pyrlaeus,  Zinzen- 
dorf's  assistant,  asked  him  for  it.  On  the  second  Sunday 
after  Easter  Zinzendorf  accepted  the  pastorate.  As  Zin- 
zendorf was  away  much  of  his  time,  the  pastorate  fell  into 
the  hands  of  his  assistant,  Pyrlaeus. 

Finally,  after  the  seventh  synod  of  the  Congregation  of 
God  in  the  Spirit,  in  June,  1742,  there  occurred  an  open 
outbreak  between  the  adherents  of  Zinzendorf  and  those 
opposed  to  him.  On  July  18  the  people  came  to  the 
church  for  service  and  found  it  locked.  As  the  key  could 
not  be  found,  the  Lutheran  adherentsof  Zinzendorf  forced 
their  way  in  by  breaking  the  lock.  It  was  Pyrlaeus'  duty 
to  preach,  as  the  Count  was  away  on  a  tour  among  the 
Indians.  lie  entered  the  pulpit  and  began  the  service. 
Some  young  men,  says  the  Lutheran  elder,  went  up  to  him 
and  urged  him  to  leave  the  church  with  his  people.     Pyr- 


228        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

laeus  replied  :  "  You  are  no  Lutheran/'  at  which  four 
young  men  pulled  Pyrlaeus  out  of  the  pulpit  and  dragged 
him  out  of  the  church,  because  he  had  entered  the  house 
without  the  consent  of  the  rightful  proprietors  and  by 
violence. 

These  events  reveal  the  state  of  feeling  between  Boehm 
and  Zinzendorf.  This  again  appeared  on  August  23, 1742, 
when  Boehm  published  his  first  attack  on  the  Moravians, 
called  "  True  Letter  of  Warning,  addressed  to  the  Reformed 
Congregations  of  Pennsylvania."  It  is  in  the  main  his- 
torical. He  begins  by  describing  the  circumstances  noted 
above,  of  December  26,  1741,  then  gives  the  letter  that 
passed  between  Zinzendorf  and  himself,  January  8,  1742. 
He  denies  that  Zinzendorf  is  a  real  Lutheran,  and  charges 
him  with  inconsistency.  He  ridicules  the  many  names  that 
Zinzendorf  used.  Then  he  attacks  the  printed  minutes  of 
the  synods  of  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit  from 
the  first  to  the  seventh. 

In  connection  with  the  first  synod  he  thus  expresses 
his  surprise,  that  Henry  Antes  should  throw  himself  so 
thoroughly  into  the  new  movement.  "  I  can  not  find 
words  to  express  my  surprise  at  Henry  Antes.  Is  it  pos- 
sible to  think  that  Henry  Antes,  who  had  received  far 
more  than  the  others,  would  give  iiimself  to  such  soul- 
destroving  doctrines?"  He  then  refers  very  tenderly  to 
his  previous  relations  with  Henry  Antes.  "  God  knows 
what  took  place  in  the  past,"  he  says,  "  between  Antes  and 


THE  REFORMED  OPPONENTS.  229 

myself,  as  both  our  hearts  were  then  bound  together  in  a 
hearty  love  to  the  divine  truth  in  our  Reformed  doctrines. 
And  he  has  not  forgotten,  I  am  sure,  how  he  was  one  of 
those  wlio  by  his  tears  brought  me  to  it  that  I  put  the 
yoke  (of  the  ministry)  on  my  neck.  Which  love  I  cannot 
for  my  part  forget,  no,  I  shall  never  forget,  even  though 
I  have  through  him  been  very  much  grieved,  to  pray  for 
him  when  I  think  of  him  in  my  groanings,  that  God  might 
bring  him  with  all  his  errors  by  his  Spirit  to  the  light 
again." 

In  regard  to  the  second  synod  he  attacks  the  use  of 
the  lot,  and  quotes  frequently  from  Kulenkamp's  book. 
In  the  third  conference  he  criticises  their  baptism  of  the 
Indians  as  having  been  performed  in  an  irregular  manner. 
In  the  fourth  he  severely  criticises  Bechtel's  catechism — 
that  there  is  nothing  said  in  it  about  baptism  or  the  Lord's 
Supper,  not  a  word  about  the  Ten  Commandments,  or 
the  Lord's  Prayer.  This  attack  on  the  Moravians  was 
signed  in  February  and  March,  1742,  by  six  of  Boehm's 
consistories,  namely,  Falkner  Swamp,  Skippack,  White 
Marsh,  Philadelphia,  Oley  and  Tulpehocken.  (Only  Con- 
estoga  is  omitted  of  his  congregations)  Then  follows  a 
postscript  containing  further  criticisms  on  the  minutes  of 
the  six  synods. 

This  severe  arraignment  of  Biiehm's  was  answered  by 
Neisser,  a  Moravian  school-master  at  Bethlel)em.  But 
any  one  who  reads  it  will  see,  as  Fresenius  suggests,  that 


230        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

it  is  not  Neisser  wlio  writes  it,  but  Ziuzondorf.  For  a 
plain  school-master  like  Neisser  would  not  know  the  facts 
about  the  Moravians  in  Europe,  as  they  are  given  in  this 
book.  Zinzendorf  inspired  it,  as  he  did  Bechtel's  cate- 
chism. This  book  severely  attacks  Boehm  as  he  had 
attacked  the  Moravians.  It  claims  that  Boehm  was  not 
Reformed,  but  belonged  to  a  sect  of  Holland,  called  Go- 
marists,  who  were  high  Calvinists.  The  author  shrewdly 
tries  to  put  Boehm  in  a  dilemma  thus  :  that  Boehm,  if  he 
accepts  the  doctrine  of  reprobation,  is  not  a  German 
Reformed,  because  they  do  not  accept  it ;  yet  if  he  does  not 
hold  to  reprobation  he  is  a  deceiver,  because  he  deceives 
the  Holland  classis  that  supports  him  and  which  is  high 
Calvinistic.  This  dilemma  was  not  true.  The  Reformed 
of  Germany  were  predestinarian,  as  is  shown  by  their 
creeds,  universities,  conferences  with  the  Lutherans  and 
leading  theologians.*  Only  Brandenburg,  which  Zinzen- 
dorf supposed  represented  Germany,  was  inclined  to  low 
Calvinism,  and  in  Zindendorf's  time  had  gone  over  to 
Unionism  under  Jablonsky.  Neisser's  book  shows  where 
Lutherans  and  Reformed  in  Europe  had  aj)proved  of  Zin- 
zendorf's  actions  ;  that  of  the  Reformed  Antistes  Weren- 
fels  of  Basle  had  done  so,  and  that  Zinzendorf  had  sat  in 
Calvin's  seat  at  Geneva.  It  replies  to  Boehm's  strictures 
on  the  use  of  the  lot  by  saying  that  it  was  Scriptural. 
The  next  year  Boehm  published  his  second  pamphlet, 

*  See  my  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Germiiny,  piges  5S'J-t)23. 


THE   REFORMED   OPPONENTS.  231 

namely  his  "Second  Warning,"  published  May  19,  1743. 
He  gives  the  following  reason  for  publishing  it :  In  the 
former,  he  says,  he  put  all  the  information  from  Holland 
about  the  Moravians.  But  as  many  preferred  not  to  pay 
the  small  amount  for  which  it  was  sold,  and  so  remain 
ignoraut,  for  which  reasons  some  of  them  were  led  astray, 
he  published  the  second,  which  is  smaller.  This  Warning 
differs  from  his  first  on  two  points.  That  was  signed  by 
his  consistories;  this  only  by  himself.  This,  too,  is  more 
personal  than  the  former.  In  that  he  attacked  mainly  the 
synods,  although  he  also  attacked  Zinzendorf,  but  in  this 
he  attacks  Zinzendorf 's  followers  whom  he  had  left  behind, 
mainly  those  who  were  Reformed,  namely  Lischy,  and  also 
Antes  and  Bechtel.  He  takes  them  up  one  after  the  other. 
He  attacked  Lischy  for  his  insincerity  at  Tulpehocken, 
Cacusi,  Oley,  Schuylkill  and  Muddy  Creek,  in  pretending 
to  be  Reformed,  when  he  was  a  Moravian.  He  charges 
Bechtel  with  mutilating  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  and 
repudiating  the  80th  and  114th  questions.  As  regards 
Henry  Antes  :  a  few  weeks  since,  in  reply  to  the  question 
put  by  a  person  :  "  How  can  you  call  yourself  Reformed, 
when  you  go  with  the  Moravians  and  take  communion 
with  them  ?"  Antes  answered :  "  Why  how  inquisitive 
you  are?  Can  I  not  on  this  account  be  Reformed?  I  am 
Reformed,  I  am  also  Lutheran,  I  am  also  a  Mennonite,  a 
Christian  in  everything."  In  a  word  Boehm  considers 
them  all  enthusiasts  and  fanatics.     He  also  speaks  of  Zin- 


232        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN"   0.   S. 

zendorf  s  severity  against  those  who  opposed  him.*  Boehm 
says'that  these  pamphlets  cost  him  about  $14.52,  of  which 
not  half  came  back,  because  he  gave  away  more  than  he 
sold.  He  was  not  the  last  to  lose  money  on  books,  but  all 
this  shows  his  intense  love  for  his  denomination  and  self- 
sacrifice  for  her.  It  was  money  well  spent,  for  it  broke 
the  force  of  the  Moravian  movement  and  helped  to  save 
the  Reformed  Church. 

These  three  defenses  had  the  effect  of  steadying:  the 
Reformed  congregations  against  the  inroads  of  the  Mora- 
vians. The  result  was  that  ultimately  not  one  congrega- 
tion was  lost  to  the  Reformed,  although  a  number  of 
individuals  went  into  the  Moravian  Church.  Even  the 
Reformed  congregation  at  Germantown,  which  went  into 
the  movement  for  a  little  while,  came  back  in  1744,  when 
Bechtel  had  to  resign.  Boehm  in  all  this  movement 
stands  out  as  the  defender  of  the  Pennsylvania  Reformed, 
as  well  as  their  founder. 

*  He,  however,  is  in  error  when  he  says  that  Lischy  had  ordained  Bechtel. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XIV. 
THE  REFORMED  MINISTERS  IN  THE  UNION. 

Of  the  Reformed  element  iu  tlie  Congregation  of  God 
in  the  Spirit  five  ministers  labored  especially  among  the 
Reformed.  They  were  Bechtel,  Antes,  Ranch,  Brandmnl- 
ler  and  Lischy.  Permission  was  given  the  Reformed  to 
organize  a  Reformed  college,  as  it  was  called,  within  the 
union,  which,  however,  was  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Moravians  at  Bethlehem.  The  minutes  of  the  Reformed 
college  of  August  12,  1746,  at  Philadelphia,  are,  we 
understand,  still  in  existence. 

Bechtel  carried  his  congregation,  at  Germantown,  over 
with  him  into  the  union.  On  the  second  day  of  Easter, 
1742,  he  arranged  to  administer  the  communion  to  the 
Reformed  there,  and  some  received  it  of  iiim,  says  Boehm. 
He  announced  that  on  Whitmonday  the  Reformed  of 
Germantown  and  neighborhood  would  organize  a  congre- 
gation in  the  Reformed  church  (in  the  union*,  and 
requested  those  who  wished  to  become  members  to  sign 
their  names,  which  ten  or  eighteen  did.  But  there  was 
an  element  in  his  cong-reffation  that  never  went  into  the 
union.  He  finally  found  that  he  could  not  keep  his  con- 
gregation in  line  with  the  ^Moravians.     He  was  dismissed 


234       THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

by  his  congregation,  February  9,  1744,  just  about  a  year 
after  Zinzendorf  left.  To  show  how  they  repudiated 
Bechtel's  ideas,  they  talked  of  calling  Bechtel's  great 
enemy,  Bcehm,  as  his  successor,  but  did  not  do  it,  because 
they  would  not  adopt  Boehm's  church  constitution.  They 
then  appealed  to  Holland  for  help.  Dorsius  preached  a 
few  times  at  that  time.  Bechtel  retired,  September  13, 
1746,  to  Bethlehem  to  live  with  the  Moravians.  He 
lived  quietly  there  till  he  died,  April  16,  1777.  He 
was  a  plain,  simple,  earnest  preacher,  though  never  ful- 
filling Zinzendorf 's  hope  of  being  a  superintendent  of  the 
Reformed  in  the  union. 

A  very  interesting  character  among  the  Reformed  in 
the  union  was  Christian  Henry  Ranch.  We  have  before 
referred  to  his  work  among  the  Indians  in  connection 
with  the  conference  in  Oley.  After  that  conference  he 
returned  with  his  Indians  to  their  home  along  the  Hud- 
son, to  continue  his  missionary  work.  But  the  envy  of 
the  whites  became  greater.  They  found  tliey  were  not 
able  to  control  the  Indians  as  before,  or  to  sell  so  much 
liquor  to  them.  On  tiie  other  hand  the  converts  fre- 
quently detected  those  of  the  whites  who  offended  against 
the  law.  Tills  the  whites  did  not  relish.  So  they  tried 
to  get  rid  of  Rauch,  even  going  so  far  as  to  offer  liquor 
to  any  Indian  who  would  kill  him.  All  kinds  of 
false  charges  were  trumped  up  against  the  missionaries,  as 
that    they    were  secretly    in    league   with   the  French   t<; 


REFORMED    MINISTERS    IN   THE    UNION.  235 

furnish  the  Indians  with  arms  so  that  they  might  fight 
against  the  English.  In  December,  1744,  the  mission- 
aries were  brought  before  the  magistrate  on  this  charge, 
but  released  because  innocent.  But  finally  the  restrictions 
became  so  great  that  the  missionaries  had  to  give  up  their 
work  ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  1745  they  were  compelled 
to  reluctantly  leave  their  Indian  converts.  Ranch  and 
his  companions  were  sometimes  insulted  by  mobs  on  their 
return  to  Pennsylvania,  because  they  were  missionaries  to 
the  Indians. 

Ranch  now  became  a  preacher  for  the  Congregation  of 
God  in  the  Spirit,  going  out  among  the  Reformed.  He 
preached  to  the  Reformed  more  or  less  regularly  in  Leba- 
non county  at  Swatara,  Quitapahilla,  Miihlbach,  Heidel- 
berg, Tulpehocken,  in  Lancaster  county  at  Warwick, 
Leonard  Bender's,  Muddy  Creek  and  Donegal  ;  also  at 
Coventry,  west  of  Schuylkill,  and  at  Oley,  Goshenhop- 
pen  and  Skippack,  east  of  that  river.  On  September  9, 
1749,  he  took  charge  of  the  Moravian  congregation  at 
Lititz,  where  he  was  both  teacher  and  preacher,  and  super- 
intendent of  surrounding  congregations.  On  January 
1,  1750,  he  organized  the  Hebron  Moravian  congrega- 
tion near  Lebanon.  He  also  acted  as  superintendent  of 
the  Reformed  trope  in  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the 
Spirit,  and  in  that  capacity  he  went  west  of  the  Susque- 
hanna, preaching  to  the  York  and  Kreutz  Creek  con- 
gregations   before    1750.      On   December    20,    1753,    he 


236        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

returned  to  Bethlehem,  but  seems  to  have  gone  south  to  the 
Salem  congregation  in  North  Carolina,  1755-1756.  In 
1757  Ranch  went  as  a  missionary  to  Jamaica,  where  he 
died,  November  11,  1763.  He  was  a  very  earnest,  pious 
and  beautiful  character,  and  has  left  a  lasting  record  in 
American  missions. 

John  Brandmuller  was  another  of  the  Reformed  in 
the  union.  He  was  born,  November  24,  1704,  at  Basle, 
apprenticed  to  his  uncle  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  con- 
firmed as  a  member  of  the  Reformed  church  there  when 
he  was  thirteen  years  old,*  At  Basle  there  was  a  Mora- 
vian congregation,  with  which  he  united,  1739,  and  he 
became  greatly  interested  in  them,  so  that  he  traveled  to 
Herrnhut,  Marienborn  and  Herrnhaag  to  visit  the  origi- 
nal Moravian  colonies.  Leaving  his  family  he  came  to 
America  with  the  colony  of  Moravians  who  landed  in  the 
latter  part  of  May,  1742,  at  Philadel[)hia.  He  returned 
to  Europe  after  staying  here  six  months.  He  returned 
with  his  wife  in  1 743  and  settled  at  Bethlehem.  He  was 
ordained  as  deacon  by  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the 
Spirit,  May  13,  1745,  preached  at  Ailemaengel  in  Leiiigh 
county,  Swatara  in  Lebanon  county  and  Donegal  in  Lan- 
caster county,  and  occasionally  as  an  evangelist  to  the 
Walloons  in  New  York  state  and  to  the  Germans  in  Vir- 
ginia.    He  became  teacher  at  Friedensthal,  near  Naza- 


*  There  is  a  John  Rudolph  Brandmuller,  who   matriculated  at  the  Basle 
University,  October  8,  1727. 


REFORMED    MINISTERS    IN    THE   UNION.  237 

reth  (1759),  for  eight  years.  He  printed  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Harmony  of  the  Gospels  in  the  language  of 
the  Delawares,  1761.  In  1768  he  returned  to  Bethlehem, 
where  he  died,  August  16,  1777,  by  falling  accidentally 
into  the  mill  race. 

Henry  Antes  also  became  a  preacher  in  the  Reformed 
college.  He  removed  from  his  farm  at  Falkner  Swamp 
in  1748  to  Bethlehem,  and  on  October  27,  1748,  took  a 
civil  office  in  the  Moravian  Church,  taking  the  legal  care 
of  their  property  and  of  their  temporal  affiairs,  in  which 
office  they  praise  him.  But  in  1750  he  was  affronted  that 
the  wearing  of  the  white  robe  or  surplice  of  the  minister 
vvas  introduced.  He  considered  this  a  Romanizing  cus- 
tom, and  afterward  returned  to  his  farm  in  Falkner 
Swamp.  It  seems  that  after  Zinzendorf  left  this  country, 
the  more  conservative  element  reappeared  in  the  Church, 
which  more  fully  represented  the  older  Moravianism  of 
the  days  before  Zinzendorf.  So  Antes  felt  himself  not  in 
full  harmony  with  them  any  more.  However,  he  still 
aided  them.  When,  in  August  of  1752,  Bishop  Spangen- 
bero;  went  to  North  Carolina  to  select  the  location  for  a 
Moravian  colony.  Antes  went  with  him.  He  died  at 
his  country  home  on  July  20,  1755,  and  was  buried  by 
Bishop  Spangenberg. 

But  the  most  interesting  person  among  the  Reformed 
in  the  union  was  Jacob  Lischy.  He  is  the  fifth  of  this 
quintette  of  Reformed  ministers  in  the  union,  and  he  was 


238   THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

the  most  important  because  of  tlie  work  be  did.  He  was 
born  at  Muhlhausen,  in  southwestern  Germany.  There 
are  two  Jacob  Lischys  born  there  ;  one  on  September  20, 
1716,  the  other  on  May  28, 1719.  We  do  not  know  which 
of  them  is  he.  He  was  a  linen  weaver  by  trade,  Rubel 
says.  Both  at  Muhlhausen  and  at  Basle  he  met  with  tiie 
Moravians,  and  was  first  awakened  to  his  need  of  Christ 
by  them.  It  is  said  he  also  visited  their  sacred  places, 
Herrnhut  and  Marienborn.  He  came  over  with  them  in 
the  vessel  that  landed  at  Philadelphia  in  the  latter  part  of 
May,  1742.  He  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  on  May  28, 
1742,  having  come  on  the  ship  "  Snow  Catharine."  He 
soon  became  a  leading  spirit  among  the  Moravians.  As 
far  as  ability  and  leadership  were  concerned  he  would  have 
made  a  far  better  superintendent  of  the  Reformed  than 
Bechtel  did.  Indeed  he  virtually  did  that  work,  for  Bech- 
tel  was  a  comparatively  quiet,  non-aggressive  man,  while 
Lischy  was  bright,  aggressive  and  self-asserting.  What 
progress  was  made  among  the  Reformed  by  the  Moravi- 
ans was  made  mainly  through  Lischy 's  eiforts.  Lischy, 
by  traveling  around  the  country,  gave  Boehm  no  end  of 
trouble.  Indeed  his  very  qualities  for  leadership  ultimate- 
ly made  the  Moravians  suspicious  of  him  that  he  was  not 
entirely  sincere  in  his  adherence  to  them.  From  the  very 
first  he  heartily  threw  himself  into  the  movement.  He 
had  hardly  landed  in  America  when  he  accompanied  Ziu- 
zendorf  on  a  journey  (July  24-August  2,  1742)  to  the  Del- 


REFORMED   MINISTERS   IN   THE   UNION.  239 

aware  Indians  in  the  Minnisink  mountains.  They  returned 
by  way  of  Lehigh  Gap  through  Allemseugel  in  Lehigh 
county  to  Tulpehocken.  When  Zinzendorf  was  at  Tulpe- 
hocken  the  Lutherans  protested  against  the  Moravians 
taking  their  church,  August  11,  1742,  in  a  pamphlet  called 
the  Tulpehocken  Confusion.  (There  were  also  some 
Reformed  in  the  confusion  there  protesting  against  the 
Moravians.)  In  December  Zinzendorf,  v/hile  passing 
through  Warwick  township,  Lancaster  county,  (now 
Lititz)  was  asked  by  persons  there  to  send  them  a  minister. 
He  sent  Lischy  to  Muddy  Creek  and  Kissel's  Farm,  where 
Lischy's  preaching  produced  a  great  awakening.  He  was 
ordained  at  Philadelphia,  January,  1743,  by  David  Nitsch- 
man.  On  March  1,  1743,  he  published  his  Declaration  of 
his  Intention.  Its  object  was  to  reveal  his  theological 
views,  and  also  his  aim  in  preaching  the  gospel.  It  shows 
his  adherence  to  the  articles  of  the  Berne  synod,  and  is  also 
Moravian  in  its  gross  idea  of  Christ's  wounds.  It  is  fol- 
lowed by  a  testimonial  signed  by  too  many  to  have  their 
names  published.  It  closes  with  a  hymn  of  Lischy's. 
He  at  once  begins  his  missionary  trips  among  the  Reformed 
to  gain  them  from  Boehm  to  the  Congregation  of  the  Spirit. 
On  Thursday  before  Easter  he  organized  the  Muddy  Creek 
congregation  on  the  basis  of  Bechtel's  catechism  and  the 
articles  of  the  Berne  synod,  and  he  baptized  there,  1743-4. 
On  April  10  he  was  in  the  Coventry  district  of  Chester 
county,  west  of  the  Schuylkill,  where  the  Reformed  con- 


240       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

gregation  called  him,  and  a  constitution  was  drawn  up  on 
May  19,  1743.  On  August  29  of  that  year  we  find  him 
in  Heidelberg  township,  Berks  county,  at  the  Cacusi 
church.  There  a  great  meeting  was  held  of  the  Reformed. 
It  was  attended  by  thirty  Reformed  elders  from  twelve 
congregations.  They  were  Cacusi,  Berne,  Heidelberg 
(probably  in  Lebanon  county),  Cocalico,  Donegal,  Upper 
Swatara,  Blue  Mountain,  Muddy  Creek,  Vincent  and 
Schuylkill,  and  White  Oaks.  Here  it  was  charged  that 
he  was  a  follower  of  Zinzendorf,  and  not  a  Reformed,  and 
also  that  he  had  not  been  jiroperly  ordained.  In  reply  he 
told  the  story  of  his  life,  and  showed  the  certificate  of  his 
ordination.  The  Reformed  were  thoroughly  satisfied  with 
him  and  unanimously  called  him  as  their  pastor.  Indeed, 
they  were  so  well  satisfied  witli  him  that  they  published  a 
leaflet  signed  by  themselves,  in  which  they  declare  that 
they  will  brand  any  one  who  attacked  Lischy,  as  a  liar 
and  a  fraud,  and  a  disturber  of  the  peace. 

At  the  beginning  of  1744  we  find  him  in  the  Goshen- 
hoppen  district,  where  Boehra  comes  into  collision  with  his 
work.  Boehm  came  there  on  Tuesday  after  Easter,  and 
found  that  the  elders  of  that  cong-regation  had  allowed 
Lischy  to  preach  there  on  Good  Friday  and  to  baptize 
two  children.  Boehm  uj)braided  them  for  letting  a  Mo- 
ravian preach.  They  replied  that  they  had  reported  to 
I^ischy  that  he  was  susj)ected  of  being  a  Moravian,  but  he 
had  taken  a  solemn  oath  that  he  was  not  a  Moravian. 


REFORMED    MINISTERS    IN    THE    UNION.  241 

Boehm  then  showed  them  Lischy's  own  hymn  book,  which 
was  Zinzendorf's  "  Shepherd  Songs  of  Zion,"  with  Lischy's 
handwriting  in  it.  They  then  greatly  regretted  that  they 
had  allowed  him  to  preach.  In  the  same  year  we  find 
him  at  York,  where,  by  professing  himself  to  be  Reformed, 
he  gained  an  entrance  among  the  Reformed.  On  August 
12, 1744,  York  sent  him  a  written  call  through  two  elders, 
George  Mayer  and  Philip  Rothrock.  After  he  had 
declined,  it  then  sent  him  another,  dated  May  29,  1745. 
He  accepted  this,  preached  his  introductory  sermon  on 
Ezek.  2  :  1-7,  and  organized  the  congregation  on  May  29, 
1745.  A  short  time  before  his  second  call  to  York,  on 
March  21,  there  was  a  great  meeting  of  the  Reformed  in 
the  Union  at  Muddy  Creek.  There  sixty  elders  and 
twelve  Reformed  congregations  were  again  represented. 
They  demanded  of  Lischy  whether  he  was  Reformed  or 
not.  At  first  he  tried  to  evade  the  question.  But  he  was 
expostulated  with  by  Ranch,  Bechtel  and  Antes,  and  he 
finally  declared  that  he  was  in  connection  with  the  Mora- 
vians. He  there  coni[)osed  another  hymn.  He  was  the 
first  poet  among  the  Reformed  ministers. 

At  this  conference  a  leader  of  the  Reformed  congrega- 
tion asked  him  what  they  would  do  if  Lischy  should  die. 
Antes  gave  a  brief  account  of  the  Reformed  college  in  the 
Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit,  and  described  to  them 
Spangenberg's  power  of  ordination,  so  that  he  could  ordain 
Reformed  ministers  for  them,  so   that   the   congregations 


242        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

might  be  supplied  with  pastors.  The  Moravians  made 
capital  of  the  fact  that  they  could  supply  the  German  con- 
gregations with  ministers,  while  the  Reformed  could  not 
do  so,  as  they  would  have  to  send  over  the  ocean  to  Hol- 
land for  theirs.  The  Moravian  synod  of  1745,  March  21 
and  22,  met  at  Antes'  house  and  had  154  members,  of 
whom  three  were  Reformed  ministers.  At  the  synod  at 
Bethlehem,  August  18  and  19,  1745,  Heidelberg  was 
acknowledged  as  a  free  congregation,  and  supplied  with 
ministers  from  Bethlehem.  The  third  synod  of  1745,  at 
Lancaster,  December  8  and  9,  had  150  members,  of  wliom 
seventy-seven  were  rated  as  German  Reformed.  In  1745 
Lischy  dedicated  a  German  Reformed  church  at  Donegal, 
which  belonged  to  the  congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit. 
In  1746  there  was  a  synod  of  the  Congregation  at  Kreutz 
Creek.  The  York  people  found  out  that  Lischy  had  been 
sent  to  them  by  the  Congregation  of  God,  and  forbade  him 
as  well  as  Rauch  to  preach  in  their  church.  The  synod  at 
Kreutz  Creek  declared  itself  not  INIoravian,  but  Reformed. 
We  thus  see  the  activity  of  the  Reformed  in  the  Con- 
gregation of  God  in  the  Spirit.  They  were  active  in  the 
synods  and  active  throughout  the  churches.  Lischy  espe- 
cially did  a  remarkable  work  in  drawing  the  Reformed 
into  the  Church  of  tlie  Unity.  This  he  could  the  more 
easily  do,  as  there  were  so  many  congregations  and  so  few 
Reformed  ministers.  And  as  he  was  a  Swiss,  and  there- 
fore originally  Reformed,  they  open-heartedly  welcomed 


EEFOKMED   MINISTERS   IN  THE   UNION.  243 

him  to  their  pulpits.  It  took  some  time  for  the  unsuspic- 
ious Reformed  to  find  out  that  he  was  not  a  genuine  Re- 
formed. By  his  unceasing  efforts  he  caused  no  end  of 
trouble  to  Ba?hm.  He  drew  away  from  Bcehm  congrega- 
tion after  congregation.  He  gathered  into  his  hands  all 
the  Reformed  congregations  west  of  the  Schuylkill,  except 
Tulpehocken,  and  perhaps  even  that,  if  at  the  conference 
of  1743  by  Heidelberg  is  meant  Tulpehocken.  And  we 
find  him  ^oiup;  from  the  west  of  the  Schuylkill  to  the  east 
of  it,  and  getting  among  the  Reformed  at  Goshenhoppen, 
to  do  there  in  the  east  what  he  had  done  in  the  west.  He 
capped  the  climax  by  trying  to  draw  all  away  from  the 
Reformed  west  of  the  Susquehanna,  as  at  Yorktown.  No 
wonder  Boehm  was  alarmed.  The  drift  into  the  Congre- 
gation of  God  in  the  Spirit  threatened  to  become  general 
and  to  carry  the  Reformed  congregations  into  the  union. 
Reichel,  in  his  history  of  the  Moravians,  says  that  Lischy 
accepted  various  calls  and  preached  at  eighteen  different 
places.  Still  Boehm's  three  original  congregations  remained 
true  to  him,  and  Philadelphia  rejected  the  Moravians. 

But  Lischy's  success  ultimately  proved  fatal  to  the 
movement  among  the  Reformed.  His  very  success  and 
his  personal  magnetism,  together  with  a  tendency  toward 
an  independent  spirit,  made  the  Moravians  suspicious. 
They  suspected  that  his  motives  were  not  entirely  unselfish, 
but  that  he  was  doing  the  work  rather  for  himself  than  for 
them.     The  JNIoravians  felt  they  had  little  Qontrol  of  him, 


244        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

He  had  undertaken  many  things  without  their  consent,  and 
sometimes  in  spite  of  their  protests.  Reichel  says  that  the 
first  tendency  to  a  breach  between  Lischy  and  the  Moravi- 
ans began  at  the  Muddy  Creek  conference,  March  21, 
1745,  where  they  told  the  people  that  they  would  supply 
them  with  ministers  from  Bethlehem,  if  they  needed  them. 
Lischy  became  suspicious  that  they  might  ultimately  refuse 
to  place  him  and  supplant  him  by  such  ministers.  Then, 
too,  his  equivocal  position,  now  Reformed,  now  Moravian, 
laid  him  open  to  criticism.  While  this  disarmed  the  Re- 
formed on  the  one  hand,  on  the  other  it  made  the  Moravi- 
ans suspicious  of  his  sincerity.  Thus  as  early  as  March 
12,  1743,  he  declared  himself  Reformed,  while  at  the  same 
time  protesting  his  loyalty  to  the  Moravians.  Reichel 
iays  that  even  as  early  as  1745  at  the  Muddy  Creek  con- 
ference he  was  not  recognized  by  the  Moravians.  The  dif- 
ferences between  them  increased  until  they  came  to  a  climax 
in  the  spring  of  1747.  On  January  10,  1747,  as  he  could 
not  be  with  them  at  their  synod,  he  wrote  a  very  humble 
letter  to  them,  asking  them  to  remember  him  in  their 
prayers,  as  he  felt  his  weakness  and  sin.  He  returned  to 
Bethlehem  in  April,  bringing  his  wife  and  two  children. 
Matters  came  to  a  climax  at  tlunr  synod  at  Germantown, 
May  10-14.  The  charges  against  him  there  were  insubor- 
dination. He  had  stayed  at  York  without  consulting  the 
Brethren,  and  afterwards  against  their  advice,  so  that  he  was 
expelled  from  the  congregation.     He  had  undertaken  many 


REFORMED   MINISTERS   IN   THE   UNION.  245 

things  against  the  intentions  of  the  Moravians  and  without 
their  knowledge.  Thus  without  their  knowledge  and 
against  their  advice  he  had  built  school-houses  and  founded 
institutions  beyond  the  Susquehanna.  On  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper  he  had  doctrines  of  his  own,  at  variance 
with  theirs.  They  charge  that  he  dissuaded  people  who 
wished  to  go  to  Bethlehem  from  doing  so,  and  drew  them 
over  to  his  side  ;  that  he  depreciated  their  institutions  and 
extolled  his  own.  They,  therefore,  forwarded  to  him  three 
papers  through  Rauch,  asking  that  he  should  sign  one  of 
them,  and  then  they  would  know  where  he  stood  in  rela- 
tion to  them.  The  first  contained  a  declaration  that  he 
wanted  to  be  a  brother  and  member  of  the  community  at 
Bethlehem,  and  that  in  the  future  he  would  be  guided  by 
their  plans.  The  second  contained  a  declaration  that 
though  he  was  not  properly  a  member  of  the  community 
at  Bethlehem,  yet  he  was  a  friend  of  it ;  that  he  was  an 
ordained  Reformed  minister,  ordained  by  the  brethren  of 
the  community  and  was  working  under  their  consistory, 
and  that  without  the  approval  of  the  consistory  he  would 
not  engage  in  any  new  -  enterprises.  By  the  third  paper 
he  declared  that  he  had  no  connection  with  them,  and  that 
what  he  did,  he  did  on  his  own  responsibility,  and  in  con- 
sequence he  was  to  return  his  certificate  of  ordination 
received  from  them.  When  these  papers  were  presented 
to  him,  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  sign  either  of 
them,  and  he  asked  to  be  given  more  time.  His  request 
was  granted  by  them. 


246        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

On  May  25  a  conference  was  held  with  Lischy  by 
Bishop  Cammerhof  and  the  Moravians.  Lischy  confessed 
his  sins.  But  even  in  the  conference  he  showed  his  inde- 
pendent inclinations,  for  he  said  that  he  was  willing  that 
Eauch  should  go  into  his  territory  at  York  and  preach. 
They  replied  that  the  territory  of  the  Reformed  church  at 
York,  where  he  had  been  preaching,  was  not  his  territory, 
but  theirs,  and  they  would  send  whom  they  pleased  into 
it.  Lischy  then  replied  that  it  seemed  to  him  inconsistent 
to  be  a  Reformed  minister  and  at  the  same  time  a  member 
of  the  community  at  Bethlehem.  They  replied  that  Ranch 
and  others  did  not  consider  it  so.  He  denied  that  he  had 
tried  to  prejudice  the  people  against  the  institutions  at 
Bethlehem,  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  had  always  spoken  in 
defence  of  the  community.  Lischy  remained  at  Bethlehem 
several  weeks,  praying,  as  he  said,  for  light. 

AVe  next  hear  of  him  as  on  a  visit  to  Muhleubero;  iu 
the  spring  of  1747.  To  him  he  told  tlie  story  of  his  life, 
and  how  lie  had  gotten  in  among  the  Moravians  and 
labored  for  them.  He  told  him  how  they  had  proposed 
to  him  the  choice  of  one  of  three  declarations,  either  as  a 
brother,  a  friend  or  an  enemy.  But  as  he  had  been  there 
at  Bethlehem,  his  eyes  had  become  opened.  He  had 
heard  Bishop  Cammerhof  use  what  he  considered  blas- 
phemous expressions  in  the  pulpit,  and  in  ])rivate  conver- 
sation he  had  experienced  offensive  things.  So  he  deter- 
mined to  leave  them.  Spaugenberg  tried  to  retiiin  him, 
but  he  refused. 


REFOEMED   MINISTERS   IN   THE   UNION.  247 

There  was  auotlier  thing  that  Lischy  was  finding  out, 
namely,  that  the  Reformed  congregations  were  gradually 
turning  against  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit,  and 
turnius:  back  to  their  old  Reformed  faith.  While  he  had 
caused  such  a  furore  among  them  as  to  gain  two  confer- 
ences of  no  less  than  twelve  congregations  in  1743  and 
1745,  yet  he  failed  to  hold  them.  He  had  lost  his  hold 
on  York,  as  they  turned  against  him.  He  afterward  tried 
to  rebuild  his  fortunes  at  Lancaster  and  Lititz,  but  failed. 
So,  cast  out  by  the  Moravians  and  also  by  the  Reformed 
congregations,  he  determined  to  return  to  the  old  Reformed 
faith.  We  next  find  him  with  Schlatter,  when  the  latter 
(June  24-26)  was  on  a  visit  to  the  northeastern  district 
around  the  Lehigh.  He  says  Lischy,  although  he  had 
never  seen  him  before,  resolved  to  go  with  him  to  Naza- 
reth. "  When  we  got  into  conversations,"  says  Schlatter, 
"  he  very  magnanimously  manifested  a  hearty  repentance 
and  sorrow  that  he  had  suffered  himself  to  be  bewitched 
by  the  crafty  brethren  (Moravians)."  This  open-hearted 
acknowledgrment  led  to  an  extended  and  earnest  conversa- 
tion,  in  which  Schlatter  became  fully  persuaded  of  his 
honesty  and  sincere  desire  to  leave  the  Moravians  and 
come  back  into  the  Reformed  Church.  Schlatter  agreed 
to  write  to  the  Holland  Fathers  about  him,  and  advised 
him  to  transfer  to  writing  what  he  would  do  and  submit 
it  to  him.  This  prepared  the  way  for  his  case  to  come 
before  the  coetus  soon  to  meet  in  1747.     When  he  returned 


248        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

to  the  Reformed  faith,  he  fully  declared  his  change  of  inten- 
tion in  his  Second  Declaration  published  in  1748,  followed 
by  another  publication  in  1 749,  called  "  The  Voice  of  the 
Watchman,"  in  both  of  which  he  warns  his  friends  to 
beware  of  the  Moravians,  whom  he  says  he  had  learned 
to  know  only  too  well.* 

*  Lischy  also  afterwards  sends  to  the  deputies  in  December,  1752,  a  writ- 
ten German  sermon  on  Jer.  15  :   19. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XV. 

THE  INDEPENDENTS. 

While  Boehm  and  others  were  trying  to  build  up  the 
Reformed  Church  in  Pennsylvania  under  the  care  of  the 
Church  of  the  Netherlands,  there  were  Independents, "] 
sometimes  ordained  ministers,  sometimes  not,  who  endeav-  ■ 
ored  to  keep  the  churches  free  from  thorough  ecclesiastical 
organization  and  foreign  control.  They  were  the  advent- 
urers (land-loopers — Landlseufer).  It  will  be  well  to  take 
them  up  now,  so  that  we  may  see  what  further  dangers 
the  early  Church  was  subject  to.  Many  of  her  churches 
and  members  were  not  only  in  danger  of  being  captured 
by  the  Moravians  and  the  sects  outside  of  the  Church,  but 
also  of  being  led  astray  by  irresponsible  men  in  the 
Church.  There  is,  however,  this  to  be  said  of  some  of  the 
Independents,  that  they  seem  to  have  been  really  pious  men 
and  did  a  good  work  in  their  own  way.  But  many  of 
them  were  selfish  men,  "  bread-and-butter  preachers,"  as 
they  are  called  in  Germany,  who  sought  only  the  money 
they  might  make  out  of  their  ministry,  caring  little  for 
the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  souls  under  them  ;  while  some 
of  them,  still  worse,  were  dissipated,  sometimes  drunkards 
or  immoral  men,  and  soon  revealed  their  true  cliaracter, 


250        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

bringing  disgrace  on  themselves  and  on  the  Church  by  it. 
We  have  already  referred  to  one  of  these  Independents, 
Goetschi.     We  will  now  take  up  others  of  this  period. 

Casper  Lewis  Schnorr. 

We  know  almost  nothing  about  him  before  he  came  to 
America,  and  would  be  glad  to  know  less  about  him  here.* 
He  appeared  before  the  deputies  on  March  10,  1744,  stat- 
ing that  he  had  been  called  from  Zweibriicken  as  pastor 
of  the  Tulpehocken  congregation  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
asked  aid  from  them.  It  seems  that  the  Tulpehocken 
congregation  had  written  to  the  consistory  of  Zweibriicken, 
asking  them  to  get  for  them  a  pastor,  and  now  they  send 
Schnorr.  The  deputies,  however,  decided  that  as  he  was 
sent  under  the  care  of  the  Zweibriicken  consistory,  he 
did  not  come  under  their  supervision,  as  he  had  no  testi- 
monials of  his  character,  and,  besides,  certain  rumors 
against  him  were  current ;  and  especially  because  they 
already  found  that  little  reliance  could  be  placed  on  his 
words,  they  gave  him  nothing,  and  declared  that  they  did 
not  wish  to  be  responsible  for  him.  But  if  after  his 
arrival  in  Pennsylvania  he  showed  fidelity  by  his  conduct, 
they  would  not  withhold  their  aid  from  him. 

He  also  came  in  contact  with  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam.    After  he  was  gone  to  America,  they  found  out  his 

*  There  is  a  Casper  Lewis  Schnorr  who  matriculated  at  Marburg  Univer- 
sity on  July  12,  1733,  and  gave  his  birthplace  Ludini^husan's  monastery,  near 
Munster  in  Westphalia.     He  may  have  been  originally  Catholic. 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  251 

true  character  and  wrote  to  him  on  July  22,  1744,  saying 
that  after  his  departure  severe  charges  appeared  against 
him  in  the  places  he  had  left.  They  say  he  had  not  told 
the  truth  about  himself  to  them  when  they  examined  him, 
and  they  admonished  him  to  repent,  lest  God  would  pun- 
ish him.  They  urge  him  to  begin  a  new  life  in  the  new 
world,  and  tlius  redeem  himself  from  the  stains  of  his  past 
life.  They  intend  to  keep  themselves  fully  informed 
about  his  deportment,  and  urge  him  to  keep  up  corres- 
pondence. He  replied  to  them  on  March  15,  1745,  and 
also  on  November  10,  1745,  stating  that  his  voyage  had 
been  long  and  expensive,  and  that  his  wife  and  child,  who 
had  come  by  another  vessel,  had  died  at  sea.  Instead  of 
going  to  Tulpehocken  as  pastor,  he  had  found  a  congrega- 
tion at  Lancaster  (which  Rieger  had  left  when  he  went 
back  to  Holland),  and  had  accepted  it.  But  he  supplied 
Tulpehocken  once  a  month.  He  also  reports  that  he  tried 
to  organize  the  Reformed  ministers  into  a  coetus,  but  in 
vain. 

He  soon  came  into  controversy  with  Rieger,  after  the 
latter  came  back  from  Holland.  He  openly  charged  Rie- 
ger before  his  congregation  with  having  brought  money 
from  Holland  for  the  German  churches  in  Pennsylvania, 
which  he  had  never  turned  over  to  them.  Rieger  appealed 
to  Holland,  and  the  Holland  classis  declared  that  Rieger 
was  innocent.  But  alas  for  Schnorr,  his  sins  soon  found 
him  out.     A  man  may  change  his  country,  but  not  his 


252        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

nature.  That  he  brings  with  him.  As  early  as  October 
16,  1745,  Saur,  who  was  always  lynx-eyed  to  find  out  any- 
thing he  might  lay  at  the  door  of  the  Churches,  refers  to 
Schnorr's  wickedness.  His  drunkenness  found  him  out, 
and  his  congregation  tried  to  get  rid  of  him,  although 
they  had  agreed  to  keep  him  for  a  certain  length  of  time, 
and  for  a  Avhil^  they  had  to  bear  with  him,  as  he  was  their 
pastor  legally.  This  agreement  of  the  Lancaster  congre- 
gation with  Schnorr  afterward  had  an  important  influence 
on  the  treatment  of  Schlatter  by  the  Philadelphia  congre- 
gation. The  deputies  in  Holland  had  placed  hopes  on 
him  that  he  Avould  prepare  the  way  for  the  organization  of 
a  coctus  in  Pennsylvania,  but  he  proved  a  broken  reed  to 
lean  upon.  His  conduct  became  insufferable,  and  he  was 
comi)elled  to  leave  Lancaster.  When  the  first  coetus  is 
organized,  he  is  not  present.  He  had  taken  his  departure 
for  New  York  state  to  Esopus  to  minister  to  the  congre- 
gations where  Weiss  had  labored.  Schlatter  says  in  his 
unpublished  diary  :  "  Dominic  Snorr,  on  account  of  bad 
conduct,  has  been  driven  from  Lancaster,  and  has  now 
been  accepted  on  trial  for  a  year  by  a  church  in  Esopus  in 
the  York  y-overnment  in  the  New  Nethcrlaud."  AVe  hear 
no  more  about  him.  He  had  fallen  from  grace. 
John  William  Straub. 
There  is  a  John  William  Straub  who  lauded  at  Phila- 
delphia and  qualified  on  September  21,  1732.  He  was  at 
that  time  forty-four  years  of  age. 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  253 

He  had  been  a  linen  weaver,  and  became  a  school- 
master, who  afterwards  undertook  the  functions  of  a  min- 
ister, though  unordained.  He  had  originally  been  a 
school-master  at  Cronau  in  the  Palatinate.  Boehm  men- 
tions him  as  preaching  at  Skippack  in  1739  and  1741. 
He  built  the  Salisbury  church  in  1741,  and  was  pastor 
there  as  late  as  1743,  when  the  title  to  the  ground  was 
given.  Boehm  charges  him  with  being  immoral  and  a 
drunkard.  But  Schlatter  in  his  unpublished  diary  says, 
October  20,  1746,  that  he  met  Straub  at  Indian  Creek, 
and  that  he  preached  there  every  three  weeks.  Straub 
promised  Schlatter  not  to  perform  ministerial  acts  any 
more,  but  only  to  preach  and  read  sermons  until  they  had 
a  minister  there.  He  thus  hoped  to  get  aid  from  Holland 
for  himself  as  a  parochial  school-teacher,  for  which  Schlat- 
ter says  he  was  well  fitted. 

John  Conrad  Wirtz  (Wuertz). 

He  was  the  companion  of  Goetschi  on  his  journey  to 
America,  and  was  the  son  of  John  Conrad  Wirtz,  a  minis- 
ter at  Kloten,  Neukirchen  and  Zurich,  but  afterwards 
deposed.*  He  was  born  on  November  30, 1706,  and  qual- 
ified at  Philadelphia  on  May  29,  1735.  It  seems  that  as 
Goetschi  became  minister  at  Goshenhoppen,  Wirtz,  his 
brother-in-  law,  became  the  school-master  at  Old  Goshen- 
hoppen, but  afterwards  we  find  him  in  Conestoga  as  teacher, 

*  Wirtz  was  not  the  son  of  the  antistes  of  Zurich,  nor  did  he  belong  to  the 
Engle- Wirtz  family. 


254        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

though  he  did  not  stay  long.  He  seems  then  to  have  begun 
preaching,  though  not  ordained.  He  followed  Goetschi  in 
the  congregation  at  Egypt  (1742-1744),  and  Lower  Saucon. 
At  Egypt  his  first  baptism  was  performed  on  September 
17,  1742,  his  last  on  December  13, 1743.  When  Schlatter 
came  to  America,  Wirtz  went  to  him  on  October  14, 1746. 
Schlatter  writes  in  his  unpublished  diary  : 

"  He  was  very  humble,  confessed  his  fault  in  having 
presumed  to  become  a  minister  without  ordination.  But 
he  did  it  from  necessity  and  poverty,  and  at  the  instigation 
of  the  farmers.  But  now  having  heard  of  me  and  my  com- 
mission, he  was  perfectly  prepared  to  submit  himself  to  my 
injunction,  and  from  this  instant  no  more  to  administer  the 
sacraments,  if  in  some  other  way  I  could  or  would  help 
him  to  some  mean  and  poor  support.  Finally  he  asked 
me  with  calmness  if  there  was  no  possibility  for  him  to  be 
ordained  to  the  ministry,  whereupon  1  answered  that  next 
summer  I  would  investigate  his  affairs  carefully,  and  then 
if  practical  lay  them  before  the  Most  High  Reverends,  and 
wait  for  their  instructions.     With  this  he  was  content." 

Schlatter  preached  at  Saucon  on  June  29,  1747,  and 
asked  the  congregation  whether  they  wanted  Wirtz  as 
as  preacher,  but  the  vote  for  him  was  not  unanimous,  as 
many  wanted  a  regularly  ordained  minister.  Schlatter 
found  the  same  condition  of  affairs  at  Springfield.  Wirtz 
after  this  meeting  Avith  Sclilatter  continued  preaching  at 
Saucon  and  Springfield.  Brehm  says  he  appeared  before 
tlie  coetus  of  1 748,  but  was  refused  a  recommendation  for 
ordination  to  Holland.     Ba3hm  says  the  vote   was  unani- 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  255 

mous  against  him,  even  Schlatter,  who  had  espoused  his 
cause,  being  silent  when  the  vote  was  taken.  He  after- 
wards went  to  the  congregations  in  western  New  Jersey  at 
Rockaway  and  Valley.  While  pastor  there  he  was  ordained 
by  the  Presbyterians  while  Schlatter  was  in  Europe,  at  the 
suggestion,  it  is  said,  of  Weiss  and  Leydich.  He  first  ap- 
plied with  his  German  congregation  at  Rockaway  to  the 
Presbyterian  synod  of  New  York,  on  September  27,  1750. 
They  referred  him,  on  September  26,  1751,  to  the  presby- 
tery of  New  Brunswick,  who  reported  on  September  28, 
1752,  that  they  had  ordained  him.  He  thus  became  a 
member  of  that  presbytery. 

He  came  back  to  the  German  Reformed  Church  in 
1761.  On  August  3  he  received  an  invitation  from  Balt- 
haser  Spangler  to  preach  at  York.  He  was  called  there 
on  September  12,  1761,  as  Lischy's  successor.  He  was 
dismissed  by  the  Presbyterians  on  October  24,  1761,  and 
arrived  at  York  on  May  5,  and  on  the  following  Sunday, 
May  9,  he  preached  his  introductory  sermon  on  Rev.  10  :  10. 
He  entered  on  his  work  there  with  great  energy,  baptizing 
in  a  short  time  84  children.  The  congregation  also  started 
to  build  a  new  church,  which  was  only  partially  finished 
when  he  died  on  September  21,  1763.  When  he  laid  the 
corner-stone  he  preached  on  Ezra  3 :  10-11.  His  last 
baptism  was  performed  on  August  14,  1763.  He  seems 
to  have  been  a  faithful  workman  q,nd  left  a  pious  memory 
behind  him. 


256        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S, 

JoHX  Jacob  Hock. 

John  Jacob  Hock  was  the  first  minister  at  Lancaster, 
and  was  tliere  sixteen  months.*  He  dedicated  their  first 
church  building  on  June  20,  1736,  taking  Isaiali  35 :  1  as 
the  introduction  to  his  text,  Psalm  103  :  4.  His  ministry 
ended  there  on  October  30,  1737,  after  which  he  seems  to 
have  been  succeeded  by  Rieger,  and  then  by  Schnorr. 

John"  Joachim  Zubly  or  Zublin. 

The  most  brilliant  of  the  independent  ministers,  indeed 
perhaps  of  all  our  early  ministers,  was  John  Joachim 
Zubly.  He  was  born  at  St.  Gall,  August  27,  1724,t  the 
place  where  Schlatter  was  also  born.  His  father  was  David 
Zubli,  a  weaver.  The  father  came  to  America  in  the 
Swiss  emigration  that  began  1730-1736.  He  left  St.  Gall, 
September  15,  1736.  By  February,  1737,  the  colony 
headed  by  Rev.  ]\Ir.  Zuberbuhler  had  arrived  in  Georgia. 
He  settled  in  Purysburg,  South  Carolina.  The  son,  how- 
ever, did  not  come  along  with  him,  as  has  hitherto  been 
supposed,  but  was  left  by  his  father  in  St.  Gall,  so  as  to 
receive  his  education  there.  A  very  interesting  letter  of 
his  father  has  been  found,  dated  February  26,  1743,  and 
addressed  from  America  to  the  authorities  of  St.  Gall.  In 
it  he  asks  them  to  grant  his  son  a  special  dispensation  to 
be  examined  for  the  ministry,  although  younger  than  the 

*  There  i«  a  John  Jacob  Hock,  who  matriculated  at   Marburg,  September 
22,  1712,  as  of  Rotenberg.  Hesse. 

•j"  Not'August  24,  as  heretofore  given. 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  257 

law  required,  as  the  Gerniau  Reformed  church  of  Savan- 
nah was  very  desirious  of  obtaining  a  pastor.  He  also 
asks  for  a  contribution  for  the  expense  of  his  son's  journey 
to  England.  It  deeply  grieved  him,  he  says,  to  make  this 
latter  request,  but  told  how  on  his  departure  from  St.  Gall 
for  America  he  had  left  sufficient  means  to  pay  for  the 
living  expenses  of  his  son  for  ten  years,  and  also  for  his 
journey  to  America.  But  his  father's  misfortune  had 
caused  the  loss  of  the  money.  This,  he  says,  was  well 
known  to  the  treasurer,  Scherer,  who  had  been  asked  to 
intercede  for  him  now  with  the  authorities.  He  says  he 
would  not  ask  this  favor,  if  he  were  able  to  send  over 
money,  but  he  had  five  children  to  care  for  in  Carolina, 
and  up  to  that  time  he  had  earned  but  little.  He  asks 
the  government  to  cast  some  bread  upon  the  waters,  so 
that  another  Reformed  church  might  be  planted  in  Amer- 
ica among  the  heathen  (Indians).  It  is  a  most  beautiful 
letter,  eloquently  pathetic,  and  stating  that  if  the  request 
be  granted,  he  will  exclaim  with  David  (a  play  on  his  owti 
first  name) :  "  Happy  is  he  that  hath  the  God  of  Jacob  for 
his  help,  whose  hope  is  in  the  Lord  his  God."  The  son 
studied  at  Tubingen  and  Halle,  as  well  as  at  St.  Gall. 
Although  he  had  been  educated  at  St.  Gall,  he  was 
examined  and  ordained  at  Chur,  because  he  had  not 
yet  reached  the  age  required  by  St.  Gall.  Before  he  left 
St.  Gall,  he  asked  the  pastors  of  St.  Gall  to  allow  him  to 
preach  at  St.  Gall^  but  they  refused  to  do  so.  The  city 
17 


258        THE   GERMAN   EEFORMED   CHURCH   IN  U.   S. 

council,  however,  by  a  resolution  permitted  him  to  do  so. 
He  left  St.  Gall,  November  21,  1743.  On  his  way  to 
America  he  spent  the  month  of  August,  1744,  in  London.* 
In  1744  he  became  pastor  at  Purysburg.  It  1746  he 
visited  George  Whitefield  at  his  orphanage,  Bethesda,  near 
Charleston.  He  became  AVhitefield's  spiritual  son,  as  the 
latter  calls  him,  and  later  raised  large  sums  of  money  for 
this  orphanage  during  his  trip  to  the  north.  The  Halle 
reports  say  Zubly  came  to  Frederica  on  St.  Simm's  Island, 
south  of  Savannah,  1747,  and  organized  a  Eeformed  con- 
gregation in  Amelia  township.  He  was  married  to  Anna 
Tobler  on  November  10,  1746.  In  1749  he  was  pastor 
of  the  German  Reformed  congregation  at  Charleston,  and 
while  there  the  proposed  call  from  Lancaster  may  have 
been  sent  him,  although  we  do  not  have  evidence  of  it. 
Mittelburger,  in  his  book  "  Travels  Through  Pennsyl- 
vania," 1750-54,  speaks  of  liim  as  one  of  the  six  Reformed 
ministers  laboring  in  Pennsylvania,  but  this  seems  to  have 
been  an  error. 

A^Hiile  pastor  in  South  Carolina,  he  made  a  tour  north 
to  Pennsylvania,  where  he  arrived  in  April,  1753,  and 
thus  came  into  contact  with  the  churches  of  the  coetus. 
He  was  warmly  welcomed  everywhere  by  both  the  friends 
and  enemies  of  Whitefield.  Ministers  of  all  denomina- 
tions, English  as  well  as  German,  threw  open  their  pul- 

*  His  autograph  book  is  in  the  possession  of  Rev.  Prof.  J.  H.  Dubbs,  D.  D., 
of  Lancaster,  and  is  full  of  the  autographs  of  prominent  men. 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  259 

pits  to  him.  During  this  tour  he  met  irfany  prominent 
persons  (as  his  autograph  book  shows),  as  Aaron  Burr, 
president  of  Princeton  College,  Alexander  Gumming,  of 
the  Old  South  church,  Boston,  Gilbert  Tennent,  Muhlen- 
berg and  others.  He  was  a  mighty  preacher,  preaching 
repentance,  conversion  and  adoption  into  God's  family. 
He  preached  daily,  and  sometimes  two  and  three  times  a 
day  in  Philadelphia.  Here  it  seems  he  held  services 
together  with  James  Davenport,  the  eccentric  revivalist, 
for  on  May  16  the  Sabbath  morning  is  noted  in  his  album 
as  the  time  for  special  prayer  for  them.  This  is  signed 
by  Davenport  and  Zubli.  From  Philadelphia  he  went  to 
New  York,  where  he  preached  with  great  acceptance  in 
English,  French  and  German,  The  German  congregation 
there  wanted  to  build  a  church  for  him  and  call  him  as 
their  pastor,  but  he  would  not  hear  of  it.  He  soon 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  again  held  daily  ser- 
vices. 

He  then  started  for  a  tour  through  Pennsylvania,  thus 
conrring  into  direct  contact  with  the  many  congregations  of 
the  coetus.  He  preached  at  Steiner's  church  in  German- 
town  to  a  great  throng  on  Whitsunday.  Steiner,  says  Saur, 
could  not  control  his  envy  at  seeing  some  persons  at  church 
who  had  not  been  there  for  many  years,  so  the  next  Sun- 
day he  attacked  Zubli  from  the  pulpit.*     The  plan  of  his 

*  He  was  not  the  last  in  our  Church  to  act  thus,   nor   was   he   the   last    to 
suffer  bj  such  indiscretion  as  Steiner  did  then. 


260        THE    GERMAN   REFORMED    CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

journey  through'  Pennsylvania  was  this  :  He  was  to  leave 
Philadelphia  on  June  22,  1753,  and  preach  the  next  day 
(Sunday)  at  Skippack,  where  the  people  from  far  and  near 
came  to  hear  him.  On  Monday  he  was  to  preach  at  Han- 
over and  Falkner  Swamp,  on  Tuesday  at  Readincj,  and 
then  he  was  to  go  to  Tulpehocken,  Lancaster  and  York- 
town.  If  he  were  able  to  carry  out  his  plans,  he  would 
have  made,  says  Saur,  a  journey  of  a  thousand  miles  before 
he  reached  his  southern  home.  His  tour  throno-h  Penn- 
sylvania  occurred  just  at  the  time  when  the  coetus  was 
dividing  betAveen  the  Schlatter  and  the  Weiss  parties. 
Saur,  the  German  printer  of  Germantown,  who  was  always 
an  enemy  of  the  Churches  in  the  interest  of  the  sects,  after- 
wards wanted  Zubly  to  be  made  superintendent  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Charity  Schools,  instead  of  Schlatter,  but  it 
did  not  take  place.  In  1753  he  became  pastor  of  the  Eng- 
lish congregation  at  Wandoo,  opposite  Charleston. 

He  was  called  to  the  pastorate  in  Savannah,  April,  1758, 
and  assumed  full  charge  there  in  1760,  continuing  as  its 
pastor  till  1778.  There  he  would  preach  French  on  Sun- 
day morning  and  English  in  the  evening.  In  1775  the 
college  of  New  Jersey  gave  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Divinity.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  says  he  was  asked  by 
Schlatter  to  be  a  member  of  the  coetus,  but  this  he  never 
did.  Mulilenberg  met  him  at  Savannah  in  1774.  His  later 
career  will  be  given  in  connection  with  the  Revolution. 
He  was  the  boy  preacher  of  his  day,  beginning  to  preach 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  261 

when  he  was  only  twenty  years  old.  He  was  wonderfully 
eloquent,  the  German  Whitefield.  He  was  also  a  fine 
linguist,  preaching  with  facility  in  three  languages,  Eng- 
lish and  French,  as  well  as  his  native  German.  He  was 
also  a  voluminous  author,  writing  more  books  and  pamph- 
lets than  any  other  author  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  his 
day  in  America.*     He  died  on  August  26,  1781. 

In  connection  with  Zubli  we  might  refer  to  several 
other  Reformed  ministers  in  the  south  who  deserve  men- 
tion, although  they  never  belonged  to  the  coetus. 

*  We  give  a  list  of  his  books  : 

Funeral  sermon  on  Rev.  J.  C.  Gramm,  pastor  of  the  Lutheran  emigrants 
from  Salzburg  to  Georgia,  I74()  (German). 

"  But  They  Are  Not  Converted,"  a  sermon  (German),  1749. 

'•  Evangelical  Testimony  Concerning  the  Misery  and  Redemption  of  Men," 
in  two  sermons  preached  by  him  to  the  English  congregation  at  Charleston, 
1751. 

In  1756  he  began  publishing  some  of  his  works  in  English,  and  publis^hed 
"The  Real  Christian's  Hope  in  Death,"  or  an  account  of  the  edifying  behav- 
ior of  several  per-ons  of  xiiety  in  their  last  moments      12  mo  ,  187  pp.,  1756. 

"  The  True  and  the  False  Conversion,  and  the  Difference  Betweeen  Them" 
(German),  London,  1765. 

1766,  sermon  on  repeal  of  the  stamp  act. 

1770,  funeral  sermon  on  the  death  of  George  Whitefield. 

1775,  "The  Law  of  Liberty,"  a  sermon  on  American  affairs,  preached  at 
the  opening  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Georgia,  with  an  appendix,  giving 
a  coticise  account  of  the  struggles  of  Switzerland  to  recover  her  liberty.  8 
vo.,  21  pp. 

Exercitatio  Theologica  de  Nuptis  Virginis  super  adultae  ad  illustrationem 
locorum,  1  Cor.  7:  ;j6.  Carlopoli  (Charleston),  1775.  German,  1776. 
This  is  probably  the  dis.ertation  by  which  he  gained  his  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Divinity. 

1775,  "  Great  Britain's  Right  to  Tax  her  Colonies." 

1775,  "  Pious  Advice,"  sermon  on  the  faith. 

1775,  letter  to  Mr.  Frinok,  "Thoughts  on  the  Day  of  Judgment." 

1792,  '•  Evangelical  Witness,"  fourth  edition. 


262        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHT7RCH   IN   U.   S. 
ZUBERBUHLER.* 

He  was  a  Swiss  of  the  canton  of  Appenzell.  (There 
was  a  minister  named  Bartholomew  Zuberbuhler,  who- 
matriculated  at  INIarburg  University  on  June  2, 1714.)  He 
came  over  in  1736.  In  October,  1736,  he  was  at  Rotter- 
dam. In  his  colony  were  the  elder  Zubli  and  John  Tobler, 
later  the  father-in-law  of  J.  J.  Zubli.  He  arrived  at 
Charleston  in  February,  1737.  A  letter  of  February  20, 
1737,  says  that  during  the  voyage  of  seven  weeks  Zuber- 
buhler, pastor  at  Trogen,  preached  six  sermons  on  the 
ocean.  He  had  a  son  in  Charleston,  who  was  a  protege  of 
prominent  men  there.  The  letter  states  that  young  Sebas- 
tian Zuberbuhler  was  to  arrive  three  or  four  weeks  after. 
But  he  expected  to  return  to  Switzerland  to  bring  a  colony 
of  fifty  or  sixty  families  from  Switzerland  to  Carolina. 
There  is  another  mention  of  Zuberbuhler  preaching  at 
Ebenezer,  Ga.,  in  May,  Purysburg  and  Ebenezcr  on  May 
22,  1738.  On  November  11,  1745,  the  Episcopal  trustees 
at  Savannah  sent  a  memorial  from  Georgia  to  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  asking 
them  that,  as  their  last  minister  had  left  them  and  gone 
back  t«  England,  a  Bartholomew  Zuberbuhler,  lately 
admitted  to  orders,  be  appointed  to  their  church.  He  thus 
had  become  an  Episcopalian,  and  afterward  regularly  cor- 
responded with  the  society.  He  died  suddenly  in  tlie 
middle  of  December,  1766. 

*  Not  Toberbihier,  as  Ilarbaugh  has  it. 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  263 

Christian  Theus. 
He  was  also  a  Swiss  and  is  mentioued  by  Muhlenberg 
in  his  journal.  He  came  to  this  country  with  his  parents 
as  a  candidate  for  theology.  He  was  examined  and 
ordained  by  the  English  Presbyterians  in  1739.  He  became 
pastor  of  the  Reformed  congregations  on  the  Congaree,  S. 
C,  about  120  miles  south  of  Charleston.  In  1787  the 
Reformed  and  Lutherans  in  South  Carolina  tried  to  organ- 
ize a  union  denomination  called  the  Corpus  Evaugelicorum. 
There  were  in  it  five  Lutherans  and  two  Reformed,  togeth- 
er with  delegates  from  fifteen  churches.  Theus  was  one  of 
•  the  two  Reformed  ministers  who  entered  this  movement. 
He  was  a  pious  and  learned  man.  His  work  for  the  Re- 
formed Church  was  more  permanent  than  that  of  the  others, 
and  its  ultimate  results  may  be  seen  in  the  present  Re- 
formed congregations  in  North  Carolina,  of  which  he  was 
a  forerunner  in  the  south.  His  grave  is  about  eight  miles 
from  Columbia,  S.  C. 

SUTIIER. 

We  can  only  gather  the  separate  references  together  here. 
There  was  a  George  Suther,  who  was  born  in  1722  and 
came  to  America  in  1739. 

There  was  a  Samuel  Suther,  who  was  born  in  Switzer- 
land, ]\Iay  18,  1722.  His  father  with  his  family,  twelve 
or  thirteen  in  number,  left  home,  March  28, 1739.  All  of 
the  family  except  Samuel  died  on  the  way.  They  had  a 
fearful  voyage,  their  provisions  and  water  being  exhausted 


264        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

six  days  before  they  saw  land  on  January  5,  1739.  They 
were  then  shipwrecked,  220  lives  being  lost.  He  was 
brought  to  shore  on  January  10.  From  that  date  to  1768 
he  was  a  school-master  in  the  various  colonies  from  Penn- 
sylvania to  Georgia.  In  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  of 
October  26,  1749,  is  the  following  advertisement :  "Sam- 
uel Suther  oifers  to  give  instruction  in  German,  and  refers 
to  Schlatter,  to  whom  application  can  be  made."  He 
seems  to  have  been  the  school-master  of  the  Philadolpliia 
congregation.  In  June,  1768,  he  began  preaching  in 
Mecklenburg  county,  North  Carolina.  On  October  25, 
1771,  he  removed  from  Mecklenburg  to  Guilford,  N.  C, 
where  he  labored  till  January  7,  1782.  In  1784  he  with 
George  Gurtner,  esq.,  came  north  to  collect  money  for  the 
buildinff  of  the  Reformed  churches.  From  Guilford  he 
returned  to  Mecklenburg,  where  he  remained  till  1786, 
when  he  removed  to  the  Orangeburg  district,  S.  C.  There 
he  died,  September  28,  1788.  He  was  the  pioneer  of  the 
Reformed,  and  with  Theus  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Re- 
formed congregations  in  North  and  South  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XVI. 
BOEHM'S  LATER  LABORS. 

Although  parts  of  Boehm's  life  are  taken  up  in  other 
sections  of  this  book  under  separate  heads,  yet  it  is  impor- 
tant to  follow  more  closely  the  life  of  this  founder  of  our 
Church,  so  as  to  get  a  fuller  idea  of  his  work,  and  also  to 
gain  a  knowledge  of  a  number  of  things  that  otherwise 
would  be  omitted.  During  the  almost  two  decades,  from 
his  ordination  to  the  first  coetus,  he  was  like  the  apostle 
Paul,  instant  in  season  and  out  of  season  for  the  work  of 
the  Church.  We  found  him  pastor  of  five  congregations 
at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  three  of  which  he  regularly 
supplied  with  preaching  every  third  Sunday,  Falkncr 
Swamp,  Skippack  and  White  Marsh,  and  two  only  twice  a 
year,  Tulpehocken  and  Conestoga  (and  Oley  in  1736, 
which  he  served,  however,  only  for  a  few  months,  when 
Goctschi  took  it  away  from  him.) 

To  these  he  added  Philadelphia  in  1734.  Rieger,  it 
seems,  left  the  congregation  in  a  low  condition  financially. 
They  therefore  appealed  to  Boehm  to  help  them  get  the 
Reiff  money,  as  they  thought  he  had  unusual  influence  in 
New  York  and  in  Holland  with  the  classis  of  Amsterdam. 
It  was  quite  a  change  for  the   congregation  to  ask  him 


266        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

thus.  For  this  was  oue  of  the  congregations  that  had 
objected,  October  22,  1731,  to  his  ordination  on  the  ground 
that  he  had  lost  caste  through  the  actions  of  his  daughter, 
who  having  left  her  husband,  was  married  again,  although 
there  was  no  divorce,  and  they  charged  Boehm  A^•ith  having 
consented  to  the  second  marriage.* 

But  by  1734  all  this  prejudice  against  Boehm  seems  to 
have  worn  off,  and  they  were  now  glad  to  ask  him  to  help 
them  out  of  their  troubles.  They  seem  to  have  applied  to 
him,  April  20,  1734,  for  advice  to  help  them  get 
the  Reiff  money.  This  seems  to  have  prepared  the  way 
for  his  call,  which  was  extended  on  April  24,  1734.  The 
letter  sent  him  was  signed  by  forty-two  members,  and  was 
taken  to  him  by  two  of  the  members.  It  is  noticeable 
that  Dr.  Diemer,  Hillegass  and  their  party  are  no  longer  in 
control  of  the  congregation.  They  were  the  ones  who  had 
so  bitterly  opposed  Bcehra.  As  they  were  now  out  of  the 
way,  Bcelmi  went  to  Philadelphia,  July  1 5,  preached  there 
July  21  and  accepted  their  call  in  July.  He  installed  the 
new  elders  and  deacons  elected,  August  18.  In  doing  so 
they  accepted  his  church  constitution,  and  became  subser- 
vient to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  On  September  1 5  he 
celebrated  the  I^ord's  Supper  with  them.  His  coming 
seems  to  have  given  new  life  to  the  congregation,  for  by 

'-■■■  The  Holland  fathers,  when  they  heard  about  it,  said  the  matter  was  too 
dark  for  them  to  decide  upon,  as  there  was  not  proof  enough  of  his  wrong- 
doing, and  besides  they  did  not  have  knowledge  of  the  marriage  laws  of  Penn- 
sylvania.    She  afterwards  returned  to  her  first  husband. 


bcehm's  later  labors.  267 

November,  1734,  the  congregation  rented  a  frame  building 
on  Mulberry  street  (Arch  street),  near  Fifth  street,  next 
to  the  Friends'  burying  ground.  It  was  a  barn,  which 
had  been  used  as  a  carpenter  shop.  He  remained  pastor 
of  this  congregation  for  twelve  years,  till  Schlatter  came. 
With  the  exception  of  their  inclination  to  Goetschi,  1735, 
they  seem  to  have  been  true  to  him,  and  after  Goetschi's 
departure  he  became  more  beloved  by  them  than  ever,  so 
that  when  Schlatter  came,  many  of  them  were  unwilling 
to  give  him  up.  They  stand  up  for  him  strongly  against 
the  charges  of  Dorsius,  as  we  shall  see. 

His  distant  congregations,  Tulpehocken  and  Conestoga, 
gave  him  some  trouble,  as  they  were  so  far  away.  Weiss, 
as  we  saw,  early  got  into  the  Conestoga.  The  congrega- 
tion at  Tulpehocken  gave  him  perhaps  more  trouble.  We 
have  seen  how  Miller  took  it  away  from  him.  After  Mil- 
ler went  over  to  the  Seventh-day  Dunkards,  Boehm  took 
them  back  again  and  administered  the  sacraments  to  them. 
Goetschi  also  attempted  to  ca})ture  them  some  time  before 
1 740  ;  for  in  February,  1740,  the  elders  report  that  Goetschi 
had  been  there  and  preached  and  baptized,  but  that  the 
congregation  had  not  ordered  it,  and  they  write  to  Boehm 
exonerating  themselves.  But  it  seems  that  after  that  they 
became  anxious  for  a  minister  of  their  own.  They  had  ser- 
vices regularly  by  a  school-teacher,  named  Francis  Layen- 
berger,  whose  faithfulness  Boehm  praises.  But  they  were 
becoming  large  enough  to  have  the  services  of  a  regular 


268        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHT7RCH   IN   U.    S. 

minister  of  their  own.  Hence  they  wrote  in  the  spring  of 
1743  to  Zweibruecken  for  a  minister,  and  during  the  fall  they 
received  an  answer  that  a  minister  would  be  sent.  A  second 
letter  was  sent  to  them  after  that,  saying  that  the  upper 
consistory  of  Zweibruecken  had  made  known  their  desire 
for  a  minister  to  Switzerland  and  Germany  and  Holland. 
The  congregation  said  to  Boehm  they  had  written  the  pre- 
vious fall  again  to  Zweibruecken,  and  would  now  (March 
27,  1744)  have  to  wait  till  the  fall  of  1744  for  an  answer. 
In  the  meantime  they  pray  Boelmi  not  to  be  oifcnded  at 
them  for  writing  for  a  pastor,  but  to  come  as  heretofore 
and  administer  the  sacraments  to  them.  Boehm  visited 
them  by  the  end  of  April,  administered  the  communion  to 
them,  and  instead  of  being  offended  at  them,  he  sent  their 
letter  to  Holland  to  show  the  great  desire  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania congregations  for  ministers. 

In  one  other  of  his  congregations  Boehm  had  great  diffi- 
culty. It  was  with  tiie  congregation  at  Skippack,  which 
had  been  rent  in  two  by  Weiss  and  Reiff.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  Reiff  party  built  the  chiu-ch  on  Reiff's  land,  so 
Boehm's  party  could  not  worship  in  it.  The  Boehm  party 
bought  (August,  1735,)  a  farm  of  150  acres,  of  which  sixty 
were  cultivated,  with  new  house  and  barn  on  it,  for  ^528. 
On  this  they  were  to  pay  $120,  November  16,  1735,  and 
annually  $36  with  the  interest.  But  Brehm  found  it  hard 
to  raise  the  money.  In  their  extremity  he  went  to  New 
York,    October,    1735,   where   the   ministers    gave   him 


bcehm's  later  labors.  269 

$105.60.  He  theu  tried  Philadelphia,  but  did  not  get 
more  than  $19.20.  So  they  were  obliged  to  lease  the  place 
for  $24  a  year,  reserving  the  privilege  of  holding  worship 
in  the  barn  every  four  weeks,  and  they  had  still  $388  to 
pay.  This  property  seems  to  have  been  ultimately  sacri- 
ficed, owing  to  the  inability  of  the  congregation  to  hold  it. 
At  any  rate,  Schlatter  objects  to  paying  over  the  Reiif 
money  to  the  congregation  because  it  was  extinct.  But 
while  Boehm  was  losing  Skippack,  another  congregation 
was  forming  for  him  not  far  away,  at  Providence  (now 
Trappe),  so  that  his  members  at  Skippack  could  ultimately 
s:o  either  to  Providence  on  the  north  or  to  the  new  con- 
gregation  at  Witpen  on  the  south,  while  the  congregation 
of  the  Reitf  party  found  Goshenhoppen  church  not  far 
away.  With  his  other  congregations,  Falkner  Swamp 
and  White  Marsh,  he  remained  on  the  pleasantest  terms, 
although  White  Marsh  was  weak,  its  services  being  held 
in  the  house  of  William  Dewees,  and  when  he  died  the 
congregation  became  extinct,  and  by  November,  1746,  was 
swallowed  up  in  Germautown  or  Witpen.  His  organiza- 
tion of  Witpen  congregation,  February  3,  1747,  will  be 
given  later. 

Such  were  Boehm's  relations  to  his  congregations.  We 
turn  to  his  relations  to  the  other  ministers  who  came  to 
America.  We  have  seen  the  controversy  with  Weiss  in 
1727-9.  When  Miller  came  he  refused  to  work  harmoni- 
ously  with  Bcehm.      Rieger's   relations   to   Boehm  were 


270        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

also  not  harmonious.  Boehm  was  much  offended  by  Rie- 
ger's  friendliness  to  the  Moravians,  so  that  he  lost  confi- 
dence in  him  as  a  Reformed.  With  Goetschi  Bcehm  did 
not  get  along  at  all,  for  the  latter  represented  the  inde- 
pendent spirit  in  the  Church,  while  Btelim  represented 
the  constitutional  methods,  in  which  he  wanted  to  make 
all  subordinate  to  the  Reformed  Church  of  the  Nether- 
lands. 

With  Dorsius  he  got  along  somewhat  better,  and  they 
worked  together  to  some  extent,  especially  at  first.  And 
yet  a  division  occurred  between  them,  which  when  care- 
fully examined  was  not  Boehm's  fault.  The  causes  of 
their  differences  were  four. 

The  first  cause  of  the  breach  between  them  was  Dorsius' 
delay  in  sending  the  report  of  1739  to  Holland.  Boehm 
had  gone  to  extra  labor  to  prepare  his  share  of  the  report. 
He  had  made  an  extra  trip  to  his  distant  congregations, 
Tulpehocken  and  Conestoga,  in  the  storms  and  snows  of 
midwinter  to  gather  its  materials.  He  put  his  report  into 
Dorsius'  hands,  February  26,  1739,  signed  by  the  consis- 
tories of  six  churches.  He  afterwards  learned  by  Decem- 
ber G,  1739,  ten  mouths  afterwards,  that  Dorsius  did  not 
send  the  report.  Having  heard  that  Dorsius  had  not  sent 
it,  he  asked  him.  Dorsius  replied  that  he  had  not  sent  it, 
that  it  was  in  a  box,  but  that  he  had  written  to  the  Holland 
synods  about  the  Pennsylvania  affairs.  Boehm  says  he  did 
not  like  such  treatment  alter  his  liard  labor  in  riding  300 


bgehm's  later  labors.  271 

miles  in  the  severest  season  (winter)  to  get  the  report. 
Moreover  he  did  not  like  it  that  his  report  shonld  not  be 
seen  by  the  Holland  Fathers,  even  though  Dorsius  made  a 
report  of  his  own  based  on  it.  Indeed  the  Holland  depu- 
ties, Avhen  they  receive  the  report  from  Pennsylvania,  do 
not  speak  of  Boehm,  but  only  of  Dorsius.  So  Boehm 
received  no  credit  for  his  work.  Boehm,  however,  was  not 
to  be  outdone.  He  had  taken  the  precaution  to  send  his 
report,  March  16,  1739,  to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  who 
speak  of  receiving  it  at  their  meeting.  Boehm  did  not  soon 
forget  this  slight  of  Dorsius,  which  proved  to  be  the  enter- 
ing wedge  of  differences  between  them. 

A  second  cause  of  the  estrangement  between  them  was 
Dorsius'  casting  discredit  on  Boehm's  education  and  ability 
to  preach.  It  was  the  old  charge  made  by  Reiif  and  Weiss, 
trumped  up  again.  Rumors  came  to  Boehm's  ears  that  Dor- 
sius had  said  that "  Boehm  had  no  more  influence  in  Holland 
than  a  boy."  In  a  letter  dated  March,  1741,  his  five  con- 
gregations of  Philadelphia,  Skippack,  Falkner  Swamp, 
White  Marsh  and  Tulpehockcn  defend  him  against  tlicse 
charges  of  Dorsius.  As  to  the  first  charge,  that  he  had  no 
education,  they  replied  that  they  were  well  satisfied  with 
his  preaching.  As  to  the  second  charge,  that  he  worked 
on  his  farm  during  the  week,  they  replied  that  this  was  not 
dishonorable,  especially  as  the  congregations  could  not  raise 
much  salary  (he  received  only  about  $24  a  year).  And  in 
regard  to  the  charge  that  he  took  his  sermons  on  Sunday 


272       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

from  a  sermon  book  and  only  talked  at  random,  they  say 
they  have  never  known  him  to  do  this,  but  he  has  always 
preached  to  them  with  edification.  They  are  therefore 
surprised  that  such  rumors  would  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
classis. 

A  third  cause  of  difference  between  them  was  Dorsius' 
claim  of  superior  authority  and  his  interference  with  Boehm 
in  his  work  among  the  Germans.  Dorsius  was  pastor  of 
the  Dutch  congregations  in  Pennsylvania,  but  he  claimed 
the  Holland  Church  had  appointed  him  superintendent  or 
inspector  over  all  the  Pennsylvania  churches.  In  truth 
they  had  not  done  anything  of  the  kind.  For  the  Dutch 
did  not  know  of  the  office  of  inspector.  That  title  was 
Lutheran  rather  than  Reformed,  and  unknown  in  the 
Dutch  Church.  The  Holland  fathers  later  deny  that  Dor- 
sius had  been  appointed  inspector,  and  say  that  if  he  had 
acted  thus,  he  had  gone  beyond  his  instructions  from  them. 
The  classis  of  Amsterdam  in  1739  found  fault  with  him 
for  the  charge  of  ambition  to  lord  it  over  the  Church,  and 
said  they  hoped  this  charge  is  not  true.  (Indeed  it  was  a 
fact  that  not  only  did  they  not  appoint  him  inspector,  but 
they  did  not  even  appoint  him  minister  to  Pennsylvania. 
This  was  a  private  arrangement  between  him  and  the 
Dutch  Reformed  congregations  of  Bucks  county  through 
some  of  the  Holland  ministers.  Consequently  when  he 
asks  to  be  dismissed  by  the  deputies  of  the  synods  from 
his  congregation,  they  reply  that  they  cannot  dismiss  him 


bcehm's  later  labors.  273 

because  they  had  never  engaged  him.)  Under  this  guise 
of  an  inspector  Dorsius  at  times  enters  on  the  work  among 
the  Pennsylvania  Germans,  preaching  and  administering 
the  Lord's  Supper.  Boehm  complains  against  this  in  his 
report  of  1744,  that  Dorsius  preached  at  German- 
town  and  administered  the  communion  there,  April  22, 
1744,  at  which  nine  of  Bcehm's  members,  and  some  of 
them  subject  to  discipline,  communed.  On  September  23, 
1 740,  Dorsius  visited  Lower  Saucon  and  baptized  several 
children  in  the  Egypt  congregation.  In  the  Egypt  church- 
book  he  is  called  "  Inspector  Dorsius,"  a  title  which 
Boehm  ridicules.  On  May  6,  1744,  he  administered  the 
Lord's  Supper  at  New  Goshenhoppen,  where  some  of 
Boehm's  members  at  Falkner  Swamp  went  to  communion. 
These  congregations  were  on  the  outskirts  of  Boehm's  ter- 
ritory, so  Dorsius  did-  not  so  much  interfere  with  him, 
except  when  his  members  partook  of  the  communion. 
But  Dorsius,  on  July  8,  1744,  visited  Conestoga,  one  of 
Boehm's  congregations  west  of  the  Schuylkill.  This  was  a 
direct  interference.  So  although  Dorsius  denied  the  charge 
that  he  was  seeking  preeminence  and  marshalled  his  friends 
in  the  Dutch  Church,  as  Antonides,  Freeman,  Santvoord 
and  Frelinghuysen,  to  write  to  Holland  in  1740,  bear- 
ing testimony  to  his  humility,  nevertheless  Boehm  was 
certainly  right  in  making  the  charge.  Dorsius,  when  he 
sent  the  (piestions  to  Boehm  as  early  as  November  28, 
1738,  calls  himself  inspector. 
18 


274       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

A  fourth  reason  for  the  difference  between  these  tAvo 
men  was  that  Dorsius  was  a  Pietist,  Boehm  was  not. 
Even  before  Dorsius  left  Holland  there  was  a  rumor  that 
he  was  friendly  to  Pietism.  Thus  Wilhelmi,  of  Rotter- 
dam, says,  June  10,  1738,  that  Dorsius,  when  he  left  Hol- 
land, was  favorably  inclined  to  the  Moravians.  And  so 
the  deputies  order  deputy  Probsting  to  write  to  him, 
December  20,  1738,  warning  him  against  them.  Dorsius 
happened  to  be  located  in  Bucks  county,  Pennsylvania, 
which  was  in  the  centre  of  the  revival  movement  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  New  Jersey  under  Whitefield  and  Tennant. 
Being  early  inclined  toward  Pietism,  he  easily  fell  in  with 
them  and  with  Frelinghuysen,  the  Dutch  pastor  on  the 
Raritan,  who  fostered  it.  For  this  Boehm  doubted  his 
entire  adherence  to  the  Reformed.  Boehm's  conflict  with 
the  Moravians  made  him  all  the  more  suspicious  of  Dor- 
sius' position. 

For  these  reasons  the  relation  between  these  two  men 
became  gradually  less  cordial,  although  it  was  not  Boehm's 
fault. 

One  other  sphere  of  Boehm's  work  during  these  years 
remains  to  be  noticed.  It  was  his  relation  to  the  mother 
church  in  Holland.  In  1729,  when  he  was  ordained,  he 
promised  to  send  yearly  reports  to  Holland.  Did  he 
keep  his  promise  ?  We  think  he  did,  although  not  all 
his  letters  seem  to  have  reached  that  country,  for  wc  some- 
times find  gaps  of  a  number  of  years.     Thus  in   1730  he 


bcehm's  later  laboes.  275 

wrote  three  letters,  in  the  first  of  which  he  greatly  thanks 
the  elassis  for  ordering  his  ordination,  and  asked  help 
from  them,  as  his  salary  is  so  small — only  twenty-four 
dollars  a  year — so  that  he  was  compelled  to  labor  on  his 
farm  during  the  week,  in  order  to  support  his  wife  and 
six  children.  On  November  12  he  complained  of  Weiss' 
actions  as  a  breach  of  the  reconciliation  between  them. 
But  Weiss  was  at  that  time  in  Holland,  and  so  no  attention 
was  paid  by  the  elassis  to  the  letter.  Of  the  years  1731, 
1732  and  1733  no  letters  have  been  found,  although  he 
says  he  sent  a  letter  in  July,  1732.  But  in  1734  he  sent 
them  two  letters,  one  of  them  a  most  excellent  report, 
concise,  yet  comprehensive,  of  the  Pennsylvania  work, 
showing  how  the  congregations  could  be  fully  supplied 
by  having  four  ministers.  In  it  he  touchingly  speaks  of 
the  district  for  the  fourth  minister,  namely  Goshenhoppen, 
and  beyond  toward  Macungie  and  Great  Swamp,  where 
"  they  thirst  for  the  hearing  of  God's  word  as  the  dry 
earth  for  water.  And  of  those  in  these  regions  many  have 
already  been  to  see  me  in  great  sadness,  and  complained 
of  the  pitiable  state  of  their  souls.  Also  there  are  several 
who  are  able  to  make  the  journey,  who  at  various  times 
have  come  to  the  communion  at  Falkner  Swamp,  a  dis- 
tance of  certainly  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles,  and  brought 
children  for  baptism,  which,  however,  was  impossible  for 
old  persons  and  weak  women  :  so  that  it  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  that  the  heart  breaks  and  the  eyes  are  full  of  tears 
at  this.  But  I  cannot  attend  to  this  matter  alone,  for  my 
years  are  beginning  to  accumulate,  and  my  poor  body  is 


276       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

also  getting  feeble,  since  I  must  not  only  make  long  jour- 
neys and  preach,  but  also  because  these  poor  people  are 
not  able  to  support  me,  I  must  support  my  large  family 
with  hard  manual  labor." 

What  a  touching  appeal,  sufficient  to  melt  a  heart  of 
stone.  In  1735,  1736,  1737  we  have  found  no  letters,  but 
he  claimed  to  have  sent  one,  November  6,  1735,  through 
a  Mr.  Ulrich,  one  of  his  elders  at  Philadelphia,  who  w^eut 
to  Europe,  and  another,  November  29,  1735.  He  also 
claimed  to  have  sent  another,  February  26,  1737.  On 
March  10,  1738,  he  sent  a  letter,  and  in  1739  three,  one 
of  them  his  full  report  prepared  for  Dorsius,  the  fullest 
account  yet  given  to  Holland.  In  his  letter  of  March  16, 
1739,  he  complains  that  since  October  19,  1731,  nearly 
eight  years,  he  had  not  received  any  letters  from  classis,  or 
had  anything  to  comfort  him  in  his  deplorable  state.  In 
1740  he  sent  letters  to  Holland,  one  of  which,  March  10, 
is  quite  a  full  report,  and  states  that  he  had  inquired  how 
much  the  congregations  would  give  to  the  support  of  a 
pastor,  and  found  that  sixteen  congregations  had  agreed  to 
raise  123  pounds  (nearly  $300),  together  with  165  bushels 
of  oats.  In  March  26,  1740,  he  says  that  fearing  his  letter 
of  March  16,  1739,  had  gone  astray  he  sent  another  copy. 
His  letter  of  April  4, 1 740,  is  about  the  forged  letter  of  Wil- 
helmi  which  Goetschi  used  against  him  at  Goshenhoppen. 
A  copy  of  it  he  sent  with  the  letter  to  Holland  as  he  had 
at  last  secured  possession  of  the  original.  In  1741  he  sent 
two  letters,  one  by  himself,  the  other  by  his  consistories,  tq 


bcehm's  later  labors.  277 

defend  him  against  the  charges  made  against  him  by  Dor- 
sius.  In  his  letter  he  refers  with  great  thankfulness  to 
having  received  about  120  dollars  from  the  classis  of  Am- 
sterdam, which  was  the  first  money  he  had  received  from 
Holland,  and  the  first  forwarded  to  America  since  Weiss 
and  RcifF  had  collected  money  about  ten  years  before.  In 
1742  he  sends  one  letter,  and  in  1743  he  sends  none.  He 
is  too  busy  perhaps  in  those  years  controverting  the  Mo- 
ravians to  attend  much  to  correspondence.  And  also  per- 
haps his  two  published  pamphlets,  both  of  which  he  sent 
to  Holland,  may  serve  instead  of  letters. 

In  1744  he  sends  five  letters,  one  of  which  is  a  full  re- 
port and  another  a  full  description  of  the  Pennsylvania 
churches,  their  origin,  history  and  present  condition.  This 
gives  a  bird's  eye  view  of  the  condition  of  the  Church 
when  Schlatter  came  to  America  and  reveals  what  he  had 
to  build  upon.  In  1745  he  writes  no  letters;  none  are 
found.  In  1746  we  have  found  two  letters,  one  of  which 
speaks  his  thanksgiving  to  the  Holland  deputies  for  send- 
ing Schlatter  to  take  up  the  work  that  he  in  his  old  age 
was  feeling  he  must  lay  down.  It  is  possible  that  he  does 
not  write  more,  because  he  feels  that  Schlatter  is  now  the 
medium  of  communication  with  Holland.  But  in  1748 
he  writes  two  letters  more,  in  one  of  which  he  makes  some 
criticisms  on  Schlatter's  work.  If  his  suggestions  had 
been  carried  out,  much  of  the  later  conflict  in  the  Church 
would  have  been  avoided. 


278       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHtJRCH   IN   U.   S. 

It  looks  therefore  as  if  in  all  these  years  he  had  been 
faithful  to  his  promise  to  the  classis  to  report  to  them  from 
Pennsylvania.  During  this  time  he  stands  like  the  lone 
man  who  cannot  be  moved,  whose  sole  mission  in  life  was 
to  found  the  German  Reformed  Church.  Weiss  comes 
and  goes  to  New  York,  Miller  comes  and  goes  to  the 
Dunkards,  Rieger  comes  and  then  goes  to  Holland,  Goet- 
schi  comes  for  a  brief  time  and  then  goes  to  Long  Island. 
Bcehm  alone  remains  during  all  these  years  the  one  stand- 
by of  the  Reformed  who  never  failed.  Storms  gather 
around  him  as  the  Moravian  controversy,  men  attack  him, 
as  Diemer  and  Reiif  and  even  Dorsius,  but  he  does  not 
lower  his  head.  He  bears  the  brunt  and  comes  out  con- 
queror. Noble  man,  the  future  destiny  of  the  Reformed 
Church  was  hanging  on  his  hands.  He  thus  was  not 
only  founder,  organizer  and  defender  of  the  Church,  but 
also  her  preserver  until  Schlatter  came  to  take  the  load  off 
his  shoulders.  Then  he  could  say  with  Simeon,  "  Now 
lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in  peace." 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XVII. 

THE  EFFORTS  OF  THE  HOLLAND  SYNODS  AND  CLASSES 
TO  AID  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED. 

The  early  work  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  the  Nether- 
lands for  the  Peunsylvania  Reformed  was  a  very  hard  and 
patient  labor.  In  view  of  the  difficulties  that  they  encoun- 
tered, it  is  a  wonder  that  they  ever  persevered  in  this  work 
until  its  successful  issue.  .  One  difficulty  after  another 
balked  them.  Nothing  but  Dutch  perseverance  ever 
enabled  them  to  continue  it.  The  Dutch  are  slow,  it  is 
true,  but  they  are  sure,  and  having  once  laid  hold  of  a 
thing,  they  are  sure  to  carry  it  out,  if  there  is  at  all  a  pos- 
sibility of  doing  so. 

The  attention  of  the  Dutch  churches  was,  as  we  have 
seen,  called  to  the  Pennsylvania  Reformed  in  the  year 
1728  from  two  directions.  The  synod  of  South  Holland, 
one  of  the  nine  synods  of  the  Netherlands,  received  a 
request  from  the  consistory  of  the  Palatinate  at  Heidel- 
berg, asking  them  to  care  for  the  Pennsylvania  congrega- 
tions, "  who  for  want  of  churches  were  worshiping  under 
the  blue  sky,"  as  they  were  not  able  to  help  them.  The 
delegate  from  the  South  Holland  synod  to  the  North  Hol- 
land synod  (which  met  three  weeks  later)  brought  the  mat- 


280       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

ter  before  that  body,  recommending  a  collection  for  Phil- 
adelphia. 

In  the  fall  of  that  year  (1728)  the  other  appeal  came 
to  the  Holland  churches.  It  came  from  across  the  water, 
namely,  a  request  from  the  consistories  of  Bcehm  to  have 
him  ordained.  This,  however,  was  not  sent  to  the  synods, 
but  at  the  suggestion  of  the  New  York  ministers  to  the 
classis  of  Amsterdam,  under  whose  supervision  New 
York  stood.  Thus  this  appeal  of  Bcehm  was  made  to  the 
classis  which  was  in  the  North  Holland  synod,  while  the 
appeal  from  the  Palatinate  was  made  to  the  South  Hol- 
land Synod,  whose  centre  was  at  Rotterdam.  And  now 
appears  one  difficulty  in  the  early  correspondence.  The 
synod  of  South  Holland  and  the  classis  of  Amsterdam 
worked  for  a  long  time  independently  of  each  other. 
This  often  prevented  the  one  from  gaining  the  informa- 
tion received  by  the  other,  which  would  have  been  help- 
ful to  the  work.  It  is  true,  the  Pennsylvania  letters  were 
sometimes  interchanged  between  them,  but  that  process 
was  slow. 

The  v/ork  of  the  synod  of  South  Holland  was  carried 
on  by  deputies.  That  synod  appointed  four  deputies, 
and  the  synod  of  North  Holland  appointed  two.  These 
"  deputies  of  both  synods,"  as  they  were  called,  would 
meet  together  in  ordinary  session  or  coctus  four  times  a 
year  (March,  June,  September  and  November).  The 
June  meeting  was  the  synodical  session,  as  by  it  was  pre- 


AID   FOR  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED.         281 

pared  the  report  for  the  annual  synod  in  July.  Besidts 
these  regular  meetings,  there  were  extraordinary  sessions 
every  month  as  the  circumstances  required.  However 
the  South  Holland  deputies  alone  were  present  at  the 
extraordinary  meetings.  They  generally  met  at  the  Clois- 
ter Church  in  the  Hague.  In  this  church  (whose  picture 
we  give)  most  of  the  business  that  formed  our  early 
Church  was  transacted.  In  the  small  consistory  or  pres- 
bytery room  of  that  church  the  fate  and  future  of  our 
Reformed  Church  was  cradled. 

The  classis  of  Amsterdam,  which  met  six  times  a  year 
(January,  April,  June,  July,  September,  October),  also 
appointed  a  committee,  sometimes  called  deputies,  oftener 
commissioners,*  on  Pennsylvania  affairs.  The  classis  had 
a  standing  committee  on  foreign  affairs,  which  had  the 
general  oversight  over  the  foreign  churches,  but  also 
appointed  a  special  committee  in  Pennsylvania,  to  which 
the  committee  on  foreign  affairs  was  often  added.  They 
made  their  reports  to  the  classis  of  Amsterdam. 

These  were  the  two  bodies  that  had  charge  of  the 
Pennsylvania  work,  the  deputies  of  both  synods  and  the 
commissioners  of  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  In  1740  the 
classis  of  Shieland  (Rotterdam)  of  the  South  Holland 
synod  proposed  that  the  care  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches 
be  transferred  to  the  svnod  of  North   Holland,  as  that 

*  We  will  use  the  latter  term  to  distioguish  them  from  the  deputies  of  the 
two  synods. 


282       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

synod  through  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  had  the  care  of 
the  foreign  churches;  but  the  synod  of  South  Holland 
refused,  because  she  had  first  become  interested  in  the 
Germans,  who  passed  through  Rotterdam  by  the  thou- 
r  sands  on  their  way  to  America.  The  classis  of  Amster- 
I  dam  and  the  synod  of  North  Holland  were  especially 
responsible  for  the  work  in  New  York  state,  while  the 
Germans  of  Pennsylvania  were  under  the  synod  of  South 
Holland.  However,  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  in  the 
North  Holland  synod  also  aided  the  Germans  in  Penn- 
sylvania very  liberally.  A  change,  however,  took  place 
in  the  method  of  caring  for  the  Pennsylvania  churches  in 
the  year  1753,  when  it  was  found  unhandy  for  the  two 
bodies,  the  deputies  and  the  commissioners,  to  work  sep- 
arately. So  it  was  customary  for  the  deputies  to  invite  the 
commissioners  to  send  delegates  from  Amsterdam  to  their 
ordinary  meetings  at  the  Hague,  and  thus  the  commission- 
ers became  virtually  an  integral  part  of  the  deputies  in 
their  transactions. 

The  first  thing  that  the  synod  of  South  Holland  tried 
to  do  was  to  raise  some  money.  After  the  appeal  of  1728, 
considerable  money  was  raised.  Then  they  endeavored  to 
gain  information  about  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  so  as 
to  have  some  data  on  which  to  base  their  plans  for  their 
work.  Tliey  gained  considerable  knowledge  by  the  visit 
of  Rciff  and  Weiss  in  1730.  As  if  to  emphasize  what 
Weiss  reported  about  the  Pennsylvanians,  a  scene  occurred 


ll  ^ 


THE  CLOISTER  REFORMED  CHURCH  AT  THE  HAGUE 

(where  the  Deputies  met). 


ORDINATION  OF  A   FRENCH  ^UNISTER  AI  1  HE  XUR  TH  HOLLAND 

SYNOD,  1730,  IN  THE  NEW  REFORMED  CHURCH,  AMSTERDAM. 

(Thi.s  picture  gives  an  idea  of  the  urdinatiim  of  our  early  ministers.) 


AID   FOR  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED.  283 

which  stirred  their  sympathies  and  led  to  immediate 
action.  It  was  the  passage  through  Dort  in  1731,  where 
the  synod  was  meeting,  of  vessels  of  German  colonists 
going  to  Pennsylvania.  The  minutes  are  so  interesting 
that  we  give  them  in  full : 

"  Further,  that  since  the  synod  was  informed  that  a 
vessel  lay  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  with  fugitives  from 
the  Palatinate,  who  were  traveling  from  their  native  coun- 
try to  Pennsylvania,  and  that  another  lay  near  Rotterdam. 
And  since  four  of  these  (men)  came  to  ask  the  synod  for 
some  money  for  buying  some  refreshments  for  their  sick 
and  exhausted  companions,  ill  by  reason  of  travel  and  bad 
food  : — and  since  that  by  the  advice  of  the  this  reverend 
body,  it  was  not  fitting  that  the  money  set  apart  by  the 
classes  for  suiFering  churches  be  expended  in  behalf  of 
these  traveling  fugitives  :  and  since  so  many  hundreds  ot 
people  could  gain  little  benefit  from  the  remnants  of  the 
benevolent  funds  brought  along  by  the  classes  :  the  synod 
has  resolved  to  take  up  a  collection  from  the  private  purses 
of  the  members  of  the  synod,  as  also  from  the  attendants 
of  the  meetings,  to  be  expended  in  behalf  of  these  fellow- 
believers  :  .  .  who  must  leave  their  native  land  for  the 
sake  of  confessing  the  truth.  Therefore  the  reverend 
assessor,  assisted  by  the  correspondent  of  one  of  the  other 
synods.  Van  Eiken,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Louis  have  collected 
200  gulden  10  stuivers  ($80.20).  This  money  was  placed 
in  the  hands  of  Revs.  Messrs.  Manger  and  Hoedcmaker 
to  divide  it  among  these  people,  for  which  end  these  breth- 
ren were  requested  to  take  the  trouble  to  visit  these  people 
to  inform  themselves  as  to  their  needs,  and  to  make  the 
division.     After  this  the  four   delegated    Palatines   came 


284       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

before  the  synod  and  expressed  their  gratitude  for  its  lib- 
erality. The  next  day  Messrs.  Manger  and  Hoedemaker 
reported  that  they  had  executed  their  commission,  and  that 
other  individuals  had  been  moved  by  the  example  of  this 
synod  to  liberality  :  among  whom  was  Mr.  Steenbergen, 
M.  D.,  and  a  fellow  member  of  this  body,  who  had  visited 
the  sick  and  had  prescribed  medicines.  That  they  had 
found  this  entire  congregation  (of  colonists)  in  poor  condi- 
tion, but  well  provided  with  Bibles,  Psalm  books  and  cat- 
chisms,  and  very  assiduously  observing  their  religion. 
That  tiieir  reverences  had  admonished  and  promised  them 
that  if  they  tried  to  maintain  the  faith  and  a  pure  con- 
science in  the  land  of  their  pilgrimage,  they  might  expect 
the  aid  of  the  Dutch  churches — that  they  iiad  further 
expended  and  dispensed  in  refreshments,  medicines  and 
other  necessities  in  behalf  of  two  vessels  full  of  these  people 
lying  in  the  river  130  ilorins  1  stuiver  (|72.02),  as  per 
bill,  and  for  the  people  of  the  third  vessel,  which  still  lies 
at  Rotterdam,  and  which  is  to  follow,  70  gulden  9  stuivers 
($28.18)." 

In  1731  the  deputies  begin  the  Holland  correspon- 
dence with  Pennsylvania,  as  tiie  classis  of  Amsterdam  had 
begun  it  three  years  before  with  Boehm.  They  do  not 
seem  to  know  where  to  write,  and  finally  write  almost 
everywhere  so  as  to  get  information.  Deputy  Ostade 
wrote,  September  30,  1731,  through  Mr.  Joiin  Hudig,  a 
merchant  at  Rotterdam,  to  a  Mr.  Bolwerk,  in  London, 
who  was  supposed  to  know  considerable  about  the  new 
colony  of  Pennsylvania.  lie  promptly  replied  in  October, 
giving  considerable  information  about  the  colony   in  gen- 


AID    FOR   THE   TENNSYLVANIA   REFORMED.  285 

era],  but  uothiug  about  the  Reformed.  He  recommended 
them  to  write  to  a  Mr.  Arent  Hassert  iu  Philadelphia,  who, 
he  said,  was  a  member  of  the  Reformed  congregation  there. 
So,  December  1,  deputy  Ostade  wrote  five  voluminous 
letters,  one  to  Hassert,  one  to  Boehm,  a  third  to  the  minis- 
ter and  consistory  of  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  a 
fourth  to  a  member  of  that  congregation,  and  the  fifth  to 
the  Reformed  ministers  in  New  York,  all  asking  for 
information  about  the  Pennsylvania  Reformed.  He  wrote 
enough  letters  to  certainly  get  some  reply,  but  year  after 
year  passed  with  no  answer  of  importance.  By  1733 
they  learned  that  Hassert  had  a  sou  living  at  Haarlem  in 
Holland,  and  from  him  they  also  learned  that  they  had 
been  on  the  wrone;  track — that  Hassert  was  not  a  mem- 
ber  of  the  Reformed  Church,  but  a  Mennonite.  From 
him  they  gained  some  information  about  Pennsylvania, 
but  nothing  about  the  Reformed.  Ostade  in  the  mean- 
time wrote  letter  after  letter,  usually  several  a  year,  until 
finally  he  threatened  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  whom 
the  Holland  Church  had  aided  in  1730,  that  they  would 
get  no  financial  aid  if  they  did  not  give  the  required 
information.  Finally,  on  March  4,  1733,  Rieger  and 
Diemer,  his  elder  at  Philadelphia,  write.  They  give  the 
reason  for  delay  and  also  considerable  information  about 
the  Reformed.  Several  reasons  might  be  given  to 
explain  the  want  of  replies  from  Pennsylvania.  Weiss 
h£id  left  Philadelphia  for  New  York.     Reiff  had  returned. 


286        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

but  when  he  did  return  the  Pennsylvania  affairs  got  into 
such  a  tangle  that  the  less  said  the  better.  Boehm  did 
not  receive  Ostade's  letter  till  July  11,  1732,  and  his 
reply  did  not  get  to  synod  till  December,  1733. 

But  the  deputies  Avere  still  unsatisfied  with  the  infor- 
mation given  by  Rieger's  and  Diemer's  letter.  It  in 
some  respects  contradicted  the  information  given  them  by 
Weiss  and  Reiff.  They  had  said  that  there  were  15,000 
Reformed  in  Pennsylvania  with  only  two  ministers,  while 
Rieger  and  Diemer  made  it  much  smaller  (3000).  Rie- 
ger  and  Diemer's  letter  too  gave  them  the  unpleasant 
information  that  Reiff  had  not  turned  over  the  money 
collected  in  Holland  for  the  churches. 

The  deputies  had  long  been  desiring  information ;  it 
seemed  now  as  if  they  learned  too  much,  especially  about 
Reiff.  Correspondence  continued,  but  it  was  slow.  The 
Atlantic  for  nearly  half  a  year  (in  winter)  was  closed  to 
navigation.  Deputy  Velingius  wrote,  December  28, 
1733,  saying  that  they  still  had  not  enough  information. 
Other  letters  came  from  Pennsylvania,  but  still  they  felt 
too  ignorant  to  wisely  devise  })lans  to  aid  the  Pennsylva- 
uians.  When  Goetschi  went  to  Philadclpiiia  in  1735, 
they  felt  sure  that  now  they  would  get  a  report.  They 
had  missed  coming  in  contact  with  him  as  he  passed 
through  Holland  in  the  winter,  when  the  deputies  did  not 
meet.  They  did  not  hear  about  him  till  he  had  departed. 
But  they  were  comforted  by  Rev.  Mr.  Wilhelmi,  of  Rot- 


AID   FOR   THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED.         287 

terdam,  who  told  them  that  Goetschi  had  promised  him  that 
he  would  send  a  report  from  Penusylvauia.  They  wait 
for  months  to  hear  from  him.  The  South  Holland  synod 
expresses  its  surprise  that  after  he  had  received  so  large  a 
sum  of  money  from  the  states  general  of  the  province  of 
Holland  (2000  gulden),  he  had  not  yet  given  a  report. 
They  did  not  as  yet  know  that  he  had  died  on  his  arrival. 
Their  minutes,  meeting  after  meeting,  still  say  "  no  word 
from  Goetschi."  It  was  not  till  June  11,  1736,  almost  a 
year  and  a  half  after  his  departure,  that  they  learn  that 
he  had  died,  and  that  this  was  the  reason  why  they 
received  no  news.  Thus  their  second  effort  to  gain  news 
was  once  more  unfortunate,  even  more  so  than  their  first 
attempt  in  1731. 

But  another  star  of  hope  arose  in  their  horizon.  While 
they  were  anxiously  waiting  for  tidings  from  Goetschi, 
Wilhelmi  announced  that  a  young  man  at  the  university 
of  Groningen  was  preparing  himself  to  go  to  Pennsylva- 
nia, named  Dorsius.  They  kept  close  watch  of  him,  and 
before  he  left  for  Pennsylvania,  they  had  him  appear 
before  them,  June  11,  1737.  They  asked  him  to  make  a 
full  report  of  the  affairs  in  Pennsylvania  when  he  arrives 
there,  which  he  promised  to  do.  Dorsius  wrote  on 
March  1,  1738,  from  Pennsylvania,  giving  them  an 
account,  but  mainly  of  his  own  work,  not  of  thcRcfbrmed 
at  large.  His  church  was  Dutch,  of  the  Germans  he 
knew  little  as  yet.     Meanwhile  the  synod  w^s  determined 


288        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

to  gain  all  the  information  possible.  So  it  sent  down  a 
request  to  its  classes  to  suggest  questions  to  be  sent  to 
Pennsylvania.  These  were  catalogued  and  prepared  by 
the  deputies  under  thirteen  different  heads  and  sent  to 
Dorsiiis.  Dorsius,  on  receiving  this,  appealed  to  Boehm 
to  help  him,  and  so  the  report  of  1739  was  formulated. 
But  here  again  a  difficulty  intervened.  Dorsius  did  not 
send  it  for  ten  months. 

Meanwhile  the  deputies  began  to  grow  weary  of  their 
seemingly  fruitless  search  for  information.  And  when 
Dorsius'  report  does  come  in,  it  is  not  very  hopeful.  So 
they  begin  to  consider  passing  over  the  care  of  the  German 
churches  into  the  hands  of  the  Presbyterian  synod  of 
Philadelphia,  if  it  can  be  done.  Such  an  important  change, 
howevx'r,  like  everything  else,  required  much  time  for 
consideration.  When  suddenly  before  they  had  settled  it, 
Dorsius  appeared  (1743)  in  Holland.  Now  they  had  at 
last  a  minister  with  them,  who  knew  all  about  the  Penn- 
sylvania Reformed,  and  the  deputies  closely  catechised 
him,  September  17,  1743.  They  then  requested  him  to 
hasten  back  even  in  the  winter,  so  that  he  might  prepare 
a  report  by  February  and  send  it  back  to  Holland  in  time 
for  the  meetings  of  the  synods  in  the  summer  of  1744. 
He  hastened  home,  and  again  Boehm  hurried  to  help  him. 
But  though  Dorsius  sent  the  report,  February  16,  and 
Boehm  sent  his  in  March,  the  summer  passed  away  and 
the  synods  were  over.     It  was  not  till  November  16  tha,t 


AID    FOR   THE    PENNSYLVANIA    REFORMED.  289 

they  mention  the  receipt  of  these  reports.  And  when  the 
reports  did  at  last  come,  they  were  so  voluminous  as  to 
almost  take  away  the  breath  of  the  deputies.  There  were 
thirteen  letters  in  German,  which  the  deputies  did  not 
understand.  So  they  postponed  their  consideration  till 
the  March  meeting,  and  meanwhile  they  would  have  them 
translated.  These  letters  were  considered  at  the  meeting 
in  the  spring  of  1745,  two  years  after  Dorsius  had  been 
asked  to  send  them. 

It  is  somewhat  surprising  that  in  spite  of  all  these 
difficulties  the  Holland  churches  should  still  have  per- 
severed in  their  idea  of  helping  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
formed. If  they  had  not  been  firm  belie veis  in  persever- 
ance, as  impressed  on  them  by  their  Calvinistic  doctrine 
of  the  perseverance  of  the  saints,  they  would  never  have 
continued.  The  trouble,  as  we  see  it  now,  seems  to  have 
been  that  the  deputies  did  not  happen  to  have  pursued  the 
best  course  to  gain  the  desired  information.  This  was 
due  to  their  ignorance  and  partly  to  their  prejudice.  They 
would  have  done  better  if  they  had  made  Boehm  the  vehi- 
cle of  correspondence.  They  would  then  have  gained  all 
the  knowledge  they  wanted,  for  during  all  this  time 
Boehm  had  been  sending  reports  to  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam. And  he  was  quite  minute  in  his  reports,  as  for 
instance,  sending  that  classis  in  1730  two  religious  books 
published  in  Pennsylvania  by  the  Seventh-day  Dunkards 
— one  on  celibacy  and  the  other  on  the  seventh  day  as 
19 


290       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Sunday — so  that  the  Holland  Church  might  know  some- 
thing of  the  ideas  at  work  among  the  Germans  there. 
But  the  South  Holland  synod  had  been  so  prejudiced 
against  Boehm  by  Weiss  and  ReiflP,  who  charged  him 
with  being  an  unlearned  man,  unworthy  of  his  office, 
that  they  did  not  make  him  their  correspondent.  Boehm, 
however,  wrote  to  them  when  he  found  that  Dorsius 
had  not  sent  the  report  of  1739.  Indeed,  about  all  the 
reliable  information  the  deputies  received  about  the  Ger- 
mans was  from  the  pen  of  Boehm,  only  it  came  rather 
late,  as  his  two  reports  of  1744  put  them  in  possession  of 
full  information  of  the  origin,  condition  and  necessities  of 
the  German  Reformed  of  Pennsylvania. 

Meanwhile  the  deputies  were  not  forgetful  of  their 
responsibility  in  relation  to  the  Pennsylvania  Germans. 
They,  in  1740,  ordered  130  German  Bibles  to  be  sent  to 
Pennsylvania.  But  by  the  usual  perversity  of  their  for- 
tunes these  too  were  delayed  for  two  years,  lying  in  the 
house  of  one  of  their  number.  They  were  finally  sent 
(1742) — half  consigned  to  Dorsius  and  the  other  half  to 
Frelinghuysen.  But  then  for  four  years  (until  Sciilatter 
came  over)  the  deputies  never  knew  what  became  of  them. 
They  also  gave  some  money,  not  much,  however,  especially 
as  compared  with  what  they  gave  later.  For  although 
they  raised  money  every  year  for  Pennsylvania  in  their 
classes,  yet  their  unfortunate  experience  with  Reiff  made 
them  suspicious  and  fearful.  So  they  kept  it  in  Holland 
and  invested  it  for  future  use  in  Pennsylvania. 


AID   FOR  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED.         291 

In  1740  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  gave  Boehm  $123.60, 
collected  in  the  churches  for  him  in  1740.  It  gave  Dor- 
sius  $36.80  for  his  trouble  and  expense  of  getting  his 
report  for  them.  When  Dorsius  visited  Holland  in  1743, 
they  made  him  a  gift  often  dollars.  They  paid  for  the 
Bibles  sent  in  1742,  $83.76.  They  frequently  talked  of 
sending  over  part  of  the  whole  fund  collected  for  Penn- 
sylvania, which  they  had  been  investing,  but  did  not  have 
confidence  enough  yet  to  do  it. 

They  also  took  into  consideration  the  sufferings  of  the 
Palatines  on  the  ocean  from  the  cruelties  of  sea  captains, 
through  which  many  of  them  sickened  or  died.  The  clas- 
sis of  Shieland  (Rotterdam)  brought  before  the  South 
Holland  synod  (1739)  the  fact  that  400  of  the  Palatine 
emigrants  had  died  on  the  way  across  the  ocean  of  starva- 
tion, and  according  to  other  reports  there  are  said  to  have 
been  as  many  as  2000.  In  1740  this  was  brought  to  the 
notice  of  the  South  Holland  synod.  They  tried  to  use 
their  good  offices  to  have  these  evils  corrected.  The  depu- 
ties were  ordered  to  look  after  the  matter,  and  they  went 
to  the  grand  pensionary.  He  told  them  they  must  go  to  the 
burgomasters  of  Rotterdam,  from  whence  the  ships  sailed. 
They  then  went  to  the  burgomasters,  but  these  said 
that  their  jurisdiction  did  not  extend  beyond  the  city  lim- 
its. They  suggested  that  inquiry  be  made  through  the 
Messrs.  Hope,  which  firm  sent  most  of  the  drafts  from 
the  Holland  churches  to  America.     These  replied  that  the 


292       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

sickness  of  which  they  had  heard  had  not  been  caused  by 
the  ships,  but  brought  down  from  the  Palatinate.  This, 
however,  was  not  true  in  all  cases,  for  the  Palatines  often 
suffered  terrible  abuses  on  the  ocean.  But  the  Messrs. 
Hope  made  the  suggestion  that  commissioners  should  be 
appointed  by  the  state  to  carefully  inspect  everything  in 
the  ships  before  they  left  port.  Thus  the  deputies  were 
not  able  to  do  anything  in  the  matter,  but  their  efforts 
show  their  good  intentions. 

Meanwhile,  while  the  deputies  were  thus  busy  about 
the  Palatines  in  Pennsylvania,  they  also  reveal  great 
interest,  care  and  diligence  in  their  correspondence  in 
another  direction,  namely  with  Germany  and  Switzerland, 
so  as  to  get  them  interested  in  the  Pennsylvania  Germans. 
They,  as  early  as  1731,  determined  to  write  for  a  capable 
German  minister  to  go  to  Pennsylvania.  This  was 
decided  on  after  the  adoption  of  the  church  constitution 
in  1730.  This  search  they  continued  for  fifteen  years. 
Their  continued  efforts  in  this  direction  reveal  their 
intense  interest  in  Pennsylvania.  They  remind  us  of 
Diogenes  at  Athens  and  the  prophet  Ezckiel  at  Jerusalem 
seeking  for  a  man — to  go  to  Pennsylvania.  In  1732 
their  eyes  were  turned  to  Professor  Hottinger,  of  Heidel- 
berg university,  one  of  the  most  prominent  Reformed 
ministers  of  the  Palatinate.  The  North  Holland  synod 
suggested  that  he  be  invited  to  go  to  Pennsylvania  to  or- 
ganize the  Church  there.     But  the  South  Holland  deputies 


AID  FOR  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  REFORMED.  293 

pleaded  that  they  had  no  instructions  from  their  synod, 
and  so  the  matter,  as  usual  with  the  Dutch,  was  delayed. 
They  thought  they  had  probably  found  a  suitable  man  in 
Goetschi.  His  death  halted  things  for  a  while,  as  they 
determined  not  to  write  to  Germany  until  they  had  heard 
from  him.  Then  when  Dorsius  went  over,  they  had  great 
hopes  that  he  might  fulfil  their  wishes  by  gaining  informa- 
tion, and  he  gradually  succeeded  in  sending  to  them  the 
information  they  had  been  waiting  for.  Thus  matters 
ran  along.  They  were  continually  waiting  for  more 
information  from  America.  When  finally  the  reports  of 
1744  came  to  hand  in  1745,  these  were  so  full  that  the 
deputies  at  once  felt  they  had  now  enough  information  to 
warrant  sending  a  minister.  Then  they  made  an  appeal, 
which  ultimately  led  Schlatter's  going  to  America.  Thus 
was  the  perseverance  of  the  Holland  Church  finally 
rewarded  after  innumerable  obstacles.  For  this  long 
patience  and  continuance  in  well-doing  the  Germans  of 
Pennsylvania  owe  the  Holland  Church  a  debt  of  grati- 
tude. The  latter  were  rewarded  by  laying  the  foundation 
of  a  Church  in  the  new  world  that  has  become  large  and 
influential. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XVIII. 

THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  SCHLATTER. 

Rev.  Michael  Schlatter  was  born  at  St.  Gall,  the  seat 
of  the  famous  Catholic  abbey,  aud  it  is  now  the  highest 
large  city  of  Europe,  situated  in  northeastern  Switzerland. 
He  came  of  a  prominent  family.  There  were  two  main 
Schlatter  families  in  St.  Gall  since  the  reformation.  From 
the  one  came  that  sweet  poetess,  Anna  Schlatter,  from 
the  other  branch  came  Michael  Schlatter.  His  grandfather. 
Rev.  Michael  Schlatter,  had  been  prominent  as  the  head  of 
the  St.  Gall  Reformed  church,  having  been  elected  dekan 
or  superintendent  of  that  church,  July  2,  1713.  His 
grandmother  was  a  Hochreutiuer.  His  father's  name  was 
Paul,  who  was  a  bookkeeper.  He  had  been  married  to 
Magdalena  Zollikoffer,  November  17,  1713.  The  Zolli- 
koffer  family  was,  like  the  Schlatter  family,  one  of  the  most 
prominent  in  St.  Grail.  One  of  its  members.  Rev.  George 
Joachim  Zollikoffer,  of  Leipsic,  Germany,  was  the  great 
pulpit  orator  of  the  last  century. 

Michael  was  the  oldest  of  Paul  Schlatter's  children, 
being  born  on  July  14,  1716.  He  was  baptized  aud  con- 
firmed in  the  St.  Lawrence  Reformed  church,  located  just 
outside  of  the  gate  of  the  abbey.     As  a  boy  he  could  not 


THE   EARLY   LIFE   OF   SCHLATTER.  295 

help  being  impressed  by  this  abbey,  by  its  splendor,  its 
superstition  and  its  persecution.  Like  his  forefathers  he 
would  share  in  their  opposition  to  all  that  was  Romanizing, 
and  like  them,  cling  strongly  to  what  was  Reformed.  Per- 
haps it  might  be  interesting  to  know  what  were  the  relig- 
ious customs  to  which  he  conformed.  Three  times  on  Sun- 
day he  could  attend  service.  At  5  a.  m.  there  was  an  early 
service.  At  11  a,  m.  there  was  another,  and  the  chief  ser- 
vice of  the  day.  In  the  afternoon  there  had  been  a  cate- 
chetical service,  at  which,  as  in  many  other  Reformed  lands, 
a  sermon  was  preached  on  some  question  on  the  catechism, 
(for  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  had  been  introduced  into  St. 
Gall  as  early  as  1614,  and  in  it  young  Schlatter  was  cate- 
chised.) The  worship  of  the  church  was  simple,  as  in  all 
the  Reformed  churches,  very  diifereut  from  the  great  Cath- 
olic abbey  just  across  the  square.  It  had  no  responses,  no 
aniens.  The  church  had  no  altar,  only  a  font  and  a  pulpit. 
The  congregation  joined  in  the  singing,  but  there  was  no 
organ  to  accompany  them,  for  the  Reformed  considered 
organs  too  Catholic  to  be  used.  In  1707  some  of  the 
wealthy  citizens  of  St.  Gall  had  tried  to  have  an  organ 
placed  in  this  church,  but  the  Reformed  were  too  strict  in 
their  ideas  about  the  simplicity  of  worship  to  allow  it.  On 
account  of  their  prejudice  it  was  not  placed  there  until 
1762,  so  young  Michael  must  have  heard  the  singing  of 
the  congregation  accompanied  only  by  the  trumpet  and 
hautboy.     We  must  not  be  much  surprised  at  the  bitter 


296        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

feeling  of  the  people  against  anything  that  they  thought 
savored  of  Rome,  for  they  and  their  ancestors  had  suffered 
too  severely  from  Romish  persecution,  which  always 
strengthens  prejudice.  We  know  little  directly  about  his 
early  life  except  that  he  seems  to  have  been  of  a  somcM'hat 
roving  disposition,  a  trait  which  God  afterwards  used  for 
His  glory  in  bringing  him  to  America  to  found  our  Church. 
He  attended  the  cantonal  school  and  gymnasium  of  his 
native  town.  Without  the  knowledge  of  liis  pai'cnts  he 
went  on  a  journey  to  Helmstedt,  Germany,  where  there 
was  a  university,  traveling  for  a  time  in  company  with  a 
native  of  Berne  named  Hurner.  He  went  to  a  lady  rela- 
tive in  Holland,  and  during  his  stay  there  he  attended  the 
university  of  Leyden,  where  he  matriculated  December  27, 
1736,  and  was  a  student  at  the  same  time  as  Dorsius.  His 
testimonial  from  the  Holland  deputies  in  1746  to  Pennsyl- 
vania says  he  visited  the  five  universities  of  Holland  besides 
some  in  Germany,  but  we  have  found  his  matriculation 
only  at  Leyden.  He  then  returned  to  St.  Gall,  where  he 
continued  his  studies  under  Professor  Casper  Wegelin. 
He  was  examined  and  admitted  to  the  ministry,  April  10, 
1739.* 

It  might  be  well  to  pause  a  moment  and  consider  the 
state  of  religious  training  and  theological  thought  in  Switz- 
erland, and  especially  St.  Gall,  under  which  he  was  trained. 
While  southern  and  western  Switzerland  had  fallen  away 


*  Not  173it,  as  Harbaugh  has  it. 


THE   EARLY   LIFE   OF   SCHLATTER.  297 

from  the  high  Calvinism  of  the  Helvetic  Consensus  by 
about  1722,  Zurich  and  Berne  were  prominent  in  their  ad- 
herence to  it  much  longer.  Indeed  Zurich  at  that  time  told 
the  foreign  princes  who  tried  to  influence  the  cantons  to 
give  up  the  Consensus,  that  they  should  mind  their  own 
business.  As  late  as  1741  in  the  controversy  there  about 
Professor  Zimmerman's  heterodoxy,  the  synod  decided  that 
the  old  confessional  books  were  still  authoritative,  thus 
committing  the  Church  to  its  historic  Calviuism.  The 
whole  of  northeastern  Switzerland  was  largely  dominated 
by  the  theological  thought  of  these  two  neighboring  cantous, 
Zurich  and  Berne,  and  consequently  St.  Gall  was  still  Cal- 
vinistic  at  this  time.  Whenever  changes  were  beginning 
to  be  felt  in  cantons,  these  were  always  slower  in  reaching 
tlie  mountain  cantons  like  St.  Gall  and  the  Grisons.  Anoth- 
er significant  fact  sliowing  the  theological  position  of  St. 
Gall  is  the  following.  Schlatter  in  his  letters  especially 
mentions  George  Joachim  Scherer,  pastor  of  St.  Ijawrence 
church  at  St.  Gall,  who  perhaps  confirmed  him.  He  also 
especially  mentions  J.  J.  von  Willerus,  the  dckan  of  St. 
Gall,  J.  Wartmau,  chancellor,  Henry  Stalielin  and  Zachar- 
ias  Teschler  (the  last  two  with  Scherer  being  pastors  at  St. 
Gall),  and  finally  Casper  Wegel in,  his  teacher.  We  are  in 
possession  of  a  life  of  Henry  Stahelin,  who  afterwards 
became  tlie  head  of  the  St.  Gall  church  as  dekan.  He  may 
tlierefore  be  taken  as  a  representative  of  that  church  and 
its  theological  position.     He  was  Calviuistic  and  predesti- 


298        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

narian.  Lampe's  Covenant  of  Grace  was  his  favorite  book. 
He  was  also  Pietistic,  for  he  was  a  great  admirer  of  Unter- 
eyck,  the  father  of  Reformed  Pietism  in  Germany.  He 
was  so  great  an  admirer  of  Lampe  that  in  1736  he  pub- 
lished a  catechism  based  on  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  but 
modeled  after  Lampe's  "  Milk  of  Truth"  and  named  after 
it.  He  writes  toward  the  close  of  his  life,  1758,  about  the 
rationalism  that  has  entered  the  Zurich  church,  "  that  he 
looked  with  fear  on  it  because  the  university  of  Zurich 
(where  Zwingli  had  taught)  now  thought  more  of  Armin- 
ius'  and  Limborch's  works  than  of  Zwingli's,  and  because 
at  Geneva  instead  of  the  Calvinism  of  Calvin,  Beza  and 
Turretin,  now  Socinianism  was  taught."  These  things 
show  his  strong  adherence  to  Calvinism.  Rationalism  did 
not  creep  into  St.  Gall  until  later  under  Professor  Jacob 
Wegelin  and  Zollikoffer,  the  great  supernatural  rational- 
istic pulpit  orator  of  Leipsic,  a  native  of  St.  Gall.  Schlat- 
ter was  therefore  educated  in  the  predestinarian  Calvinism 
of  his  church.  He,  therefore,  when  he  came  to  Holland, 
found  no  difficulty  in  signing  the  Canons  of  Dort,  as  they 
agreed  with  the  views  he  had  been  taught  at  St.  Gall. 

After  his  licensure  as  a  minister  Schlatter  again  went 
to  Holland,  where  for  a  time  lie  was  a  private  tutor.  Tlie 
canton  of  St.  Gall  had  so  many  ministers  that  a  young 
man  had  to  wait  quite  a  while  before  finding  a  charge — 
some  of  them  waiting  as  long  ,  as  ten  years.  Finally,  in 
1744,  he  became  vicar  to  dekan  (superintendent)  Beyel 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    SCHLATTER.  299 

at  Wigoldiugeii  in  the  neighboring  canton  of  Thurgaii. 
He  remained  there  about  a  year,  returning  to  St.  Gall 
after  Pentecost,  1745.  He  was  appointed  by  the  city 
council,  August  19,  as  Sunday  evening  preacher  of  the 
Reformed  church  at  Linzebiihl,  the  southern  suburb  of  St. 
Gall.  (It  was  then  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
town,  but  is  now  included  in  the  city.)*  He  continued  in 
this  position  about  five  months.  His  church,  small  and 
plain,  was  still  standing  unchanged  when  the  writer  vis- 
ited it  in  1885.  It  seated  about  200  persons.  It  has  plain 
board  benches,  no  cushions  on  the  seats  or  carpet  on  the 
floors.  The  only  furniture  is  the  pulpit  and  the  baptismal 
font.  Altars  are  unknown  in  the  Reformed  churches  in 
northeastern  Switzerland,  where,  when  they  have  the  com- 
munion, they  often  bring  in  a  table  on  which  to  place 
the  elements. 

On  January  9,  1746,  h«  left  St.  Gall  hurriedly  ("aus 
dem  Staub,"  as  the  St.  Gall  Biography  says).  He  first 
stopped  at  Schaffhausen,  where  he  visited  the  postmaster. 
Then  he  traveled  on  to  Heidelberg,  where  he  met  Baron 
von  I^uls,  one  of  the  most  prominent  members  of  the  Re- 
formed consistory  ;  also  Professor  Hottinger  and  Rev.  Mr. 
Cruciger.  He  came  in  the  nick  of  time,  or  better,  it  was 
a  providence ;  for  just  then  the  consistory  of  Heidelberg 
had  received  an  urgent  request  from  the  Holland  deputies 

*  His  position  as  evening  preacher  meant  that  he  preached  there  Sunday 
afternoons,  while  the  leading  minister  preached  there  in  the  morning,  when 
there  was  the  largest  attendance. 


300        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

for  a  minister  to  go  to  Peunsylvauia.*  The  Heidelberg 
consistory  at  once  recommended  him  to  the  Holland  depu- 
ties. He  had  certain  peculiarities  that  made  him  espe- 
cially suitable,  as  having  studied  and  traveled  in  Holland 
before,  he  spoke  Dutch  as  well  as  German. 

Here  occurs  a  very  interesting  fact,  which  shows  how 
nearly  Schlatter  missed  being  sent  to  America  and  becom- 
ing the  founder  of  our  Church.  The  deputies  having 
decided  to  open  correspondence  for  a  minister,  had  written 
to  Professor  Arnoldi,  of  the  university  of  Herborn,  Oc- 
tober 13,  1745,  as  well  as  to  Cruciger  at  Heidelberg. 
Arnoldi  Avas  the  first  to  reply,  his  answer  being  received, 
November  6,  saying  that  there  then  was  no  one  who 
wanted  to  go  to  Pennsylvania.  The  deputies  then  ordered 
(November  16)  their  clerk  to  write  to  Rev.  Mr.  Meylink, 
professor  of  the  Reformed  university  at  Lingen,  for  a 
f  minister.  But  Arnoldi  wrote  again,  December  29,  two 
L/  V  weeks  before  Cruciger  wrote  about  Schlatter,  saying  that 
two  or  three  candidates  for  Pennsylvania  had  reported  to 
him,  but  they  waited  for  further  information  as  to  the 
time  of  departure,  traveling  expenses,  etc.  He  urged  the 
deputies  to  reply  quickly,  as  these  licentiates  might  think 
he  was  not  telling  them  the  truth  about  the  matter.     But 

*  The  Palatinate  Church  had  the  appeal  of  the  Holland  deputies  for  min- 
isters read  at  their  full  meeting,  and  ordered  it  to  be  published  abroad  through 
the  Palatinate  by  all  the  inspectors  and  superintendenta  of  the  Reformed 
Church.  They  declared  that  they  would  encourage  men  to  go  to  Pennsylva- 
nia by  offering  them  the  option  of  returning  at  the  end  of  five  years. 


THE    EARLY    LIFE    OF    SCHLATTER.  301 

Tr(^  the  matter  laid  over  till  March  1,  as  there  was  no  ordinary 
meeting  of  the  deputies  till  then.  As  the  deputies  had  not 
decided  how  much  to  pay  as  salary,  they  applied  to  the  Com- 
missary Van  Hees  for  advice  and  information.  He  sug- 
gested they  wait  for  more  information  from  Pennsylvania 
about  what  salaries  the  congregations  paid  there,  and  that 
they  ask  the  Herborn  young  men  to  wait.  The  deputies 
wrote  to  Arnoldi,  suggesting  that  some  of  the  licentiates 
might  be  willing  to  wait  until  the  synods  met,  July  17, 
1746,  and  they  would  then  gain  instructions  from  them 
about  these  matters. 

It  was  while  these  negotiations  were  in  progress  that 
Schlatter  appeared  on  the  scene.  His  prompt  appearance 
prevented  any  further  negotiations  with  Herborn.  A 
letter  was  received  from  Cruciger,  of  Heidelberg,  at  the 
same  meeting  that  the  letter  from  Herborn  was  reported 
(March  1).  This  was  read,  but  deliberation  on  it  posl> 
poned  till  March  14,  when  the  deputies  from  North  Hol- 
land would  be  present.  (This  letter  of  Cruciger  said  that 
Schlatter  was  willing  to  go  and  serve  Lancaster  at  the 
terms  they  offered  in  1744.  We  thus  see  that  the  original 
idea  of  Schlatter  was  to  go  to  Lancaster.)  Hardly  had  the 
letter  been  before  the  deputies  (March  1),  than  lo,  Schlat- 

'Ui^  ter  himself  was  there  at  their  next  meeting  (March  15). 
The  deputies  examined  his  testimonials  and  questioned 
him.  They  put  all  sorts  of  difficulties  in  his  way,  but 
were  greatly  pleased  with  the  promptness  and  heartiness 
with  'which  he  answered  them. 


302        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

The  minutes  of  this  meeting  ofthe  deputies  are  so  inter- 
esting that  we  give  that  part  of  them  which  refers  to 
Schlatter : 

"  Rev.  Clerk  thereupon  had  examined  the  ascertained 
testimonials  and  motives  of  the  aforesaid  Rev.  Mr.  Schlat- 
ter and  found  them  all  genuine,  so  that  he  had  caused  him 
to  remain  here  in  the  Hague  until  this  morning,  and  now 
in  advance  gave  favorable  explanation  ofthe  matter  besides 
handing  over  his  testimonials,  which  were  all  read  and 
found  to  be  so  laudable  that  the  desire  was  felt  to  see  the 
person  himself,  and  to  hear  him  speak ;  to  which  end  he 
was  summoned  before  this  session  and  appeared  at  the  time 
appointed. 

"  He  first  gave  utterance  to  a  precious  wish  for  a  bless- 
ing upon  this  assembly,  which  was  answered  by  a  counter 
wish  by  the  president.  AMien  the  president  thereupon 
questioned  him  about  his  so  far  difficult  and  expensive 
journey  of  about  two  hundred  hours  in  this  severe  winter 
season  in  order  to  go  and  labor  in  the  Pennsylvania  vine- 
yard, when  he  was  already  actually  a  minister  in  his  native 
city  of  St.  Gall,  he  replied  to  it  that  since  lie  Avas  still 
young,  unmarried  and  inclined  to  foreign  service,  he  had 
resolved,  upon  hearing  ofthe  lack  of  ministers  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, to  go  and  feed  these  shepherdless  sheep  for  five  or  six 
years,  and  that  being  the  youngest  but  one  of  the  twenty- 
six  ministers  of  St.  Gall,  lie  drew  but  $20  per  year  salary, 
and  had  the  rather  taken  this  choice,  because  if  he  were  to 
be  still  living  and  wish  to  return  to  liis  country,  he  Avould 
then  fall  into  the  place  of  the  ministers  which  had  died 
in  the  interim.     And  St.  Gall,  having  such  an   abundance 


THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  SCHLATTER.       303 

of  ministers  and  licentiates,  could  easily  be  provided  with 
another  minister,  whereas  Pennsylvania  had  lack  of  both. 

"  When  it  was  further  represented  to  him  that  the  sal- 
aries which  the  congregations  in  Pennsylvania  offered  to  a 
pastor  were  very  small,  but  that  four  elders  and  eleven 
members  of  the  congregation  at  Canastocka  in  the  city  of 
Lancaster  in  the  year  1744  had  offered  to  a  minister  who 
should  come  over  to  them,  about  $96  annually,  he  was 
asked  whether  he  would  be  satisfied  with  that  salary  in 
case  the  place  were  still  vacant.  He  answered  '  yes.'  And 
when,  so  as  to  be  perfectly  sure,  it  was  added,  in  case  this 
place  might  beyond  expectation  be  filled  with  a  minister, 
whether  in  that  unforseen  case  he  would  be  willing  to 
accept  other  combined  churches  which  also  desire  pastors, 
but  at  the  most  offer  only  $12  or  $24  for  salary,  with  con- 
sent of  the  consistories  of  those  congregations,  in  order  to 
constitute  thereby  a  comfortable  salary  ;  when  he  was  asked 
if  he  would  first  of  all  make  inquiry  after  the  state  of  the 
entire  Church  in  Pennsylvania,  how  many  ministers  were 
needed  there,  and  what  salary  each  district  would  give  a  ims- 
tor,  and  write  this  to  us  properly  systematized  and  signed, 
he  answered  ^  yes'  also  to  this,  but  added  to  it  that  he  hoped 
the  expense  of  doing  such  things  in  Pennsylvania  would  be 
refunded  to  him,  which  fact  was  agreed  to  with  him. 

"  When  finally  it  was  represented  to  him  that  deputies 
would  indeed  meet  the  traveling  expenses  out  of  the  moneys 
of  synod,  but  that  they  had  scruples  about  the  expenses  of 
his  possibly  long  stay  before  a  ship  would  be  starting  for 
Pennsylvania,  he  answered  generously  that  his  living 
expenses  would  not  be  much,  and  that  he  had  supposed 
that  soon  there  would  have  been  an  opportunity  to  depart. 


304        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

But  that  learning  now  that  it  might  probably  be  a  long 
time  before  that  opportunity  came,  he  took  this  loss  of  liv- 
ing expenses  on  himself.  The  Rev.  Deputies  seeing  his 
promptness,  heartiness  and  Christian  disinterestedness, 
combined  Avith  Christian  humility,  modesty  and  friendli- 
ness, were  profoundly  rejoiced  that  they  had  encountered 
so  worthy  and  capable  a  subject,  the  more  so  because  they 
understood  that  he  had  already  at  Frankford  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  sending  of  German  Bibles  and  Catechism 
books  to  Pennsylvania.  They  conceived  that  through  him 
they  could  organize  the  scattered  Peunsylvanians,  and 
accepted  him  provisionally  as  minister  to  Pennsylvania 
with  the  promise  that  when  he  should  have  obtained  his 
dismissal,  or  rather  his  permission  for  some  years  from  the 
church  of  St.  Gall,  they  would  later  solemnly  install  him 
(to  the  Pennsylvania  service),  and  fortify  him  with  all 
necessary  instructions."  The  deputies  sent  five  ducats  to 
Heidelberg  to  Cruciger,  asking  him  to  send  German  Bibles 
and  catechisms. 

Schlatter  after  thus  appearing  before  the  deputies  at 
the  Hague,  went  to  Amsterdam,  recommended  by  the  dep- 
uties, to  Revs.  Kulenkamp  and  Schlluymen,  two  Reformed 
ministers  there.  Kulenkamp  notified  him  and  the  classical 
commissioners  that  Lancaster  was  no  longer  vacant,  as 
news  had  come  that  Schnorr  had  gone  there.  While 
Schlatter  was  at  Amsterdam  he  learned  that  a  vessel  would 
sail  to  America,  May  29.  The  Amsterdam  consistory  was 
very  kind  to  him,  giving  him  $60,  and  the  deaconate  of 
Amsterdam  gave  him  $120  without  his  asking  for  it. 
(This  church  at  Amsterdam  has  been  proverbially   liberal 


THE    EARLY    EIFE    OF    SCHLATTER.  305 

to  the  Pennsylvania  churches.)  On  April  13  Schlatter 
was  at  Rotterdam  conferring  with  Rev.  Mr.  Wilhelmi,  who 
had  had  so  much  experience  about  Pennsylvania  affairs, 
and  also  negotiating  with  the  Messrs.  Hope  Brothers,  the 
shippers  to  America,  about  his  passage.  He  was  at  the 
Hague  again,  April  25—28,  at  the  meeting  of  the  deputies. 
They  turned  over  to  him  all  the  loose  money  they  happened 
to  have  in  the  treasury,  amounting  to  $242.22.  They  also 
gave  him  his  instructions.     These  were  : 

1.  An  introduction  to  the  German  Reformed  Church 
of  Pennsylvania,  giving  his  reasons  for  being  sent  thither. 

<K  Because  originally  the  settlers  in  Pennsylvania  were 
from  the  Palatinate  and  Switzerland,  to  which  two  coun- 
tries Holland  was  under  the  greatest  obligations  of  grati- 
tude, because  from  them  the  light  of  the  gospel  first 
streamed  to  Holland. 

6.  Because  the  Pennsylvania  congregations  are  attached 
so  loyally  to  their  time  honored  Reformed  faith,  and 

c.  because  Pennsylvania  would  become  thus  a  safe 
asylum  for  the  oppressed  brethren  of  their  faith  of  Europe 
when  driven  out  by  persecution. 

Then  they  give  two  reasons  why  they  have  not  been 
able  to  do  something  for  Pennsylvania  before. 

1 .  They  could  not  get  a*  clear  idea  about  the  Church  in 
Pennsylvania. 

2.  Because  they  had  hitherto  lacked  a  suitable  German 
minister,  although  they  had  sought  for  one  for  fifteen  years, 

20 


306        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

since  1731.  They  then  say  that  they  believe  they  have 
found  a  proper  person  in  Rev.  Michael  Schlatter,  one  of 
the  26  roinisters  of  St.  Gall.  He  was  of  good  family,  well 
educated,  understanding  Hebrew,  Greek,  German,  Dutch 
and  French.  After  being  admitted  as  a  candidate  to  the 
ministry  in  1739,  he  had  visited  the  five  great  universities 
of  Holland  and  the  principal  Protestant  universities  of  Ger- 
many. He  was  willing,  because  of  the  great  need  of  Penn- 
sylvania, to  go  there,  and  they  recommend  them  to  give 
him  a  cordial  reception. 

They  also  give  Schlatter  the  following  instructions 
about  his  work  in  Pennsylvania  : 

1.  He  was  to  organize  the  ministers  and  congregations 
into  a  coetus,  which  should  meet  annually. 

a.  It  should  subscribe  to  the  Heidelberg  Catechism 
and  the  Canons  of  Dort  with  heart  and  voice. 

b.  It  should  consider  the  concerns  of  the  Church,  the 
members  being  appointed  president  and  secretary  in  rota- 
tion, beginning  with  the  oldest. 

c.  It  should  correspond  with  the  deputies  of  the  synods 
of  Holland,  and  render  reports  of  their  work  as  a  coetus. 
The  deputies  allow  Schlatter  half  a  year  as  a  sufficient 
time  in  which  to  do  this.  After  that  he  was  to  take  charge 
of  a  congregation. 

2.  He  was  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  a  church  officer  known 
in  Holland  as  the  visitor  extraordinary.  He  was  to  visit 
the  congregations  and  find  out  their  condition,  learn  hoAy 


THE  EARLY  LIFE  OF  SCHLATTER.        307 

many  members  each  congregation  had,  whether  they  were 
steadfast  in  the  faith,  whether  they  paid  a  fixed  salary  to 
their  minister  and  how.  (The  deputies  say  they  are  will- 
ing to  aid  the  congregations  in  Pennsylvania,  but  they  are 
not  willing  to  divert  tlie  money  which  was  already  used 
to  aid  more  than  a  hundred  Reformed  congregations  in 
various  parts  of  the  world.) 

3.  Where  there  was  no  congregation  as  yet,  he  was  to  ? 
gather  the  most  intelligent  and  zealous  Reformed  together, 
and  learn  how  much  money  they  would  be  willing  to  raise 
for  the  salary  of  a  minister,  and  also  how  much  they  would 
pay  toward  building  a  church.  He  was  then  to  install 
elders  and  deacons  in  those  churches, 

4.  He  was  to  ascertain  how  the  130  Bibles  sent  over 
to  Pennsylvania  in  1742  had  been  distributed.  He  was 
also  to  bring  the  money  accounts  of  Reiff  to  a  desirable 
settlement. 

5.  At  the  end  of  the  first  half  year  he  was  to  hold  a 
coetus,  act  as  president,  and  send  a  faithful  account  of  its 
proceedings  to  Holland.  That  having  been  done,  he  was 
to  take  charge  of  a  congregation  and  become  pastor.  They 
gave  him  money  only  for  his  traveling  expenses  and  for 
half  a  year's  work,  but  hoped  that  the  Dutch  and  the  Swiss 
churches  would  contribute  toward  this  worthy  cause.  This 
instruction  was  dated  May  23,  1 746,  and  was  signed  by  all 
the  deputies.  They  placed  in  his  hand  a  passport  of  both 
the  Dutch  and  English  governments,  and  committed  him 


308        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

into  the  hands  of  Him  who  rules  the  wind  and  the  waves. 
He  sailed  from  Amsterdam,  June  1,  1746,  on  his  mission 
to  complete  the  organization  of  the  Pennsylvania  Re- 
formed Church  by  organizing  the  coetus. 

After  he  left,  the  deputies  did  not  cease  in  their  efforts 
for  the  Pennsylvania  churches.  As  he  was  a  Swiss,  they 
determined  to  appeal  to  the  Swiss  for  aid.  Hoedemaker 
wrote  to  St  Gall,  November  17,  1746,  telling  the  story  of 
the  appeal  of  the  Palatinate  consistory  to  them  in  1728  to 
aid  the  Pennsylvania  Germans,  and  announcing  to  them 
that  they  had  sent  one  of  their  countrymen  from  St.  Gall, 
Michael  Schlatter,  June  1,  1746,  to  America.  He 
asks  them  for  donations,  because  many  Swiss  had  gone 
to  America,  and  especially  as  one  of  their  own  townsmen 
was  appointed  to  organize  the  Pennsylvania  congregations. 
He  also  asked  them  to  name  some  other  Swiss  clergyman 
in  some  of  the  other  Swiss  cantons,  as  Zurich,  Basle,  Berne 
and  Schaifhausen,  to  whom  they  might  write  in  the  inter- 
ests of  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  as  he  was  ignorant  of 
such  persons. 

Hoedemaker  received  a  re])ly,  March  22,  1747,  from 
Paul  Schlatter,  the  father  of  Michael  Schlatter,  saying  that 
he  had  handed  these  letters  to  the  dekan  of  St.  Gall,  who 
replied  that  he  had  not  proposed  a  collection  for  Pennsyl- 
vania, for  the  following  reasons  : 

a.  Because  hitherto  thoy  had  not  been  accustomed  to 
transmit  money  to  such  distant  lands. 


The  EAitLY  LIFE  oP  schLaWeh.  309 

h.  Because  within  a  short  time  they  had  had  an  unusual 
outlay  for  collectious. 

c.  Because  they  had  received  no  word  of  the  success  of 
Schlatter,  either  from  him  or  the  deputies,  and  this  must 
first  be  sent  before  action  could  be  taken. 

Nothing  came  out  of  this  appeal.  There  were  probably 
other  reasons  why  they  did  not  help  Schlatter,  even  though 
he  was  a  Swiss,  some  of  which  will  be  given  later,  when 
another  appeal  is  made  to  them  by  Schlatter  in  1751-2. 

Thus  the  Holland  fathers  had  at  last  a  minister  on  the 
way  to  complete  the  organization  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Reformed  churches.  "Thus,"  say  the  minutes  of  the 
South  Holland  synod,  "a  great  door  of  hope  has  been 
opened  for  the  execution  of  a  long  desired  project."  His 
coming  was  truly  an  Achor,  a  door  of  hope  through  which 
has  issued  our  denomination. 


CHAPTER  III.— SECTION  XIX. 

SCHLATTER'S  LABORS  BEFORE  THE  FIRST  COETUS. 

Schlatter  left  Amsterdam  in  Holland  on  June  1*  on 
j  the  ship  Great  Britain,  William  Davis,  captain.  His  ves- 
sel went  to  Texel,  and  then  took  the  northern  passage,  as 
did  many  of  the  vessels  to  America  then,  and  went  north 
of  Scotland,  stopping  at  the  Stromness,  in  the  Orkney 
islands,  June  11-23.  On  June  23  they  left  the  Orkney 
islands  and  began  their  ocean  voyage.  They  sailed  quite 
pleasantly  till  July  24,  when  they  came  at  midnight  into 
the  greatest  danger,  as  they  found  themselves  off  Sable 
Island  near  Cape  Breton  in  imminent  danger  of  shipwreck 
("  with  man  and  mouse,"  the  Dutch  expression  for  greatest 
danger).  God  mercifully  preserved  their  lives  from  death. 
They  arrived  at  Boston,  August  1,  at  10  p.  m.,  after  a 
voyage  of  thirty-nine  days.  Schlatter  remained  at  Boston 
but  three  days,  during  which  time  he  was  kindly  received 
by  Hon.  I.  Wendel,  a  distinguished  Dutch  merchant  and 
government  officer. 

He  went  to  New  York  overland  by  way  of  Newport, 
because  of  fear  of  pirates  along  the  coast,  although  he  sent 
his  baggage  by  water.     He  stopped  and  waited  for  it  at 

♦  The  deputies  say  June  3. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     311 

New  York,  where  he  arrived  on  August  11.  At  New 
York  he  was  received  with  great  friendliness  by  the  Dutch 
Reformed  ministers  there,  especially  by  Dominie  DuBois 
(the  Dutch  call  their  ministers  dominies).  He  had  been 
pastor,  Schlatter  says,  for  over  fifty  years,  1697-1751,  and 
was  eighty  years  old.  DuBois  died  two  months  later,  on 
the  5th  of  October,  1751.  Schlatter  stayed  at  his  house 
for  three  weeks,  waiting  for  his  baggage.  He  arrived  at  ~^ 
Philadelphia,  September  6,  N.  S.  There  an  elder  of  the 
congregation,  Daniel  Steinmetz,  received  him  into  his  own  ~~ 
home,  where  he  stayed  for  eight  months. 

With  that  intense  activity  and  zeal  which  character- 
ized him,  he  at  once  began  work.  He  no  sooner  arrived  j 
at  Philadelphia  than  he  began  his  extensive  journeys,  j 
On  the  day  after  his  arrival  he,  with  two  of  his  members, 
went  to  Witpen  to  visit  Boehm.  He  found  Boehm  work- 
ing on  his  farm,  but  he  cordially  received  Schlatter,  and 
listened  to  his  instructions.  Bcehm  greatly  rejoiced  at  his 
coming,  because  it  took  a  responsibility  to  some  extent  oif 
his  shoulders  in  his  old  age.  In  a  letter  to  Holland,  De- 
cember 12,  1746,  he  says  :  "I  thank  God  that  finally  after 
so  many  prayers  and  sighs  He  has  graciously  listened  to 
me,  a  poor  burden-bearer,  and  has  permitted  me  to  see 
such  a  kind  brother  and  able  fellow  worker  in  His  holy 
service."  The  next  day  Schlatter  pressed  on  eight  miles 
further  to  visit  Reiff  at  Skippack,  and  influence  him  to 
close  up  his  accounts  of  his  collections  in  Holland-  sixteen 


312        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

years  before.  Reiff  replied  that  he  was  ready  to  do  so, 
but  he  desired  Weiss,  who  now  lived  at  Goshenhoppen,  to 
be  present  when  the  settlement  was  made.  Weiss  had 
been  brought  back  by  the  same  providence  that  brought 
Schlatter  across  the  ocean,  so  that  both  might  unite  in 
organizing  our  denomination.  Schlatter  gave  Reiff  twelve 
days  to  arrange  with  Weiss  about  the  matter.  The  next 
day  he  returned  23  miles  to  Philadelphia.  The  following 
day  he  went  to  Mr.  Shoemaker,  the  merchant  in  Phila- 
delphia who  corresponded  with  the  Hope  Brothers  in  Rot- 
terdam, to  inquire  about  the  130  German  Bibles,  which 
had  been  sent  over  from  Holland  in  1742.  Shoemaker 
said  he  had  these  long-sough t-for  Bibles  in  his  warehouse, 
and  at  once  delivered  over  to  him  118  bound  and  twelve 
unbound  copies  without  a  cent  of  charge  for  them.  The 
day  following  (September  11)  was  Boehm's  Sunday  in 
Philadelphia.  They  both  administered  the  communion  to 
about  half  the  congregation  (one  hundred  persons).  ( )u 
Wednesday,  the  14th,  he  received  word  from  Reitf  that  he 
would  come  to  see  him  on  the  21st,  and  would  be  ready  to 
settle  the  money  accounts.  In  the  meantime  Schlatter 
used  his  time  in  trying  U)  bring  the  Germantown  congre- 
gation, which  had  never  accepted  Boehm,  to  join  with  the 
Philadelphia  congregation,  which  had  Brx'hm  for  its  pastor. 
On  Friday,  September  16,  he  visited  Dorsius  in  Bucks 
county.  Dorsius  received  Jiim  kindly,  he  says,  and  prom- 
ised to  lend  his  assistance  in  carrying  out  his  instructions. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     313 

Here  Schlatter  made  his  first  attempt  at  an  examiuatioii  of 
the  consistory,  such  as  the  classical  visitor  does  in  Holland.* 
However,  he  was  not  able  to  do  this,  as  he  says  one-third 
of  the  consistory  were  not  at  home.  It  would  have  been 
very  inopportune  at  any  rate,  owing  to  the  sad  condition  of 
Dorsius'  congregation  at  the  time.  He  returned  the  same 
day  to  Philadelphia,  traveling  thirty-two  miles  that  day. 
On  Sunday,  September  18,  he  preached  in  the  old  dilapi- 
dated church  in  Philadelphia,  on  Isaiah  48  :  17,  18. 

Here  he  tried  to  do  what  he  had  failed  to  do  at  Dor- 
sius' congregation.  He  read  as  much  of  the  instructions 
of  the  Holland  deputies  as  he  thought  necessary,  and  asked 
them  to  vote  by  raising  the  right  hand.  He  then  put 
these  three  questions  to  every  male  member : 

1.  Whether  they  were*  favorable  to  having  a  regular 
pastor  preach  every  Sunday. 

2.  "Whether  they  would  provide  him  a  sufficient  salary. 

3.  Whether  to  do  this  they  would  unite  with  the  con- 
gregation at  Germantown  to  form  a  charge. 

These  questions  were  answered  unanimously  in  tlie 
affirmative.  He  then  gave  an  opportunity  for  each  one  to 
subscribe  toward  the  salary  of  the  pastor,  and  sixty-nine 
heads  of  families  subscribed  eighty  dollars.     At  his  reipiest 

*  His  object  was  not  to  organize  a  consistory,  a-J  ILirbaujjh  says,  for  the 
consistory  had  been  organized  long  before,  as  we  have  seen,  but  his  object  was 
to  examine,  as  the  unpublished  diary  has  it,  the  condition  of  the  congregation 
and  how  much  salary  they  would  agree  to  pay  their  pastor,  just  as  he  after- 
wards did  at  Philadelphia  and  Germantown. 


314        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED    CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

sixteen  of  them  obligated  themselves  for  the  amount.  In 
the  afternoon  he  went  to  Germantown,  six  miles  away, 
where  he  preached  on  Joshua  24 :  14-25.  He  made 
known  to  them  also  his  instructions  from  Holland,  and 
then  took  a  vote,  which  was  unanimous  on  the  three  ques- 
tions he  had  before  proposed  to  the  Philadelphia  congrega- 
tion. Sixty  men  signed  their  names  to  the  subscription 
list  for  the  pastor's  salary,  and  the  amount  was  $66.40. 
Thus  what  Boehm  had  doubted  could  be  done,  Schlatter 
accomplished,  namely,  he  brought  the  two  congregations  at 
Philadelphia  and  Germantown  together  into  one  charge. 
Schlatter  rejoiced  that  now  he  had  made  a  beginning  in  his 
work  of  organizing  the  Reformed  churches  and  had  formed 
the  first  charge — a  good  beginning. 

Schlatter's  First  Journey,  September  19-28. 

The  first  day  he  traveled  thirty-five  miles  to  AVeiss  at 
Old  Goshenhoppen.  On  September  20  he  preached  there 
in  the  new  nearly  completed  stone  church.  In  New  Gosh- 
enhoppen Weiss  had  a  difficulty,  as  an  independent  school- 
master, Frederick  Casimir  Muller,  had  been  preaching 
there  before  he  came.  Muller's  party  refused  to  acknowl- 
edge Weiss  as  pastor.  Tlie  next  day  Schlatter  and  Weiss 
together  visit  Reiff  in  order  to  close  up  his  accounts  with 
the  Pennsylvania  churches.  Reiff  wept  as  he  told  the 
story  of  his  collections  and  grievances.*     He  begged  for 

*  The  unpublished  diary  of  Schlatter  gives  a  number  of  new  points  on  the 
Reiff  affair,  and  puts  some  things  in  a  new  light. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     315 

mercy,  says  Schlatter  in  his  unpublished  diary,  and  then 
rendered  his  accounts  as  follows  : 

1.  For  books  and  the  return  passage  of  Weiss  to  Penn- 
sylvania, 480  gulden  (but  Weiss  knew  only  of  340  gulden). 

2.  He  showed  an  itemized  list  of  what  he  and  Weiss  had 
spent  in  Holland  within  the  time  of  six  months,  amount- 
ing to  700  gulden.     (A  gulden  amounts  to  40  cents.) 

3.  For  three  journeys  from  Holland  to  Heidelberg  to 
collect  moneys  at  his  own  expense. 

4.  For  trouble  and  time  during  two  years'  collecting  in 
Holland  and  Germany,  claiming  for  each  day  ten  stuivers 
(twenty  cents),  making  of  the  total  a  considerable  sum. 

Of  receipts  he  confessed  finally  2100  gulden  ($840). 

His  conclusion  was  that  he  did  not  owe  the  Pennsyl- 
vania churches  anything,  but  that  they  owed  him  100  gul- 
den ($40).  Schlatter  replied,  basing  his  calculations  on  the 
2100  gulden  that  Reiif  acknowledged  he  collected  in  the 
name  of  the  deputies  of  Holland,  that  he  would  be  satisfied 
with  1000  gulden  ($400).  He  said  it  was  quite  reasonable 
to  credit  Reiff  with  the  700  gulden  for  expenses  in  Hol- 
land, and  the  300  gulden  given  to  Weiss.  But  the  com- 
pensation for  his  work  he  must  find  in  the  interest  on  the 
money,  the  use  of  which  he  had  for  fifteen  years.  Reiif 
parleyed  with  him,  but  Schlatter  was  firm  and  gave  him 
till  October  3  to  decide.  Reiif  promised  to  meet  him  then 
in  Philadelphia.  Then  Schlatter  went  (September  22) 
with  Weiss  to  Oley,  and  the  following  day  to  Lancaster 


316        THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHtJRCS   IN  tJ.   S. 

in  Conestoga,  so  as  to  visit  and  confer  with  Rieger  about 
presenting  his  instructions  to  the  Lancaster  congregation. 
Meanwhile  Boehm  went  to  Tulpehocken  on  September  21 
to  notify  the  congregation  there  to  assemble  for  com- 
munion. On  Sunday,  the  25th,  these  three  ministers, 
Boehm,  Weiss  and  Schlatter,  administered  the  communion 
there  to  101  persons,  but  there  were  600  more  outside  of 
the  church.  Schlatter  says  that  he  believed  the  congre- 
gation was  200  families  strong.  Many  of  the  people  wept, 
says  Schlatter,  at  the  sight  of  so  many  Reformed  min- 
isters together  at  one  service.  They  had  not  seen  such  a 
sight  since  they  left  Germany  many  years  before,  and  it 
revived  many  tender  memories  of  the  old  home  and 
friends  in  the  fatherland.  AYhat  an  example  for  us,  their 
descendants,  was  this  love  of  theirs  for  their  Church.  If 
they  loved  their  Church  so  much  as  to  weep,  we  should 
love  it  too.  Then  Schlatter  read  his  instructions  from 
Holland,  and  they  pledged  themselves  for  $133.20.  He 
also  appointed  elders  and  deacons.*  He  says  this  con- 
gregation was  tolerably  free  from  sects.  The  next  day, 
accompanied  by  Weiss,  he  went  to  Lancaster,  but  found 
that  the  congregation  would  not  receive  Rieger  back  as  its 
pastor.  He,  however,  preached  to  them  on  Deuteronomy 
8  :  11—20  and  presented  his  instructions  from  Holland  to 
them.     They  agreed  to  raise  nearly  120  dollars.     He  then 

*  We  cannot  quite  understand,  as  this  was  an  old  congregation,  and  had 
elders  and  deacons  before,  some  of  wliose  names  wore  on  I?<i-htn's  letters.  It 
is  probable  that  it  meant  he  installed  the  newly  elected  officers. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     317 

returned  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  preached,  October  2, 
holding  services  at  Germautown  on  the  same  afternoon. 

The  next  day  he  had  the  third  conference  with  Reiif, 
who  came  to  Philadelphia  and  wanted  to  know  whether 
his  matters  conld  not  be  settled  amicably  by  Schlatter 
giving  up  his  claim  against  him.  They  parleyed  for  two 
days.  Schlatter  was  immovable  and  refused  to  take  any- 
thing less  than  $400.  To  close  up  the  matter,  Schlatter 
however  oflPered  to  give  |40  out  of  his  own  pocket  so  as  to 
have  the  matter  adjusted.  Schlatter  said  he  believed  Heiflf 
would  have  been  willing  to  compromise  for  $280  or  $320, 
but  he  did  not  oifer  it.  Then  the  elder  of  the  Philadelphia 
congregation  asked  him  to  have  arbitrators  appointed, 
each  party  agreeing  to  forfeit  2000  pounds  if  they  failed 
to  obey  the  decision.  He  finally  got  Reiff  to  agree  to  this 
method,  and  the  arbitrators  were  appointed,  to  report  on 
March  16,  1747.  Reiff  repented,  however,  of  this  the 
next  day,  and  was  willing  to  give  the  400  dollars  Schlatter 
asked.  But  by  this  time  the  Philadelphia  elders  hoped 
to  get  more,  and  refused  to  compromise.  The  arbitrators 
brought  in  their  report,  as  agreed  on  March  16,  1747,  and 
awarded  Schlatter  for  the  Pennsylvania  churches  the 
amount  of  $360,  which  he  said  he  would  hold  awaiting 
orders  from  Holland  as  to  its  disbursement. 

On  October  12,  1746,  the  Reformed  ministers  having 
been  invited  by  Schlatter,  held  their  first  conference  in 
Philadelphia.     Boehm,   Weiss  and  Rieger  were  present, 


318        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

Dorsius  was  not  there,  he  said,  on  account  of  the  sickness 
of  his  wife.  In  his  unpublished  diary  Schlatter  describes 
these  ministers.  As  these  descriptions  were  too  personal, 
they  were  omitted  from  his  published  diary.     He  says  : 

"  Domine  Boehm  is  a  man  who  appears  to  me  to  be 
very  sincere.  It  is  also  mainly  owing  to  him,  as  is  com- 
monly said,  that  the  Moravians  have  not  caused  more  con- 
fusion among  many  congregations  here.  He  also  deserves 
the  praise  that  he  has  been  faithful  and  particular  in  his 
ministry  and  has  not  received  much  profit  from  it ;  and  no 
man  can  say,  although  I  have  inquired  about  that  from 
more  than  thirty  persons,  that  he  has  obtained  from  year 
to  year,  from  all  four  of  the  congregations  to  whom  he  has 
ministered,  £10  Philadelphia  money,  that  is,  outside  of  the 
accidental  fees  of  weddings,  etc.,  yet  he  has  thus  had  in 
addition  much  trouble  and  disquiet. 

"Domine  George  Michael  Weiss  is  now  minister  in 
several  localities.  He  is  so  far  as  I  can  comprehend,  in- 
nocent in  the  transaction  with  J.  Reiif,  for  the  latter,  ac- 
cording to  his  own  acknowledgement,  received  the  money 
altogether,  and  Domine  Weiss  has  begged  Reitf  a  thousand 
times  to  make  an  end  of  the  matter.  He  has  otherwise  a 
good  reputation  here  in  this  country,  and  Domine  Bcelnn 
himself  told  me  that  Domine  Weiss  had  always  conducted 
himself  as  a  (juiet,  diligent,  sober  and  orthodox  minister. 
He  also  took  the  trouble  to  journey  with  us  to  Tulpe- 
hocken  and  Conastoka. 

"  Of  Domine  Dorsius  I  can  at  the  present  time  as  yet 
say  nothing  certain,  inasmuch  as  I  do  not  want  to  believe 
tlie  evil  that  here  and  there  is  said  of  him,  before  I  am 
niyself  convinced  of  it.     This  I  can  say  in   truth,   that  he 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     319 

received  me  very  amicably,  and  promised  me  every  aid  iu 
regard  to  my  commission. 

"Doraine  Bartholomew  Rieger  is  yet,  as  far  as  he 
truly  and  frankly  assured  me,  and  I  always  could  observe 
in  my  intercourse  with  him,  at  present  a  pure  Reformed 
minister  ;  but  he  confessed  to  me  that  at  one  time  he  had 
been  a  little  shaky.  The  church  of  Lancaster  was  not 
able  to  say  anything  against  him  why  they  would  no 
longer  accept  him  as  pastor,  but  so  far  as  I  can  see,  their 
antipathy  comes  from  this  that  he  has  no  particularly 
pleasing  delivery  iu  the  pulpit,  and  is  pretty  sharp  and 
exacting  in  the  ministry,  and  also  that  he  was  so  long  out 
of  the  country,  and  had  accepted  the  degree  of  doctor,  and 
had  begun  to  practice  medicine.  He  now  ministers  to 
two  feeble  congregations  outside  of  Lancaster.  These  are 
satisfied  with  him,  but  he  cannot  subsist  from  them.  He 
therefore  asked  me  a  short  time  ago  to  provide  him  with 
another  suitable  place,  which  also  I  will  do  next  summer 
with  his  aid. 

"Domine  Schnorr,  on  account  of  bad  conduct,  has 
been  driven  from  Lancaster,  and  has  now  been  accepted 
on  trial  for  a  year  as  pastor  by  a  church  in  Esopus  in  the 
York  government  of  the  New  Netherland." 

This  meeting  of  October,  1 746,  was  not  a  regular  meet- 
ing of  the  coetus,  as  there  were  no  elders  present ;  it  was 
only  a  preliminary  meeting.  It  was  necessary  that  the 
ministers  should  become  united  before  the  congregations 
could  become  united. 

"  This,"  says  Schlatter,  "  was  tlic  first  occasion  on 
which  these  brethren  had  all  been  together,   notwithstaud- 


320        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

ing  some  of  them  had  been  laboring  for  twenty  years  in 
this  part  of  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord.  The  object  of  this 
fraternal  meeting  was  that  not  T,  but  the  Lord  might  unite 
their  hearts  in  love,  which  they  not  only  promised  to  do  in 
the  most  affectionate  terms  and  with  many  tears,  but  also 
subscribed  certain  articles  of  peace  and  unity." 

We  have  tried  to  find  these  articles  referred  to,  or  the 
letter  which  Schlatter  wrote  about  this  meeting,  but  have 
failed.  Schlatter  becomes  eloquent  over  this  meeting. 
"  God  be  praised,"  he  says,  "  for  the  brotherly  union." 
The  narrative  of  this  meeting  ends  the  first  part  of  the 
diary  he  sent  to  Holland.  The  diary  was  finished,  Decem- 
ber 15,  but  as  the  season  for  navigation  had  closed,  it  was 
not  sent  to  Holland  until  the  following  spring,  and  was 
sent  March  1,  1747.  The  deputies,  when  they  received  it, 
Avere  delighted  that  now  at  last  they  had  gotten  news  from 
Pennsylvania.  They  read  it  and  reread  it.  The  synods, 
they  say,  thank  him.  And  about  his  work  of  reconciling 
Boehm,  Weiss,  Rieger  and  even  Reiff,  they  quote  :  "  Blessed 
are  the  peacemakers,  for  they  shall  be  called  the  children 
of  God."  They  were  greatly  pleased  that  Weiss  traveled 
with  him  to  Tulpehocken,  and  thank  him  for  it. 

Schlatter's  Second  Journey,  October  15-21. 

On  March  15  he  started  on  another  tour  through 
Pennsylvania.  He  first  visited  Muhlenberg  at  the  Trappe, 
who  received  him  very  kindly.  On  the  16th  lie  admin- 
istered the  communion  at  Falkner  Swamp  to  ninety  per- 
sons, and  then  made  known  to  them  liis  instructions,  and 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     321 

forty-six  men  subscribed  $40,  besides  some  wheat  and  oats. 
On  October  18  he  preached  at  Providence  in  a  barn,  as  the 
Reformed  there  were  too  poor  to  have  a  church,  and  forty- 
two  men  pledged  themselves  for  $28.80  and  some  wheat. 
But  one-third  of  both  the  last  named  congregations  was 
not  present.  Both  congregations  would,  he  thought,  make 
up  a  salary  of  $106.40. 

On  the  19th  he  went  to  New  Goshenhoppen,  together 
with  Boehm  and  Weiss,  so  as  to  try  and  heal  the  dissen- 
sions there  caused  by  Frederick  Casimir  Miller.  The 
union  conference  of  October,  1746,  at  Philadelphia,  meant 
more  than  mere  friendship  ;  it  meant  that  the  Reformed 
ministers  would  support  each  other.  And  so  Schlatter 
went  to  New  Goshenhoppen  to  support  Weiss  and  stop 
the  spirit  of  independence  in  that  congregation.  Schlatter 
preached  on  the  19th  on  2  Chronicles  15  :  2-4,  After 
preaching  he  tried  to  win  Miller's  adherents  over  to  Weiss. 
Miller  was  present  in  the  church  and  had  boasted  on  the 
previous  Sunday  (October  16)  that  the  "black  coats  and 
white  wigs,  and  Hollanders  and  Swiss  might  come,  but  they 
could  not  drive  him  away."  (It  was  customary  for  the 
Dutch  clergy  to  wear  these  things  then.)  Schlatter,  to 
find  out  how  many  of  the  congregation  were  Miller's 
friends,  asked  them  to  raise  their  hands,  but  they  refused 
under  the  plea  that  they  did  not  wish  to  swear  an  oath, 
for  which  the  act  of  lifting  up  the  hand  was  the  common 
sign.  Weiss  then  tried  the  hat  vote  (which  he  seems  to 
21 


322        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

have  been  fond  of  trying,  as  he  did  afterward  at  Philadel- 
phia). He  asked  the  Millerites  to  show  who  they  were, 
by  putting  on  their  hats.  But  that  they  would  not  do. 
They  seemed  determined  not  to  recognize  his  authority  in 
any  way.  Then  he  tried  another  plan.  If  he  could  not 
find  from  the  adherents  of  Miller  who  they  were,  he  would 
find  out  who  were  the  friends  of  Weiss.  So  he  asked 
Weiss'  friends  to  cover  their  heads,  and  thus  against  their 
own  will  Miller's  friends  were  openly  discovered  by  being 
bareheaded.  It  revealed  that  Miller's  adherents  num- 
bered about  seventeen  or  eighteen  heads  of  families. 
Schlatter  then  went  on,  giving  them  his  instructions  from 
Holland,  and  thirty  persons  in  the  congregation  agreed  to 
raise  for  Weiss  $36  and  thirty  bushels  of  wheat.  Weiss 
said  that  if  Old  and  New  Gosheuhoppeu  and  Great  Swamp 
would  go  together  to  form  a  charge,  they  could  raise 
$106.40.  Schlatter  says  that  though  he  did  not  fully  suc- 
ceed in  stopping  Miller  there,  yet  he  put  the  congregation 
on  a  permanent  footing.* 

Schlatter  then  went  to  Indian  Creek,  where  he  preached 
in  a  new  frame  church,  October  20,  on  Heb.  13  :  20-21. 
Forty-six  men  subscribed  $28.80  and  thirty  bushels  of 
wheat.  He  was  in  a  quandary  to  know  to  what  charge  to 
append  this  congregation,  as  it  was  so  far  from  any  other 
congregation.     A  linen  weaver,  named  Straub,  had  been 

*  This  division  in  the  congregation  continued  up  to  1752,]  when  Leydich 
8aj8  it  was  the  cause  of  the  leaving  of  the  school-master,  John  William  AVi- 
gand,  who  could  not  gain  support  enough  because  of  the  divisions  there,  and 
80  Leydich  recommended  him  to  Lischy. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     323 

supplying  the  congregation.  He  says  that  if  this  congre- 
gation could  be  joined  to  Witpen  and  Skippack,  the  charge 
could  make  up  $94.20.  On  Saturday,  October  22,  he  went 
to  Germautown,  where  he  preached  the  preparatory  ser- 
mon and  the  next  day  administered  the  communion  to 
eighty-iive  members.  He  had  a  personal  examination  of 
them  the  day  before,  as  was  customary  in  Holland  and  in 
some  parts  of  Germany,  and  some  communed  who  had  not 
done  so  for  ten  or  twelve  years. 

He  reports  to  Holland  that  he  received  numerous 
applications  for  ministers  from  congregations,  even  as  far 
as  Virginia,  300  miles  distant,  from  which  two  men  came 
to  him.  He  also  reported  that  none  of  the  ministers 
opposed  his  work,  not  even  the  independents,  except  Fred- 
erick Casimir  Miller,  and  he  was  not  able  to  accomplish 
much.  On  November  4  he  went  to  Hall  Mill,  N.  J.,  a 
distance  of  thirty-three  miles.  There  he  held  preparatory 
services,  had  examination  of  the  members  and  gave  the 
communion  to  thirty-nine  communicants.  After  this  he 
preached  a  thanksgiving  sermon  and  returned  to  Phila- 
delphia on  the  7th.  He  thus  sums  up  the  results  of  his 
labors  at  the  end  of  his  journal  sent  to  Holland  in  the  win- 
ter of  1746-47.  He  said  the  congregations  lacked  in 
making  up  a  proper  minister's  salary,  as  follows  : 
Lancaster,  20  pounds.     Manakesi,  24  pounds. 

Tulpchocken,        12       "  Indian  Creek,       20       " 

Falkner  Swamp,  20        "  Goshenhop})en,     10        " 

Yorktown,  10       "  Witpen,  10       " 

Philadelphia,        10       " 


324       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

During  the  winter,  when  it  was  impossible  to  do  much 
traveling,  he  remained  in  Philadelphia,  preaching  to  the 
Philadelphia  and  Gcrmantowu  congregations.     He  says  : 

"  \yhile  I  am  now  in  Philadelphia  and  during  the 
winter  cannot  proceed  with  my  commission,  I  preach 
twice  every  Sunday,  that  is,  on  Sunday  once  in  the  morn- 
ing in  Philadelphia  and  in  the  afternoon  at  Germantown  ; 
and  the  next  Sunday  in  the  morning  at  Germantown  and 
in  the  afternoon  at  Philadelphia.  Wherever  I  preach  in 
the  afternoon,  I  do  so  on  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  and 
after  the  service  I  hold  a  child's  lesson  witli  the  youth. 
Besides,  I  have  planned  out  three  days  per  week  for  six 
months,  on  which  I  give  lessons  to  about  twenty  young 
people  for  one  hour  or  more,  who  desire  to  be  accepted  as 
members  at  Christmas  time." 

The  arrano-ement  seems  to  have  been  that  Boehm 
preached  at  Philadelphia,  as  before,  every  fourth  Sunday, 
and  Schlatter  preached  there  the  three  other  Sundays. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  year  the  Philadelphia  and  Ger- 
mantown congregations  desired  him  to  become  their  pas- 
tor. As  Boehm  was  willing  to  this,  owing  to  advanced 
age  and  infirmity,  Schlatter  acceded,  but  on  condition 
that  Boehm  would  continue  his  monthly  services  for  six 
months  longer,  so  that  Schlatter  might  continue  his  trav- 
els through  the  churches  until  all  were  thoroughly  organ- 
ized. On  the  21st  of  December  Boehm  installed  him, 
and  ou  New  Year's  day,  O.  S.,  1747,  he  preached  his 
introductory  sermon  at  Philadelphia  on  Genesis  32  :  26. 
I    But  long  before  spring  opened,  Schlatter,    with    his 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     325 

usual  activity,  was  at  his  work  of  traveling  through  the 
country  to  visit  the  congregations.  Even  as  early  as 
January  29,  in  midwinter,  he  went  to  Skippack,  where  he 
preached  in  a  house  and  made  known  his  commission 
from  Holland,  but  found  the  congregation  so  weak  that  it 
could  raise  only  $21.20.  The  distractions  between  the 
Reiif  and  the  Boehm  party  had  so  divided  it  that  Boehm  and 
Schlatter  claimed  it  became  extinct.  Many  of  its  mem- 
bers had  scattered  to  the  neighboring  Reformed  congrega- 
tions at  Goshenhoppen,  Trappe  and  Witpen.  On  Feb- 
ruary 2  he  again  went  into  the  country,  and  before  he 
returned,  preached  to  Bcehm's  now  new  congregation  at 
Witpen.  This  congregation  was  able  to  raise  only  |26.40. 
If  it  could  be  united  with  Indian  Field  or  Skippack,  they 
might  raise  $106.40.  (But  this  was  not  likely,  as  Boehm 
was  pastor,  and  he  could  not  travel  so  far.)  Having 
again  returned,  he  w^as  installed  by  Boehm  pastor  of  the 
Germantown  congregation,  February  15,  and  preached 
his  introductory  sermon  on  Ezekiel  3  :  17-19. 

On  March  17  he  visited  Dr.  Miller  at  Falkner 
Swamp,  and  baptized  his  wife  and  eight  children.  She 
made  a  profession  of  her  faith.*  On  April  19  and  20  he 
was  again  at  Philadelphia,  preaching  the  preparatory  ser- 

*  We  must  confess  that  we  canoot  understand  why  Schlatter  did  this. 
He  says  Miller  was  an  elder  at  Falkner  Swamp.  If  he  was  an  oflBcer  in 
Boehm's  congregation  there,  Schlatter  had  no  right  to  go  into  Hoohm's  cm. 
gregation  thus,  especially  to  receive  her  into  his  congregation,  when  the  fam- 
ily belonged  to  Bcehm's  congregation  there. 


326       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

mon,  and  administeriug  the  communion  to  165  at  Phila- 
delphia and  115  at  Germantown.  He  confirmed  twenty 
at  Philadelphia  on  Thursday  before  Easter.  On  the  26th 
he  traveled  thirty-eight  miles  to  Pilesgrove,  near  Hall 
Mill,  N.  J.  There  he  administered  the  communion,  and 
ordained  and  installed  elders  and  deacons,  thus  fully 
organizing  the  congregation. 

Third  Jouexey  of  Schlatter,  April  29— May  14. 
Schlatter  now  took  his  longest  journey.  He  calls  it 
the  "  great  journey,"  because  he  went  so  far,  even  into 
Maryland.  On  April  29,  followed  by  the  prayers  of  his 
congregation,  as  he  felt  he  was  going  on  a  long  and  dan- 
gerous journey,  he  started  out.  He  was  to  go  beyond  the 
Susquehanna,  which  was  then  on  the  borders  of  the  In- 
dian wilderness.  He  crossed  the  Susquehanna  when  it  was 
running  very  full.  He  says  :  "  When  I  crossed  the  Sus- 
quehanna, it  was  greatly  swollen,  so  that  I  crossed  it  with 
twelve  men  at  the  oars  of  the  boat,  and  then  only  reached 
the  opposite  shores  amid  dangers,  which  threatened  my 
life,  the  river  being  at  that  time  about  two  miles  wide." 
By  May  2  he  had  arrived  at  York,  where  he  found  a 
large  Reformed  congregation,  which  had  been  founded  by 
Lischy  when  in  the  Congregation  of  God  in  the  Spirit. 
He  preached  the  preparatory  sermon  and  promised  on  his 
return  to  hold  the  communion  for  them  on  May  10.  In 
order  to  get  back  by  that  time,  he  started  on  Monday  for 
Conewago,  where  he  held  a  preparatory  service  in  a  school- 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     327 

house,  and  the  next  day  gave  the  communion  to  eighty- 
persons  ;  and  owing  to  the  great  multitude  of  people  be 
baptized  twenty-one  children  outside  of  the  church. 
He  read  his  instructions  to  them,  which  they  heard  with 
great  joy,  and  forty-five  heads  of  families  promised  to 
raise  twelve  pounds  and  give  some  grain,  in  all  $53.20. 

The  next  day  he  went  to  Monocacy,  where  he  held 
preparatory  service,  baptized  twenty-six  children,  and  on 
May  18  he  gave  the  communion  to  eighty-six  persons, 
and  to  twelve  with  milk  on  account  of  lack  of  wine. 
He  read  his  instructions,  and  forty-nine  heads  of  families 
agreed  to  raise  $106.40.  He  suggests  the  union  of  the  con- 
gregation with  that  of  Conogocheaque,  thirty  miles  away. 
He  said  he  found  this  region  free  from  the  influence  of 
the  sects,  and  that  on  7000  acres  there  were  none  but  Re- 
formed. Then  by  evening  he  came  back  to  Conewago, 
and  the  next  day  back  to  York  (he  always  kept  his 
appointments),  where  he  held  preparatory  service  on  the 
9th,  baptized  twenty-nine,  and  on  the  10th  held  com- 
munion, as  he  had  agreed.  He  found  that  this  region 
had  been  much  disturbed  by  Lischy  and  the  Moravians, 
but  nevertheless  he  administered  the  communion  to  150 
persons.  He  read  his  instructions,  and  100  heads  of  fami- 
lies agreed  to  pay  $133.20.  He  then  returned  to  Lan- 
caster, where  he  preached  on  the  13th,  and  then  back  to 
Philadelphia  by  the  14th,  traveling  on  his  home  journey 
eighty-eight  miles.     On  the  15th  he  moved  for  the  sake 


328        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

of  freedom  into  a  rented  house,  although  he  was  not  mar- 
ried to  Maria  H.  Schleydoru  until  October  11,  1747.  He 
did  this,  he  says,  for  great  freedom  for  all  to  consult  him. 
On  May  22  he  went  to  New  York  to  consult  with  the 
Dutch  Reformed  ministers.  He  says  he  went  there  to 
confer  with  the  New  York  ministers  about  the  founding 
of  a  synod  for  the  Germans.  On  May  23  he  wrote  from 
Morris,  N.  J.  This  letter  was  sent  to  Holland  with  the 
son  of  Rev.  Mr.  Frelinghuysen.  In  it  he  suggests  that 
he  return  to  Holland,  taking  some  of  the  Pennsylvania 
ministers  along  with  him,  so  as  to  stir  up  interest  in  Hol- 
land. To  this  proposal  the  classis  and  deputies  very 
decidedly  say  "no,"  for  fear  that  during  his  absence  his 
work  might  fall  to  pieces  again.  He  asked  the  classis  of 
Amsterdam  in  this  letter  that  he  and  his  colleagues  might 
become  members  of  the  same  coetus  as  New  York,  but 
the  classis  refused,  as  Schlatter  had  been  sent  out  by  the 
South  Holland  synod,  and  not  by  themselves ;  and  also 
it  seemed  somewhat  premature,  as  the  Pennsylvania  coetus 
had  not  yet  been  founded.  He  says  that  at  New  York 
he  asked  the  Dutch  Reformed  for  contributions  for  his 
new  church  at  Philadelphia.  They  shortly  after  send  to 
him  about  $100,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Curtenius,  their  i)astor 
at  Hackensack,  N.  J.,  sent  him  $144.  He  returned  to 
Philadelphia  on  the  30th,  and  on  June  7  (Whitsunday) 
he  administered  the  communion  at  Philadelphia  to  ninety- 
four  and  at  Germantown  on  the  following  day  to  sixty-five. 


Schlatter's  labors  before  first  coetus.     329 

Fourth  Journey  of  Schlatter,  June  10-30. 

In  June  he  starts  out  on  another  rather  long  journey 
to  the  northern  districts.  He  first  went,  on  June  11,  to 
the  Zeltenreich's  congregation,  where  he  preached  to  a 
small  congregation,  which  had  formerly  been  served  by 
Rieger.  Twenty  heads  of  families  promised  $20  for  a 
minister,  if  he  would  come  once  a  month.  On  the  13th 
he  administered  the  communion  to  the  Lancaster  congre- 
gation to  225  persons.  The  crowd  was  so  great  that  many 
could  not  get  into  the  churcii.  On  the  16th  he  preached 
at  Donegal  to  a  small  congregation,  which  agreed  to  raise 
$32.  On  the  18th  he  went  to  Muddy  Creek,  on  the  19th 
to  Cocalico,  preaching  at  both  places,  on  the  20th  to  White 
Oaks,  where  he  preached  a  preparatory  sermon.  He  pre- 
sented his  instructions  to  each  of  these  congregations. 
Muddy  Creek  agreed  to  raise  eleven  pounds ;  Cocalico,  six 
pounds,  and  White  Oaks,  twenty-three  pounds — total, 
$106.40.  He  says,  if  Zeltenreich's  could  be  united  with 
them,  they  would  be  able  to  raise  about  $133.20.  On  the 
21st  he  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  at  White  Oaks  to 
seventy  persons.     On  the  23d  he  preached  at  Tulpehocken. 

He  then  went  to  a  district  that  he  had  not  yet  visited, 
eastward  along  the  southern  borders  of  the  Blue  moun- 
tain, visiting  Cacusi,  Berne,  Michael's,  Maxatawny,  INfa- 
gunschy,  Egypt  and  tiie  Lehigh.  From  the  24th  to  the 
26th  he  was  near  Bethlehem.  There  Lischy  fell  into  his 
company    and    went    with    him    to  Nazareth.      Schlatter 


330        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

returned  to  Bethlehem  and  then  to  Manatawny.  In  this 
trip  he  had  been  passing  through  a  region  largely  served 
by  independent  Reformed  ministers.  He  then  visited 
Sacony,  where  Wirtz  was  preaching,  and  also  Springfield. 
On  July  3  he  returned  safely  to  Philadelphia.  When  he 
arrived  there,  he  found  a  very  earnest  and  loving  letter 
asking  him  to  come  to  Amwell,  N.  J.,  and  administer  the 
communion  to  them.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  traveled 
much  during  the  summer,  perhaps  on  account  of  the  unusual 
heat  of  Pennsylvania.  In  August  he  addressed  a  circu- 
lar letter  to  all  the  ministers  and  elders  of  the  German 
Reformed  congregations,  asking  them  to  join  with  him  in 
organizing  a  coetus  to  meet  September  29  at  Philadelphia. 
Three  days  before  this  he  administered  the  communion  at 
Philadelphia  to  eighty-nine  persons,  and  at  Germantown 
the  next  day  to  fifty-nine. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CHURCH  UNDER  SYNODICAL   aOVERN- 
MENT— SCHLATTER  AND  THE  COETUS. 


SECTION  I. 
THE  FIRST  COETUS. 

The  Reformed  of  Pennsylvania  had  heretofore  existed 
as  separate  congregations  or  as  individual  charges.  The 
first  congregation,  as  we  have  seen,  was  organized  in  1710 
by  Rev.  Paul  Van  Vlecq.  The  first  charge  was  organ- 
ized by  Bcehm  in  1725.  In  1747  the  Church  ascended  a 
step  higher  in  church  government  and  organized  a  synod, 
which,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Holland  deputies,  was 
called  a  coetus. 

The  word  coetus  is  taken  from  the  organization  of 
John  a'Lasco,  who  first  organized  the  ministers  at  Emden 
in  northwestern- Germany  into  a  coetus  in  1544.  It  was 
a  synod  with  limited  powers,  and  still  exists  as  the  oldest 
Reformed  organization  in  Europe,  except  one,  the  Vener- 
able Company  of  Geneva,  founded  by  Calvin,  Or  its 
name  may  also  have  been  taken  directly  from  the  deputies 
of  the  North  and  South  Holland  synods,  whose  united 
organization,    when    it   met   at   the   Hague    to    transact 


332       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

business  for  PeDnsylvania,  etc.,  was  called  a  coetus.  So 
South  Holland  synod  had  two  coeti — one  at  the  Hague, 
composed  of  its  deputies,  and  the  other  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  organization  of  a  coetus  in  Pennsylvania  had 
been  talked  of  for  a  number  of  years,  but  the  Holland 
Church,  as  we  have  seen,  had  not  been  able  as  yet  to  find 
a  German  minister  to  go  to  America  who  was  able  to 
bring  about  such  an  organization.  As  early  as  1738  such 
an  organization  was  attempted  in  New  York,  when  the 
Dutch  Reformed  ministers  of  New  York  and  the  German 
Reformed  of  Pennsylvania  tried  to  organize  one.  Boehm 
attended  that  meeting,  April  27,  1738,  which  drew  up  a 
constitution.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  elder,  Sebastian 
Reifschneider,  of  Falkner  Swamp.  Their  actions,  together 
with  the  constitution  they  adopted,  were  sent  to  Holland 
for  approval,  but  the  Fathers  were  so  slow  that  it  only 
eventuated  into  something  nine  years  later,  when  the 
Dutch  Reformed  coetus  was  organized,  September  14, 
1747,  at  New  York,  fifteen  days  earlier  than  the  organi- 
zation of  the  German  Reformed  coetus.  If  that  earlier 
organization  of  1738  had  gone  into  existence,  the  Dutch 
Reformed  of  New  York  and  the  German  Reformed  of 
Pennsylvania  would  now  be  in  the  same  organization,  as 
they  ought  to  be. 

Later  both  Dorsius  and  Rieger  speak  of  organizing  a 
coetus.  Rieger,  after  his  visit  to  Holland  in  1744,  tried 
to  bring  about  an  organization.     He  writes  in  his  letters 


THE    FIRST    COETUS.  333 

of  November  16,  1745,  that  ever  since  his  return  to  Penn- 
sylvania he  had  been  endeavoring  to  bring  the  Reformed 
into  a  union,  but  the  wide  extent  of  country,  the  scattered 
condition  of  the  people  and  the  division  of  sentiments 
have  stood  in  the  way.  He  said  the  people  were  begin- 
ning to  lose  faith  in  help  from  Holland,  as  no  help  of  any 
account  had  yet  come,  although  promised  many  years 
before.  To  stop  this  prejudice  he  suggests  that  classis 
begin  aiding  some  congregations,  that  would  become  sub- 
ordinate to  it,  and  others  would  then  become  willing  to 
join  in  the  movement,  so  as  to  reap  the  benefits,  and  thus 
a  coetus  would  be  formed.  But  Rieger  was  not  the  man 
to  bring  about  such  an  organization,  as  he  had  already 
lost  influence  among  many  of  the  Reformed.  It  needed 
a  stranger,  who  had  not  been  involved  in  local  controver- 
sies like  Rieger,  to  come  in  with  the  power  and  gifts  of 
the  Holland  Church  behind  him  to  bring  it  to  pass.  Such 
a  man  providence  found  in  Schlatter.  His  organization 
of  the  coetus  marks  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  our 
Church.  Heretofore  the  main  idea  of  the  congregations 
had  been  to  live  (self-support),  now  they  began  to  live  for 
each  other  and  for  the  welfare  of  the  Reformed  Church  at 
large.  Difficulties,  of  course,  there  were.  No  great 
movement  is  ever  unattended  by  difficulties.  Neverthe- 
less, it  was  an  advance  on  anything  previously  existing, 
and  set  the  character  of  the  Church  for  well  nigh  half  a 
century. 


334       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

The  coetus  met  in  Philadelphia,  September  29,  1747. 
It  met  in  the  old  church  building  on  Arch  street.  Four 
ministers  were  present,  namely  Boehm,  Weiss,  Rieger  and 
Schlatter.  Boehm  was  the  patriarch  of  the  meeting,  and 
also  its  clerk.  Schlatter  is  the  most  prominent  member, 
as  he  was  president.  Twenty-eight  elders  were  present 
from  twelve  charges.  Of  the  elders  perhaps  the  most 
prominent  were  Daniel  Bouton  from  the  Philadelphia 
congregation  and  Daniel  Hiester,  of  Goshenhoppen.  One 
of  the  elders  had  come  a  long  distance,  from  the  very 
borders  of  the  Indian  wilderness — Casper  Spengler,  who 
came  from  Yorktown,  beyond  the  Susquehanna.  Some 
of  them  came  from  the  frontier  settlements  of  Tulpehocken 
and  Egypt,  where  the  Indians  still  roamed  and  the  Ger- 
mans were  glad  to  live  in  rough  log  huts.  Most  of  them 
were  plain  country  farmers  or  artisans,  perhaps  store- 
keepers ;  but  whatever  their  trade,  they  loved  their  Hei- 
delberg Catechism  and  their  Reformed  Church,  or  they 
never  would  have  traveled  so  many  miles  to  organize  her 
into  a  coetus. 

The  coetus  was  opened  with  a  sermon  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Rieger  on  Psalm  133.  He  could  not  have  chosen  a  more 
suitable  text :  "  Behold,  how  good  and  pleasant  it  is  for 
brethren  to  dwell  together  in  unity."  He  evidently  struck 
the  keynote  of  the  session.  The  coetus  approved  of  the 
instructions  of  the  Holland  deputies  to  Schlatter,  and  also 
endorsed    his    organization    of    the    congregations    into 


TEMPELMAN'S  HOUSE  (near  Corinvall,  Pa.,  where  he  began  preaching). 


THE  REFORMED  CHURCH  OF  PHILADELPHIA  (1747-1772). 


THE   FIRST   CXDETUS.  335 

charges  and  his  efforts  to  find  out  what  salaries  they 
would  pay  for  pastors.  They  appointed  him  to  write  for 
them  to  Holland  and  ask  for  ministers  necessary  to  fill  the 
vacant  charges.  They  appointed  a  committee  to  look  into 
the  case  of  Liscliy,  who  wanted  to  return  from  the  Mora- 
vians to  the  Reformed.  Schlatter  was  very  much  in  favor 
of  his  reception,  but  Boehm  opposed  it.  They  closed  their 
sessions,  of  which  there  were  six,  by  ordering  the  money 
collected  by  Boehm  for  his  congregation  at  Skippack  to  be 
given  to  Witpen,  as  his  congregation  at  Skippack  had 
gone  to  pieces.  The  ministers  and  elders  went  home, 
greatly  encouraged  to  tell  their  congregations  that  nov/ 
the  Lord  would  provide  help  for  them.  As  this  coetus  is 
so  important,  and  only  one  copy  of  its  minutes  is  in  exist- 
ence, as  far  as  we  know,  we  give  the  minutes  in  full : 

"  September  3-29.  In  the  forenoon  at  9  o'clock  all 
the  members  of  the  Honorable  and  Reverend  Coetus  pro- 
ceeded from  the  parsonage  to  the  old  church,  where  the 
Rev.  Brother  Rieger  preached  on  Psalm  133  in  a  heart- 
felt and  edifying  manner,  and  to  the  general  contentment 
of  the  hearers. 

Afternoon  at  2  O'Clock. 

The  First  Session. 

"  This  session,  like  all  those  subsequent  thereto,  was 
opened  with  fervent  prayer.  In  accordance  with  the 
desire  of  the  High  Reverend  Members  of  the  Synods  of 
South  and  North  Holland,  the  writer  of  this,  Michael 
Schlatter,  presided.     Thereupon  were  the  names  of  mem- 


336        THE   GERMAN    EEFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

bers  present  of  the  Coetus  recorded,  and  these  were  the 
following,  to  wit : 

From  Philadelphia  and  Germanton  {GermanfownK 
Michael  Schlatter,  V.  D.  M.,  and  President  pro  tern. 
Daniel  Bouton. 
John  Gaul. 
Christophel  Meng. 
Paul  Geissel. 

Falkner  Schwamm  {Falhier  Swamp),  Providenz  and  Wit- 
pen  Thounschij)  (Township). 

John  Philips  Boehm,  V.  D.  M. 
Frederick  Reinier. 
Conrad  Ribel  and  John  Herpel. 
Michael  Klem. 

Old  and  New  Goshenhoppen,  Grosser  Swamp  (Great 
Swamp). 
George  Michael  Weiss,  V.  D.  M. 
Christian  Schneider  and  Daniel  Hister. 
John  Huth  and  Philip  Reid. 
John  Huber  and  Nicolas  Montbauer. 

Schaffer's  Church  and  Erlentown  Congregation  in   Cana- 

stocka. 
John  Bartholomew  Rieger,  V.  D.  M. 
Michael  Weidler, 
Philip  Rank. 

Lav  caster. 
Vacant. 

Tolpehaken. 
John  Stem. 

Valentine  Unruh. 

Schipbach  {Skippack). 
Jacob  Arnet. 
Peter  Speyker. 


THE    FIRST    COETUS.  337 

Indien  Fiel  (Indian  Field). 
Michael  Berger. 
Frederick  Zollner. 

Springjiel  [Springfield). 
Christian  Schugg. 
Blauenberg  {Blue  Mountain)  and  Egypten  [Egypt). 
Abraham  Wotring. 
Peter  Kocher. 

Klein  Lechaw  [Little  Lehigh). 

Henry  Roth. 

Sacon,  near  Herzel. 

Anthony  Lerch. 

Jorgthown  [Yorktown). 
Caspar  Spengler. 
"  It  was  further  resolved  that  our  General  Coetus  be 
held  annually  on  Michael's  Day  and  be  called  together 
by  the  President  then  in  office. 

8—30.  Second  and  Third  Sessions 
"My  Journal  from  June,  1746,  to  March  1,  1747,  of 
which  a  full  copy  was  sent  to  Holland  to  the  very  Rev- 
erend and  High  Deputies  of  the  Highly  Reverend  and 
Christian  Synods,  and  to  the  Highly  Esteemed  Classis  of 
Amsterdam,  was  read  word  for  word.  The  record  of  the 
journal  was  approved  by  the  Coetus  and  its  correctness 
acknowledged,  and  the  subsequent  writing  authorized  and 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  Holland. 

Fourth  Session. 
"  4-31  Se])t.     Upon  the  written  summons,  by  his  Rev- 
erence Domine  Michael  Schlatter,  sent  from  Philadelphia 
?2 


338        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

to  US,  the  undersigned  ministers  and  elders  of  the  High 
German  Reformed  Cliurches  in  Pennsylvania,  that  we 
appear  in  Philadelphia  on  the  29th  of  September,  1747, 
in  order  to  attend  the  aforesaid  Coetus,  we,  the  under- 
signed, have  obediently  appeared  here.  At  this  Coetus 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Schlatter  read  his  communication  to  the 
High  Worthy  and  Christian  Synods  of  South  and  North 
Holland,  and  to  the  Classis  of  Amsterdam,  done  under 
date  of  September  22,  1746,  December  15,  and  in  the 
month  of  May,  1 747,  consisting  of  seven  or  eight  sheets, 
commencing  June  1,  1746,  and  ending,  'calling  them- 
selves with  High  Esteem,'  in  a  clear  and  understanding 
manner,  so  that  we  have  understood  it  well  :  and  the  fol- 
lowing your  very  Esteemed  Synodical  instruction  we  have 
caused  to  be  read  in  all  congregations  :  and  having 
approved  (the  same),  we  do  hereby  attest  and  confirm  it. 

"  Done  in  Our  Coetus  Assembly,  the  first  time  held 
in  Philadelphia  under  date. 

"  Further  has  the  Rev.  Schlatter  made  a  report  to  the 
Coetus  of  his  journeys  made  among  the  Reformed  con- 
gregations in  Pennsylvania  this  spring  and  summer, 
which  we  considered  and  discussed.  We  have  also  in  the 
most  amicable  and  brotherly  manner  requested  Mr.  Schlat- 
ter to  have  the  kindness,  besides  his  multiplied  occupa- 
tions, to  also  take  this  trouble  upon  himself,  and  to  make 
known  to  the  Esteemed  Deputies  of  the  High  Rev- 
erend and  Christian  Synods,  and  to  the  High  Reverend 
Classis,  the  Acts  of  this  our  Coetus  now  being  held  :  tiie 
w^hich  the  Rev.  Dom.  Schlatter  has  taken  upon  himself, 
but  requested  therewith  that  out  of  the  entire  Coetus  cer- 
tain men  might  be  chqsen  and  authorized,   who  shoul4 


THE    FIRST   COETUS,  339 

examine  the  aforesaid  account  (to  the  synods),  which  his 
Reverence  should  at  his  convenience  afterwards  write  up 
in  proper  shape,  in  order  to  judge  whether  or  no  Mr. 
Schlatter  had  caught  the  sense  of  the  Rev.  Coetus.  This 
proposition  having  been  approved  of  by  us,  we  have 
chosen  these  following  men,  to  wit  :  Daniel  Bouton,  of 
Philadelphia  ;  Paul  Geissel,  of  Gerraantown  ;  Frederick 
Reimer,  of  Falkuerschwam  ;  Johan  Huth,  of  Goshenhop- 
pen  :  who  should  comply  with  the  request  of  Mr.  Schlat- 
ter and  sign  our  Coetus  Report  in  the  name  of  all.  Signed 
by  the  following  persons  : 
J.  P.  Bffim,  V.  D.  M.,  Philip  Rank, 

G.  M.  Weiss,  V.  D.  M.,        Peter  Speyker, 
J.  B.  Rieger,         "  Michael  Berge, 

Fred  Reimer,  Caspar  Spengler, 

Joh.  Dan.  Bouton,  John  Stem, 

Paul  Geissel,  Henry  Roth, 

John  Huth,  George  Ruth, 

Christian  Schneider,  Anthony  Lerch, 

John  Huber,  Abraham  Wotring, 

Michael  Kleim,  Peter  Kocher. 

Michael  Weydler, 

Fifth  Session. 

"  4-31,  September.  I  have  made  up  a  report  of  what 
I  have  done  in  regard  to  the  believing  bretiiren  in  Penn- 
sylvania since  the  month  of  March  until  the  present  time, 
as  follows  :  to  wit,  read  letters  from  Frederick  Casimir  Mil- 
ler, Petersen,  school-master  of  Indian  Field  and  Seyfert  : 
also  a  few  letters  from  the  Consistories  to  me  from  Manake- 
sy,  Canawake,  Lancaster,  Jorktown,  Danigal,  Makunschi, 
Lechaw   (Lehigh),    Rarentants,   Cocalico,  Klein  Lechaw 


340       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

(Little  Lehigh),  Sacon,  Fark,  etc.  :  all  of  which  requested 
help  of  me  and  asked  for  the  adniiuistration  of  the  Holy 
Supper  :  Likewise  a  letter  was  read  from  the  Rev.  Pastor 
Hoedemaker,  of  the  Hague,  dated  April  20,  1747,  written 
to  me,  and  was  translated,  stating  that  the  letters  which  I 
had  sent  to  Holland  by  Philip  Ullrich  were  lost,  but  the 
first  part  of  my  Journal  was  duly  received  in  Holland, 
was  received  favorably,  and  was  considered  by  the  High 
Reverend  Synods  and  the  High  Reverend  Deputies,  Oc- 
tober L  I  have  also  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jacob  Lischi, 
formerly  a  Hernhutter  or  Moravian  Preacher,  written  to 
me  in  the  month  of  August  of  this  year.  In  this  letter 
he  requests  to  be  received  as  a  Brother  by  the  Rev.  Coe- 
tus,  since  he  would  in  the  future  labor  among  and  with 
us  as  a  true  Reformed  preacher. 

"  On  May  1st  I  made  a  journey  over  the  Susquehanna 
River,  preached  in  Jork  and  administered  the  Holy  Sup- 
per to  151  persons,  baptized  29  children,  112  men  prom- 
ised 28  pounds  and  200  bushels  of  fruit. 

"In  Cannawaken  I  administered  the  Holy  Supper  to 
80  persons,  baptized  21  children,  and  46  men  promised 
11  pounds  and  60  bushels  of  fruit. 

"  In  Mannakesy  I  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  to 
86  persons,  baptized  26  children,  and  49  men  promised  36 
pounds  money  and  86  bushels  of  fruit. 

"  In  the  congregation  at  Jeremias  Miller's  in  Danni- 
gal  I  preached,  and  there  17  men  promised  8  pounds  and 
38  bushels  of  fruit. 

"  The  congregation  at  Bastian  Reyer's,  where  I  admin- 
istered the  Lord's  Supper  to  70  persons,  promised  13 
pounds  and  about  100  bushels  of  fruit. 


THE   FIRST   COETUS.  341 

"  Cocalico  and  Moden  Krick  (Muddy  Creek)  received 
me  partly  with  coldness  and  partly  with  impropriety. 
Particularly  in  Moden  Krick  was  my  instruction  little 
respected,  and  they  were  satisfied  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Tem- 
pleman,  who  preaches  to  them  till  now. 

"  Regarding  the  said  Mr.  Templeman,  he  appears  to 
be  an  honest,  well-meaning  person,  and  to  be  beloved  by 
these  three  above-mentioned  and  some  other  congrega- 
tions— Quittobehill,  Schwadare,  Danigal,  etc.  Therefore  it 
was  resolved  in  regard  to  him  that  since  he  in  sincerity 
to  the  best  of  his  abilities  has  tried  to  keep  these  congre- 
gations together,  without  seeking  or  finding  much  advan- 
tage thereby,  neither  did  he  set  himself  against  our  order, 
but  always  desired  to  be  an  ordained  minister,  therefore 
his  case  shall  be  reported  to  Holland,  and  advice  asked 
whether,  when  Weiss-Eichenland  (White  Oaks),  Cocalico 
and  Moden  Krick  receive  an  ordained  minister,  he  might 
be  ordained,  and  then  Schwadare,  where  he  resides,  Danigal 
and  Quittobehill  be  left  over  to  him.  Oly,  Manadani, 
Maxadani,  Makuntschy,  Allemangel  and  Lechaw  are  not 
yet  ripe  enough.  They  should  be  let  go  until  the  hunger 
for  true  and  regular  ministers  comes  to  fuller  measure. 

"  In  Sacon,  Fark,  Springfield,  etc.,  the  people  are 
well  satisfied  with  Mr.  Conrad  Wierts,  of  Zurich,  except- 
ing certain  few.  Poverty  does  the  man  great  harm  in  his 
ministry,  but  because  the  man  is  of  good  spirit  and  no 
one  can  say  any  evil  of  him,  therefore  the  truth  in  regard 
to  his  person  and  said  congregations  be  reported  to  Hol- 
land. 

Sixth  Session. 

"  Regarding  Mr.  Jacob  Lischi  it  was  resolved  that  I 
and  Mr.  Pastor  Rieger  should  journey,  before  winter  sets 


342        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

iu,  to  Jork,  ou  the  Catores,  to  examine  the  aflPairs  and 
needs,  and  the  inclination  of  the  congregation  there  toward 
Mr.  Lischi,  and  then  report  everything,  together  with  his 
above-mentioned  request,  to  Holland,  and  obtain  advice 
whether  we  can  or  ought  to  accept  him  if  lie  should 
unreservedly  submit  to  all  regulations  and  allow  himself 
to  be  ordained  anew.  It  is  also  resolved  that  in  the  letter 
to  Holland,  Mauakesy,  Caniketschik  in  Maryland,  and 
Schanador,  Soutbrensch,  Botomic  and  Lykens  Ron,  or 
Germantown,  be  most  favorably  mentioned,  and  we  inter- 
cede for  the  same,  that  they  may  receive  a  preacher  for 
themselves,  or  at  least  some  other  help. 

"  In  regard  to  the  differences  in  Schipbach,  about  the 
money  collected  in  JSTew  York  for  the  church  of  Schip- 
bach by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bcehm  in  the  year  17 — ,  these  are 
arranged  in  the  following  manner  : 

"1.  According  to  the  original  offer  of  the  Reformed 
people  who  at  present  belong  or  adhere  to  the  congrega- 
tion at  Schipbach,  or  intend  to  join  the  same,  eighteen 
men  were  found  who  promised  together  8  pounds  8  shil- 
lings for  a  minister,  who  should  also  minister  to  them. 

"  2.  Brother  Bcehm  has  served  the  church  at  Schip- 
bach for  more  than  twenty  years,  has  received  little  salary, 
and,  as  he  says,  up  to  this  time  he  has  never  been  able  to 
bring  it  about  that  they  might  build  a  church  from  the 
money  collected. 

*'  3.  The  Congregation  was  entirely  scattered,  so  that 
for  a  year  there  were  not  five  families  who  remained  loyal 
to  Brother  Boehm. 

"  Brother  Bcehm  made  the  following  proposition  to 
the  Coetus,    namely  :  Whether   he    might    not   properly 


THE   FIRST   COETUS.  343 

apply  and  expend  this  money  collected  in  New  York,  con- 
sisting of  44  pounds,  for  the  Church  and  congregation 
which  should  be  erected  in  Witpen  Township. 

"  The  Coetus  made  no  objection  to  Rev.  Brother 
Brehm's  proposition,  should  the  congregation  at  Schip- 
bach  also  agree  to  it. 

"  Whereupon  then  the  brethren  from  Schipbach,  as 
the  representatives  of  the  congregation,  Messrs.  Jac.  Ar- 
ent  and  Peter  Speyker,  came  to  the  following  agreement 
with  pastor  Boehm  before  the  whole  Coetus. 

"Ag-reed  and  declared  : 

"  Namely,  that  it  be  permitted  Brother  Boehm  to  use 
40  pounds  of  the  money  collected  in  New  York  for  the 
Church  in  Witpen  Township  :  the  other  4  pounds,  as 
well  as  the  other  collections  raised  in  Philadelphia  and  in 
other  places  for  Schipbach,  shall  be  delivered  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Boehm  to  the  people  of  Schipbach." 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  II. 

SCHLATTER'S  LABORS   BETWEEN   THE  FIRST  AND 
SECOND  COETUS. 

After  the  coetus,  1747,  Sclilatter  made  his 

Fifth  Journey,  October  21-29. 

He  started  October  21  and  went  to  Lancaster ;  then,  in 
company  with  Rieger,  he  proceeded  to  York  on  the  23d, 
to  examine,  as  coetus  had  ordered,  into  the  relations  of 
that  congregation  to  Lischy.  On  the  24th  he  preached 
their  preparatory  sermon,  and  on  the  next  day  they  admin- 
istered the  Lord's  Supper.  After  it,  Schlatter  asked  the 
congregation  whether  they  would  accept  Lischy  as  their 
pastor,  if  sent  to  them  by  the  Reformed  Church  of  Hol- 
land. The  congregation  revealed  itself  divided  about  this. 
The  greater  part  said  they  would  prefer  another  minister. 
Lischy,  however,  at  that  time  showed  such  meekness  of 
disposition,  says  Schlatter,  that  he  was  favorably  impressed 
by  him.  The  committee,  however,  forbade  Lischy  for  the 
present  to  preach  or  administer  the  sacraments.  Schlatter 
returned  home  on  the  29th,  having  stopi)ed  at  I^ancaster 
on  the  27th  to  preach  to  the  congregation. 


Schlatter's  labors.  345 

Sixth  Journey,  November  13-20. 

In  November  he  again  started  out  on  another  journey. 
This  time  he  went  to  New  Jersey.  Starting  on  the  13th, 
he  visited,  after  a  journey  of  sixty  miles,  on  the  14th  the 
congregation  at  Rockaway,  where  he  received  twenty 
young  persons  into  the  Church  on  the  confession  of  their 
faith,  and  preached  a  preparatory  sermon  on  the  16th. 
On  the  17th  he  administered  the  communion  there,  and 
in  the  afternoon  lie  went  ten  miles  farther  to  Foxhill, 
where  he  preached  a  preparatory  sermon,  and  on  the  18th 
administered  the  communion  to  forty  members.  On  the 
same  day  he  went  to  Amwell,  thirty  miles  further,  and  the 
next  day  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  to  tliirty  mem- 
bers. He  preached  a  thanksgiving  sermon  at  each  ])lace 
after  the  communion,  and  on  the  20th  he  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  forty  miles.  He  speaks  with  gratitude  of 
these  congregations.  They  were  the  first  to  oifer  to  pay 
him  for  his  services.  He  had  not  been  receiving  any 
money  from  the  other  congregations,  and  he  did  not  ask 
for  any,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  produce  on  them  the  im- 
pression that  he  came  among  them  from  mercenary  mo- 
tives. Boehm  bears  witness  to  this,  and  says  that  in 
Philadelphia  Schlatter  turned  over  the  perquisites  that 
came  in  from  the  congregation  to  him.  On  December  6 
he  preached  for  the  first  time  in  the  unfinished  church  in 
Philadelphia,  which  had  no  pulpit  or  windows.  He  did 
this  because  the  old  church  was  not  larsce  enoujjh  to  accom- 


346        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

modate  the  people.  On  the  25th  and  26th  he  admin- 
istered the  communion  at  Germantown  to  sixty-one  per- 
sons and  at  Philadelphia  to  one  hundred.  During  the 
winter  he  remained  in  Philadelj)hia,  perfecting  the  organi- 
zation of  the  congregatiou.  He  began  the  church  register, 
still  extant  in  that  congregatiou,  April  6, 1747.  The  bap- 
tismal record  opens  January  10,  1748.  In  the  early  part 
of  1 748,  before  March,  Schlatter's  heart  must  have  been 
gladdened  to  see  that  Lischy,  by  the  publication  of  his 
"  Second  Declaration  of  his  Intention,"  publicly  renounced 
the  Moravians  and  returned  into  the  Reformed  Church. 

Seventh  Journey,  May  3-20. 

When  spring  had  thoroughly  opened,  he  took  the 
longest  and  most  dangerous  journey  he  had  yet  attempted, 
going  even  as  far  as  Virginia.  He  celebrated  the  com- 
munion at  Philadelphia  on  April  10  and  at  Germantown 
on  April  11.  He  then  started  out  (May  3)  for  Lancaster, 
a  distance  of  sixty-three  miles,  where  he  preached  the 
preparatory  sermon,  and  promised  to  be  back  and  hold  the 
communion  for  them.  May  19.  Schlatter's  journeys  were 
peculiar,  in  that  he  always  kept  his  appointments,  a  good 
example  for  the  ministers  of  our  day.  No  matter  how 
wild  the  wilderness,  or  how  great  the  journey,  he  would 
be  back  on  time.  From  Lancaster  he  went  to  York,  to 
inquire  further  into  the  case  of  Lischy.  Then  he  went  to 
Conewago,  where,  on  the  6th,  he  preached  a  preparatory 
sermon.     On  the  7th  he  went  to  Monocacy  in  Maryland, 


Schlatter's  labors.  347 

irnd  ou  the  8th  to  Frederick,  where  he  preached  a  pre- 
paratory sermon  in  the  parochial  school-house.  There  an 
elder  undertook  to  accompany  him  of  his  own  accord.  He 
went  eighty-four  miles  further  to  Conococheague,  crossing 
the  South  Mountain,  and  arrived  at  Conococheague  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  next  day.  Notwithstanding 
this,  he  preached  that  day. 

By  the  10th  he  had  come  to  Frederick,  but  his  jour- 
ney seems  to  have  been  the  wildest  and  most  dangerous  of 
any  he  had  yet  taken.  There  was  no  road,  only  a  horses' 
trail.  One  day  he  traveled  for  fifteen  miles  without  see- 
ing either  a  house  or  a  human  being.  How  cheering  must 
have  been  to  him  the  company  of  his  elder.  He  speaks  of 
meeting  along  the  road  a  fearful  rattlesnake,  seven  or 
eight  feet  long  and  five  inches  thick  across  the  back. 
"  This,"  he  says,  "  is  one  of  the  most  dangerous  kinds  of 
snakes.  Still,  it  warns  the  traveler  by  rattling  when  he 
is  yet  twenty  steps  off,  so  that  he  has  time  to  avoid  it." 
He  thus  came  safely  to  the  congregation  at  Fredericktown  in 
Virginia  ou  the  10th.  On  the  12th  he  continued  his  jour- 
ney southwest,  often  in  weariness  and  danger  from  wild 
beasts,  to  New  Germantown,  where  he  preached  on  the  13th. 
From  this  point  he  began  returning,  and  by  the  14th  he 
had  reached  Monocacy. 

On  the  15th  he  preached  at  Frederick,  Md.,  in  the 
new  church  as  yet  unfinished,  where  he  stood  behind  a 
table,  he  says,  "  on  which  were  the  holy  covenant  seals  of 


348        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper."  He  was  greatly  moved 
at  this  service.  "  When  I  was  preparing  myself  for  the 
first  prayer,"  he  says,  "aud  saw  the  tears  of  the  spiritually 
hungry  souls  roll  down  their  cheeks,  my  heart  was  sin- 
gularly moved  and  enkindled  with  love,  so  that  I  fell  on 
my  knees,  in  whicli  the  whole  congregation  followed,  and 
with  much  love  and  holy  desire  I  commended  the  house 
and  the  congregation  to  the  triune  God  and  wrestled  for  a 
blessing  from  the  Lord  for  them."  After  the  sermon  he 
administered  the  communion  to  ninety-seven  persons,  and 
installed  elders  and  deacons.  He  also  baptized  several 
aged  people  and  children.  He  speaks  especially  well  of 
the  school-master  of  the  congregation,  a  Mr.  Schley  (the 
ancestor  of  Admiral  Schley),  wlio,  he  said,  was  the  best  he 
had  met  in  America. 

On  the  16th  he  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  at 
Conewago  to  fifty,  came  to  York  on  the  17th,  true  to  his 
appointment,  where  Rieger,  according  to  appointment,  met 
him  so  as  to  consider  the  case  of  Lischy.  They  had  a 
conference  first  with  the  congregation,  and  to  their  joy 
found  that  they  began  to  repose  more  confidence  in  Lischy. 
They  also  had  a  two  hours'  conference  with  Lischy  upon 
the  most  important  doctrinal  points,  and  they  could  give 
the  congregation  the  strongest  assurance  that  they  dis- 
covered nothing  erroneous  about  his  doctrinal  positions, 
which  made  the  congregation  rejoice.  On  the  18th  Schlat- 
ter asked  Lischy  to  preach  publicly  on   Matth.   22  :  14. 


Schlatter's  labors.  349 

This  was  a  hard  text  for  one  who  had  been  a  Moravian, 
like  Lischy,  to  preach  upon,  for  it  brought  out  the  doc- 
trine of  election,  which  the  Moravians  abhorred,  but  which 
Schlatter  and  the  Reformed  believed.  (This  was  the  first 
time  Lischy  preached  since  his  difficulties  there,  and  he 
did  so  to  the  edification  of  all  the  people.)  Eieger  and  he 
therefore  decided  that  Lischy  might  continue  preaching  to 
the  congregation,  but  should  not  administer  the  commun- 
ion until  further  instructions  had  come  from  Holland. 
This  done,  they  went  the  same  evening  twenty-five  miles 
to  Lancaster.  On  the  19th,  true  to  his  appointment,  he 
administered  the  Lord's  Supper  there  to  265  persons.  He 
arrived  safely  at  Philadelphia  the  next  day,  having  trav- 
eled sixty-three  miles,  thankful  for  God's  providential 
care  over  him  during  his  long  and  dangerous  journey. 

He  was  hardly  home  before  a  call  came  to  take  him 
away  again.  Dorsius,  as  we  have  seen  in  a  previous  chap- 
ter, was  getting  into  trouble,  and  his  congregation  sent  to 
Schlatter  to  come  to  them.  He,  however,  did  not  go  at 
once,  but  waited  until  the  29th  and  30th  (Whitsunday) 
had  passed,  when  he  administered  the  communion  at  Ger- 
mantown  to  sixty-one  and  at  Philadelphia  to  seventy- 
three  members.  He  then  took  another  journey  (June  6- 
11)  to  New  Jersey  to  the  three  congregations  he  had 
visited  six  months  before.  Having  administered  the  com- 
munion to  them,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia.  On  June 
23  he  went  to  Northampton  and  preached   for   Dorsius' 


350        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

congregation  in  Dutch.  (Dorsius'  congregation  had  ap- 
pealed, May  2,  for  a  separation  from  him.)  He  tried  to 
bring  peace  between  them  and  Dorsius,  but  in  vain. 
(The  latter  was  still  with  them,  but  left  for  Europe,  Aug. 
4,  1748,  O.  S.)  Schlatter  promised  to  aid  them  and  sup- 
ply them  with  preaching  once  a  month  on  a  week  day. 

He  then  returned  to  Philadelphia.  During  the  sum- 
mer he  as  usual  did  not  attempt  any  extended  journeys. 
On  August  13  his  heart  was  gladdened  by  the  arrival  of 
two  new  Reformed  ministers,  Bartholomaeus  and  Hoch- 
reutiner,  who  came  with  letters  from  the  Holland  depu- 
ties. On  the  17th  they  visited  Boehm  at  his  home  at 
Witpen.  Schlatter  at  once  put  them  to  work.  He  took 
Bartholomaeus  to  Lancaster  on  September  2,  where  he 
preached  on  the  4th,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  con- 
gregation. On  the  7th  he  preached  at  Tulpehocken. 
They  then  returned  to  Oley,  where  he  preached  at  Falk- 
ner  Swamp,  which  congregation  Boehm  was  anxious  to 
give  up,  as  it  was  too  far  from  his  home,  and  he  was 
beginning  to  feel  the  effects  of  age.  The  young  man  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  so  used  to  travel  as  Schlatter,  for 
Schlatter  left  him  to  rest  at  Falkner  Swamp,  while  he 
pressed  on  to  Philadelphia  on  the  8th.  On  the  10th 
Schlatter  was  again  at  Lancaster,  whither  Hochrcutiner 
had  gone  on  the  8th  to  preach  the  preparatory  sermon, 
which  he  did  to  their  great  satisfaction.  On  the  11th 
both  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  to  that  congregatioq 


Schlatter's  labors.  351 

to  150  persons.  On  September  12  they  went  to  Tnlpe- 
hocken,  where  on  the  13th  Hochreutiner  preached,  and  on 
the  14th  Hochreutiner  preached  at  Falkner  Swamp.  But 
he,  like  Bartholoraaeus,  became  tired  out  by  the  journey, 
and  had  to  rest.  Meanwhile  Schlatter,  with  his  usual 
energy,  pushed  on  to  Philadelphia.  Hochreutiner  preached 
at  Providence  on  the  18th.  On  September  15,  to  Schlat- 
ter's great  joy,  another  Reformed  minister  arrived,  sent 
over  by  the  South  Holland  synod,  Rev.  Mr.  Leydich. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  III. 

THE  SECOND  COETUS  (SEPTEMBER  28-OCTOBER  5, 1748). 

The  second  coetus  of  the  Pennsylvania  ministers  was 
held  at  Philadelphia,  September  28,  1748.  It  was  opened 
with  a  sermon  by  Leydich  on  Ephesians  6  :  23-24,  at  10 
a.  m.  There  were  six  ministers  present,  all  being  present 
except  Weiss,  who  afterwards  sent  an  excuse  that  he  was 
detained  by  illness.  The  number  of  elders  was  much 
smaller  than  in  the  first  coetus,  only  seven,  as  the  congre- 
gations that  had  no  pastors  did  not  send  delegates,  either 
because  they  were  not  specially  invited,  as  Schlatter  had 
done  before  to  the  first  coetus,  or  because  they  did  not 
suppose  a  vacant  congregation  had  a  right  to  be  repre- 
sented in  the  coetus.  Their  constitutional  right  in  the  coe- 
tus had  not  yet  been  defined,  as  it  had  as  yet  no  constitu- 
tion. Weiss'  absence  was  more  than  made  up  by  the 
presence  of  the  three  new  ministers,  who  had  come  over 
since  the  last  coetus,  Bartholomaeus,  Hochreutiner  and 
Leydich.  Boehm,  according  to  the  instructions  of  the 
Holland  deputies,  as  the  oldest,  was  made  president,  and 
Ricger  was  made  clerk. 

This  coetus  completed  the  task  of  the  organization  of 
the  Church,  which  bad  been  begun  at  the  previous  coetus. 


Schlatter's  labors.  353 

That  had  brought  the  ministers  and  congregations  together, 
this  organized  them  together ;  for  it  adopted  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Church,  and  also  its  creeds. 

As  to  creed,  the  coetus,  at  the  request  of  the  Holland 
deputies,  adopted  as  their  creeds,  the  Heidelberg  Catechism 
and  the  Canons  of  Dort.  .  This  they  could  easily  do,  as  all 
the  ministers  had  individually  subscribed  to  them  before. 
These  creeds  were  not  forced  upon  them,  as  has  been  said. 
They  are  careful  to  state  in  the  minutes  that  they  adopted 
them  "  with  heart  and  soul."  And  they  faithfully  held  to 
the  Dutch  creeds  in  loving  submission.  Rieger  was  the 
only  one  who  refused,  but  even  his  elder  signed  them, 
John  Leim,  of  Conestoga.  Their  action  on  this  point  is  so 
important  that  we  give  it  in  full. 

"Article  III.  The  president  stated  that  a  writing  must 
be  drawn  up  in  regard  to  the  following  instruction  given 
to  the  Rev.  Michael  Schlatter  by  the  Venerable  Christian 
Synods  of  South  and  North  Holland  to  this  effect :  '  That 
the  members  of  the  Reverend  Coetus  should  sign  the  Heidel- 
berg Catechism  and  the  Canons  of  the  National  Synod  of 
Dort  of  1618  and  1619,  declaring  that  they  with  heart  and 
soul  were  devoted  to  the  same,  and  will  hold  to  them 
unchanged.'  The  Reverend  Coetus  considered  it  right 
and  necessary  to  do  this,  and  thereupon  the  following  was 
submitted  :  We,  the  undersigned  ministers  in  actual  service 
in  the  Reformed  congregations  in  Pennsylvania,  having 
appeared  at  the  appointed  coetus  in  Philadelphia,  Septem- 
ber 28,  1748,  together  with  the  accompanying  elders  from 
our  congregations,  do  hereby  affirm  that  we  are  devoted 
23 


354        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 


wdth  heart  and  soul  to  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the 
Canons  of  the  National  Synod  of  Dort  of  1618  and  1619, 
and  that  we  will  also  hold  to  them  unchanged,  as  we  do 
hereby. 


Elders  : 

Frederick  Reimer,  of  Falk- 
ner  Swamp. 

John  Herpel,  of  Providence. 

Michael  Cleim,  of  Witpen. 

John  Leim,  of  the  first  con- 
gregation in  Conestoga, 
organized  May  31, 
1730,  where  D.  Rieger 
preaches. 

Daniel  Bouton,  of  Philadel- 
delphia. 

John  Heberling,  of  Tulpe- 
hocken. 

Nicolaus  Trewer,  of  Lancas- 
ter,   the   new    city    in 


3Tinisters : 

John  Philip  Boehm,  Minis- 
ter in  Falkner  Swamp, 
Providence  and  Wit- 
pen,  President. 

Michael  Schlatter,V.  D.  M., 
Reformed  Minister  in 
Philadelphia  and  Ger- 
mantown. 

John  Philip  I^eydich,  Re- 
formed Minister  in 
Pennsylvania. 

Dominicus    Bartholomaeus, 

y.  D.  M. 

John  Jacob  Hochreutiner, 
V.  D.  M. 


Conestoga. 
Now,  because  Rev.  John  Bartholomew  Rieger  refused 
to  do  this  in  Avriting,  he  was  requested  to  bring  in  his 
excuse  in  writing.  He  then  himself  wrote  tlie  following  : 
'  In  regard  to  the  desire  of  the  Christian  synod,  namely 
the  signing  of  a  paper  by  all  the  members  of  the  Coetus, 
that  they  believe  with  all  their  heart  and  soul  what  is 
contained  in  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  Acts  of 
the  Synod  of  Dort  of  the  years  1618  and  1619,  and  adhere 
to  them  unchangingly,  the  said  Rev.  Mr.  Rieger  has 
heartily  and  sincerely  declared  that  he  felt  some  scruples 
concerning  the  article  of  the  Synod  of  Dort  treating  of 


Schlatter's  labors.  355 

predestination  in  the  sense  of  Calvin,  and  therefore  sub- 
mits this  as  a  case  of  conscience  to  the  judgment  of  the 
synod.'  " 

This  act  of  Rieger  seems  strange,  for  he  had  before 
accepted  the  Canons  of  Dort  when  he  was  at  Amwell. 
It  may  have  been  possible  that  he  accepted  predestina- 
tion, but  in  a  lower  sense  than  Calvin  believed,  as  by  hold- 
ing to  the  hypothetical  predestination  and  universal  atone- 
ment of  the  sublapsarian  school  of  Saumur  in  France  over 
against  the  infralapsarian  school  of  Calvin.  This  low  type 
of  Calvinism  was  held  in  the  Palatinate,  as  by  Professor 
J.  H.  Hottinger,  after  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  liieger 
could  have  held  to  this  and  yet  not  held  to  Calvin's  view, 
for  Calvin  believed  in  a  limited  atonement,  while  the 
school  of  Saumur  in  a  universal  one.  Still,  even  though 
he  held  this  low  view,  he  could  have  signed  the  Canons  of 
Dort  in  their  historical  sense.  For  there  were  quite  a 
number  of  members  of  the  synod  of  Dort,  notably  the 
English  delegates  and  some  of  the  Germans,  led  by  Mar- 
tinius,  of  Bremen,  who  held  those  low  Calvinistic  views, 
and  yet  signed  the  Canons,  being  allowed  to  interpret  them 
in  a  free  sense.  And  so  Rieger  could  have  done  at  this 
time.  More  likely,  however,  Rieger  had  become  aifected 
by  the  influence  of  Zinzendorf,  with  whom  he  had  been 
intimate  and  who  attacked  predestination  very  severely. 
This  may  have  raised  scruples  in  his  mind.  Or,  perhaps, 
his  studies  in  medicine  in  Holland  in  1744  may  have  lib- 


356        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    8. 

eralized  his  views  on  theology,  as  they  very  often  do.  At 
any  rate,  whatever  the  reason,  the  coetus  agreed  to  leave 
this  as  a  case  of  conscience,  and  submitted  it  to  the  depu- 
ties in  Holland  as  a  case  for  their  decision  whether  he 
should  be  a  member  of  the  coetus  or  not.  Pending  their 
decision  he  was  received  as  a  member  of  the  coetus. 
Boehm's  mind,  which  was  always  running  on  constitutional 
lines,  howevqf  saw  the  inconsistency  of  his  being  the  clerk 
of  the  coetus  when  he  had  not  signed  the  creed,  and  wrote 
about  it  to  the  Holland  Fathers,  asking  whether  Rieger 
could  constitutionally  be  clerk  of  the  coetus,  when  he  did 
not  accept  the  creed  of  the  coetus.  The  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, in  a  letter  of  June  2,  1739,  declares  that  Rieger's  act 
was  very  disagreeable  to  them,  and  they  earnestly  urged 
him  to  accept  the  doctrine  of  predestination  as  taught  by 
Calvin.  Those  in  our  Church  who  are  not  Calvinists  have 
taken  advantage  of  this  act  of  Rieger's  and  quoted  it  as  a 
precedent  for  the  right  of  non-Calvinism  in  our  Church. 
But  it  is  to  be  remembered  tliat  Rieger  afterwards  signed 
the  Canons  of  Dort  again  at  the  coetus  of  1752,  as  did  all 
the  ministers. 

The  other  important  matter  decided  by  this  coetus  was 
the  Church  constitution.  They  decided  to  adopt  Boehm's 
old  constitution,  which  he  had  drawn  up  for  his  three  con- 
gregations in  1725.  They  add  to  it  a  few  regulations,  to 
make  it  a  syuodical  constitution  (as  it  had  been  drawn  up 
only    as  a  congregational    constitution) — as    that   no  one 


Schlatter's  labors.  357 

should  be  allowed  to  perform  ministerial  acts  in  the  field 
of  another  minister,  except  in  cases  of  necessity.  If  this 
rule  were  violated,  the  aggrieved  party  could  appeal  to  the 
coetus  ;  the  marriage  fee  should  be  ninety  cents,  the  fee  for 
a  funeral  sermon  should  be  sixty  cents,  and  baptism  should 
be  srratis.  No  one  should  be  considered  a  full  member 
of  the  congregation,  unless  a  contributor  according  to  his 
means. 

The  coetus  elected  Rieger  as  the  next  president,  and 
Weiss  as  the  president  for  1750.  It  took  special  action 
about  the  record  kept  of  minutes  of  the  coetus.  These  were 
to  be  given  to  the  president,  and  if  he  died  (as  Boehm, 
being  old,  might),  to  the  last  president.  They  were  very 
anxious  that  the  minutes  should  be  carefully  preserved.* 
This  constitution  was  ordered  to  be  printed.  Coetus 
approved  of  Leydich's  call  to  Falkner  Swamp  and  Provi- 
dence, Hochreutiner's  to  Lancaster,  and  Bartholomaeus'  to 
Tulpehocken.  Lischy  was  ordered  to  bring  in  a  confes- 
sion of  his  faith,  which  would  be  sent  to  Holland,  and  in 
the  meantime  he  was  permitted  to  supply  the  congregation 
at  Yorktown.  Schlatter  was  requested  to  prepare  the 
report  of  the  coetus  and  send  it  to  Holland. 

On  Sunday,  October  2,  during  its  sessions,  the  coetus 
celebrated  the  communion  with  the  Philadelphia  congre- 
gation, and  on  October  5  its  members  separated  with  joy. 

*  The  set  of  coetus' minutes  in  our  possession  have  been  gathered  from 
various  places,  and  they  are  only  the  reports  of  the  coetus'  acta,  not  the  origi- 
nal minutes.     The  set,  however,  is  complete. 


358        THE  GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Bcehm  stayed  in  Philadelphia  till  November  13,  superin- 
tending the  printing  of  the  constitution  and  of  the  minutes 
of  this  coetus.  It  seems  that  Eieger  al  first  objected  to 
signing  the  printed  regulations,  but  he  finally  agreed  to  do 
so,  although  his  objection  about  predestination  had  not 
been  removed,  Schlatter  came  from  Lancaster  to  Phila- 
delphia in  October,  authorized  by  Rieger  to  sign  his 
name  to  the  minutes  as  clerk,  but  he  came  too  late,  as  the 
minutes,  under  Boehm's  supervision,  had  already  gone  to 
publication. 


CHAPTER  lY.— SECTION  IV. 

EVENTS  BETWEEN  THE  SECOND  AND  THIRD  COETUS. 

The  second  coetiis  was  hardly  over,  when  events  began 
to  fly  thick  and  fast.  The  coetus  had  appointed  Rieger  to 
install  Hochreutiner,  and  Boehm  to  install  Bartholomaeus 
at  Tulpehocken  and  Leydich  at  Falkner  Swamp.  On  the 
Sunday  after  the  coetus,  Boehm  installed  Leydich.  On 
Monday,  October  10,  Schlatter  went  on  his  usual  semi- 
annual visit  to  his  congregations  in  western  New  Jersey. 
After  traveling  forty  miles,  he  preached  at  Amwell  in  the 
afternoon.  The  next  morning  he  went  nineteen  miles  far- 
ther to  Rockaway,  and  in  the  afternoon  to  Foxhill,  to  hold 
preparatory  services.  On  the  12th  he  administered  the 
Lord's  Supper  at  Foxhill,  and  after  the  thanksgiving  ser- 
mon he  returned  to  Rockaway,  ten  miles  distant.  On  the 
13th  he  administered  the  Lord's  Supper  at  Rockaway, 
and  after  a  thanksgiving  sermon  he  returned  to  Amwell, 
twenty  miles.  There  he  administered  the  communion 
and  preached  the  thanksgiving  sermon  on  the  14th,  and 
then  rode  forty  miles  to  Philadelphia,  arriving  there  late  in 
the  evening.  During  the  day  of  his  return  he  had  felt  a 
sense  of  depression  he  knew  not  why.  But  when  he 
entered  his  home,  he  found  that  a  startling  event  had  taken 


360        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

place.  Young  Hochreutiner,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
Lancaster,  was  starting  for  his  field  of  labor  on  October 
13.  The  Lancaster  congregation  had  sent  him  a  horse  on 
which  to  come,  and  an  elder,  says  Sheitlin,*  was  waiting 
outside  for  him.  At  the  last  moment,  as  he  was  about 
riding  away,  he  went  up-stairs  for  his  hunting  piece,  which 
he  had  brought  with  him  from  Europe.  In  getting  it  out 
of  the  closet,  it  went  oif.  Another  account  says  that  he 
was  trying  to  extract  the  ball  without  having  the  neces- 
sary means  to  do  so,  when  it  went  off.  Saur  says  it  is 
conjectured  that  he  was  trying  either  to  pull  out  the  ram- 
rod or  put  it  in,  when  it  went  off.  He  was  killed  instant>- 
ly,  and  was  found  immediately  after,  booted  and  with 
spurs  on,  lying  on  the  floor  in  his  room.  The  bullet 
passed  through  the  left  breast  and  was  found  under  the 
shoulder-blade,  next  to  the  skin.  On  his  person  was  the 
sermon  which  he  had  intended  to  preach  at  Lancaster  two 
days  after.  Its  subject  was  "  The  Divine  Call  of  Samuel." 
The  death  of  Hochreutiner  cast  a  gloom  over  the  early 
Reformed  Church.  Schlatter  pays  a  tribute  to  him  by 
publishing  the  sermon  found  on  his  person,  together  with 
a  preface  by  himself,  written  November  9,  1748.  This 
sermon  was  entitled  "  Hochreutiner's  Swan  Song."  Its 
text  is  :  1  Samuel  3,  l-2.t  It  reveals  a  higher  standard 
of  ability  than  is  placed  on  him  by  Sheitlin,  of  St.  Gall, 

»  "  Memorials  of  J.  J.  and  G.  E.  Scherer,"  St.  Gall,  1822. 
f  A  copy  of  it  is  to  be  found  in   the   Pennsjlvania  Historical  Society   at 
Philadelphia. 


EVENTS   BETWEEN    2d   AND    3d   COETUS.  361 

in  his  book,  who  says  that  he  went  abroad  because  he  had 
not  the  ability  to  sustain  himself  in  his  home  Church  at 
St.  Gall.  It  is  not  an  extraordinary  sermon,  but  one  of 
good  average  ability.  It  reveals  that  he  would  probably 
have  made  an  earnest,  faithful  and  acceptable  minister. 
It  seems  a  strange  providence  that  his  life  should  be  so 
suddenly  cut  off,  when  he  was  so  much  needed  by  the 
shepherdless  German  Reformed  in  Pennsylvania.  Saur 
in  his  paper  tells  a  story  of  his  humility,  that  he  was  told 
before  he  went  to  Lancaster  that  he  would  find  the  con- 
gregation composed  of  rough  and  untrained  people.  He 
replied  :  "  That  is  what  I  want,  because  I  wish  I  were  a 
woodchopper."  After  his  death,  Bartholomaeus  (Decem- 
ber 21,0.  S.)  offered,  out  of  sympathy  with  them  in  their 
affliction,  to  supply  Lancaster  monthly,  and  said  he  could 
begin  April  2.  There  seems  to  have  been  some  hitch  in 
the  arrangement,  for  Schlatter,  on  February  1,  1749,  says 
that  he  had  written  to  Tulpehocken  and  was  disappointed 
with  the  congregation.  He  thought  they  had  a  better  feel- 
ing toward  Lancaster.  His  letter  is  lost,  but  he  probably 
suggested  that  Bartholomaeus  serve  both  congregations, 
which  Tulpehocken  granted,  but  kept  three-fourths  of  the 
time.  Lischy  also  tried  to  help  Lancaster  by  sending 
them  a  call,  September  12,  1749,  which  they  should  send 
to  Zubli  in  South  Carolina.* 

*  The  Lancaster  congregation  had  been  supplied  with  preaching  by  John 
HoflFman,  who  agreed,  May  4,  1747,  to  be  school- master,  chorister  and  cate- 
chist,  and  when  there  was  no  pastor,  to  read  sermons  every  Sunday. 


362        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

On  October  16  Boehm  installed  Bartholomaeus  as  pas- 
tor of  the  Tulpehocken  congregation,  while  Schlatter 
preached  on  the  same  day  Hochreutiner's  funeral  sermon 
to  an  audience  streaming  with  many  tears.  On  October 
28  two  Dutch  students  for  the  ministry,  David  ]\Iarinus 
and  Jonathan  DuBois,  who  had  been  studying  in  America, 
visited  him  and  asked  him  to  assist  them  in  getting  per- 
mission from  the  synod  to  present  themselves  for  exami- 
nation to  the  coetus,  so  that  they  might  receive  a  call  to 
a  church  and  accept  it.  Schlatter  promised  to  try  to  fulfil 
their  wishes.  On  November  3  he  received  the  confession 
of  faith  of  Lischy,  dated  from  Little  Catores,  October  29. 
This  is  very  interesting,  because  it  is  the  first  private 
creed  of  a  German  Reformed  minister  in  America,  and 
also  the  first  American  confession  accepted  by  the  de})u- 
ties  in  Holland.*  He  had  been  ordered  by  the  coetus  to 
prepare  this  confession,  so  that  it  might  be  sent  to  Hol- 
land, that  the  deputies  might  be  able  to  pass  judgment  on 
him  whether  he  was  truly  Reformed  or  not,  and  therefore 
fit  to  become  a  member  of  the  coetus.  It  reveals  Lischy 
as  quite  a  bright  thinker.  It  is,  perhaps,  the  clearest  doc- 
trinal statement  of  that  period  of  our  Church.  It  consists 
of  eleven  paragraphs  on  the  different  doctrines.  It  states 
first  the  doctrine  of  God,  then  of  the  trinity  under  the 
three  heads  of  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost,  and  then  the 

*  For  a  published  copy  of  this  confession  see  the   Chnsliaji    World,    Day- 
ton, 0.,  December  17,  1898. 


EVENTS   BETWEEN    2d   AND   3d   COETUS.  363 

Holy  Catholic  Church,  justification,  sanctification,  bap- 
tism, Lord's  Supper,  prayer  and  Scripture,  His  state- 
ments of  the  doctrines  of  the  Moravians  (which  he  repudi- 
ates) is  the  clearest  we  have  seen  of  that  period.  He 
shows  himself  in  it  in  full  accord  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
Reformed.  This  confession  was  sent  to  Holland,  but  the 
deputies  did  not  come  to  a  decision  about  it  until  Schlatter 
came  over  there  in  1751.  They  decided  his  ordination 
should  be  respected  and  he  be  received  as  a  full  member 
of  the  coetus.  He  was  ever  afterward  the  most  devoted 
friend  Schlatter  had,  and  the  energy  he  had  shown  for  the 
Moravians  was  now  transferred  to  the  Reformed.  He 
exerted  quite  a  decided  influence  in  bringing  back  many 
to  the  Reformed  who  had  gone  over  to  the  Congregation 
of  God  in  the  Spirit,  as  at  Donegal  and  Muddy  Creek. 
In  1749  Lischy  published  another  pamphlet  against  the 
Moravians,  entitled,  "  Tlie  Warning  Voice  of  the  Watch- 
man," printed  at  Germantown,  a  sermon  on  Matt.  7  :  15-23. 
But  even  more  important  than  these  events  were  the 
last  acts  and  the  death  of  Boehm.  There  is  a  letter  of 
Boehm,  the  last  he  wrote  to  Holland  before  his  death,  that 
is  exceedingly  interesting  and  very  important.  It  already 
reveals  a  divergence  between  Schlatter  and  Boehm  on  some 
points  of  cultus  and  of  Church  government.  He  writes  to 
know  whether  Schlatter's  commission  as  visitor  is  to  con- 
tinue forever,  or  whether  the  whole  direction  of  the  Re- 
formed Church  affairs  is  to  be  placed  under  the  coetus  now, 


364        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

instead  of  Schlatter.  That  question  put  into  a  nutshell 
the  whole  future  of  the  Reformed  Church  for  the  next 
seven  years.  Was  the  coetus  to  be  regulated  by  Schlatter 
or  by  itself?  Boehm  thinks  the  latter  would  be  the  best 
method.  If  his  advice  had  been  followed  by  the  Holland 
deputies,  much  of  the  future  trouble  would  have  been 
avoided.  He  also  asks  whether  Rieger,  who  would  not 
accept  the  creeds  of  the  coetus,  could  therefore  be  presi- 
dent of  the  coetus  the  next  year,  or  could  be  even  a  mem- 
ber. Boehm  was  right  here  constitutionally.  He  speaks 
of  his  great  joy  at  Lischy's  return  to  the  Reformed  faith, 
and  also  at  the  arrival  of  the  last  three  ministers.  He 
also  asks  the  classis  whether  the  letters  and  donations 
from  Holland  had  not  better  be  sent  to  the  coetus,  rather 
than  to  Schlatter,  and  the  president  open  them  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  coetus,  that  thereby  all  trouble  about  the  mon- 
eys would  be  avoided.  Happy  would  it  have  been  if  the 
coetus  had  followed  his  advice.  The  future  trouble  of 
Schlatter  with  Weiss  and  Leydich  would  have  been 
avoided.  He  also  calls  the  attention  of  the  classis  to  the 
fact  that  Schlatter  used  the  Church  order  of  St.  Gall, 
instead  of  that  of  the  Palatinate  or  the  Netherlands,  which 
was  the  Church  order  of  Holland.  He  also  calls  their 
attention  to  an  irregularity  of  Schlatter  in  administering 
the  communion,  and  also  in  ordaining  and  installing  elders 
at  Philadelphia.  We  can  not  help  acknowledging  that 
Boehm  in  these  matters  was  right  and  Schlatter  wrong. 


EVENTS    BETWEEN    2d    AND    3d    COETUS.  365 

But  perhaps  the  most  beautiful  and  even  pathetic  part  of 
this  letter — his  swan  song — was  his  description  of  the 
organization  of  the  congregation  at  Witpen,  where  he 
lived.     He  says : 

"  When  Schlatter  had  arrived  in  this  country,  and 
according  to  his  commission  had  been  in  the  country,  and 
on  his  return  entered  my  house,  I  could  not  continue  much 
longer  in  my  work  on  account  of  my  years  and  the  many 
fatigues  I  endured,  and  I  longed  that  my  burden 
might  be  lessened.  I  therefore  revealed  to  him  that 
Skippack  had  scattered  itself  and  there  was  nothing  there 
any  more,  but  four  miles  away  was  Gosheuhoppen  with  a 
union  church.  The  distance  from  there  to  Germantown 
was  twenty-four  miles,  in  which  no  Reformed  service  was 
held.  My  house  was  almost  midway  between  Old  Gosheu- 
hoppen and  Germantown.  I  also  knew  that  there  lived 
around  me  many  Reformed  people  desirous  for  their  true 
service.  I  asked  him  whether  he  did  not  think  it  advisa- 
ble to  organize  a  congregation  in  that  district,  however 
with  the  provision  that  it  should  be  under  the  Church  of 
Holland,  and  when  I  died  it  would  not  be  forsaken,  other- 
wise it  would  not  be  worth  while  to  organize  it  for  the  few 
days  which  I  had  to  live  yet.  But  if  he  thought  this  wise 
and  knew  means  to  this  end,  and  if  he  thought  I  could  be 
supported  in  this  work  so  as  to  have  a  scant  living,  then  I 
would  be  willing  to  be  somewhat  quieter  in  my  old  age 
and  contented  with  this  small  congregation,  and  thus  con- 
tinue my  life  in  the  service  of  the  Lord.  He  therefore 
assured  me  that  I  should  not  be  forsaken,  and  he  would 
make  favorable  mention  of  it  in  his  report  to  Holland. 
He  also  deemed  it  wise  to  organize  a  congregation  in  this 
place  on  account  of  the  distance  of  the  other  places." 


366        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

He  then  describes  how  Schlatter  came  there  on  Feb- 
ruaiy  3,  1747,  and  preached  a  sermon  in  his  house.  It 
was  cold,  and  only  a  few  gathered.  They  elected  three 
elders,  and  Schlatter  found  they  could  contribute  only  six 
pounds  and  three  shillings.  He  said  they  must  give  fif- 
teen pounds,  or  he  could  not  write  to  Holland  for  help. 
Boehm  says  : 

"  I  was  very  sorry  for  the  souls  that  were  sad  when 
they  heard  this,  for  although  they  were  only  a  few,  yet 
they  were  dear  souls  and  desirous  of  salvation.  I  told 
him  to  describe  it  to  Holland,  and  I  would  accept  it  for 
fifteen  pounds  (a  year)." 

Boehm  says  he  pledged  them  services  every  two  weeks, 
and  when  he  was  home,  every  Sunday.  He  then  patheti- 
cally describes  the  first  building  : 

"  We  at  Witpen  (now  Boehm's  church,  Montgomery 
county)  erected  a  small  stone  church  on  the  lot  which  we 
bought,  and  had  well  insured.  The  interior  of  the  church 
is  thirty  feet  long  and  twenty-seven  feet  wide.  According 
to  agreement  I  had  fin'ty  pounds  for  this  purpose,  which 
money  I  had  collected  in  New  York  as  early  as  October, 
1 735,  for  a  church  lot  in  behalf  of  the  now  scattered  con- 
gregation at  Skippack.  But  the  church  costs  more  than 
seventy  pounds.  It  is  well  built,  with  durable  walls  and 
roof,  door  and  shutters.  It  is  still  without  windows,  and 
within  devoid  of  all  necessary  things,  so  that  more  than 
fifty  pounds  are  yet  needed.  But  we  can  not  hel})  our- 
selves, for  there  are  but  few  of  us,  and  we  are  without 
means.  Therefore  we  will  sooner  use  the  church  as  it  is, 
as  we  have  done  throughout  the  whole  summer,  and  sit  on 


EVENTS    BETWEEN    2d    AND    3d    COETUS.  367 

the  bare  ground  and  on  wooden  benches,  rather  than  make 
debts,  for  if  we  should  make  debts,  I  should  have  to  suffer 
for  it." 

This  was  the  last  letter  of  Boehm.  In  that  letter  he 
seems  to  have  felt  the  shadow  of  coming  events — death. 
He  had  limited  himself  to  the  pastoral  care  of  that  one 
congregation  at  Witpen.  But  his  missionary  spirit  could 
not  be  repressed,  and  so  we  find  him  going  out  to  supply 
distant  congregations.  A  request  came  to  him  about  the 
beginning  of  1749  to  supply  the  congregations  at  Macungie 
and  Egypt,  then  on  the  borders  of  the  Indian  wilderness, 
and  he  consented,  January,  1749.  Perhaps  an  additional 
reason  for  doing  so  was  the  fact  that  his  son  had  moved  up 
in  that  neighborhood.  It  was  while  supplying  this  con- 
gregation that  he  suddenly  died.  He  went  to  Egypt  to 
celebrate  the  communion,  preached  the  preparatory  sermon, 
April  29,  and  died  that  night  suddenly  at  the  house  of  his 
son.  As  no  Reformed  minister  was  in  that  distant  district, 
the  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  a  Mennonite  minister, 
Michael  Kolb,  a  neighbor  of  his  son.*  Schlatter  did  not 
hear  of  Boehm's  death  till  May  2,  for  he  had  been  on  a 
missionary  tour  to  Lancaster,  where  he  administered  the 
communion  on  April  28.  From  Lancaster  he  had  intended 
to  visit  Weiss,  but  hearing  of  Boehm's  death,  he  went 
direct  to  Philadelphia,  where  on  May  7  he  preached 
Boehm's   funeral   sermon   at   Germantown,  in   which   he 

*  It  seems  a  strange  providence  that  after  Boehm  had  so  severely  attacked 
the  sects,  one  of  them  should  preach  his  funeral  sermon. 


368        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

declared  that  Boehni's  memory  was  cherished  as  blessed  by 
many. 

So  ended  the  life  of  the  founder  of  the  German 
Reformed  Church  of  the  United  States.  He  deserves 
great  honor  for  his  self-denying  labors  and  faithful  loyalty 
to  the  Reformed  Church.  His  activity  for  her  should 
never  be  forgotten.  Schlatter's  diligence  was  very  great. 
He  traveled,  he  said,  8000  miles  in  five  years.  But  Bcehm 
traveled  more  than  Schlatter.  He  declared,  July  9,  1744, 
that  for  eighteen  years  he  traveled  104  miles  every  month 
to  his  congregations.  At  that  rate,  traveling  for  twenty- 
three  years  (1725-1748),  when  he  gave  up  his  congrega- 
tion to  Leydich,  he  had  traveled  28,704  miles,  a  record  never 
approached  by  any  minister  of  our  Church,  not  even  by 
Schlatter.  He  was  a  man  of  great  self-denial  also.  For 
twenty-four  years  (nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century)  he  preached 
the  gospel  almost  without  pay,  receiving  about  twenty-four 
dollars  a  year,  and  having  therefore  to  support  himself  and 
his  large  family  by  farming.  The  only  gift  he  received 
from  Holland  was  $123.60. 

But  far  above  all  his  other  characteristics  stands  his 
devotion  to  the  Reformed  Church.  True,  he  sometimes 
seems  severe  on  his  opponents,  but  it  is  mainly  because  he 
thinks  they  arc  injuring  that  Church  which  was  dearer  to 
him  than  life.  Anything  that  interfered  with  its  prosperity 
touched  him  to  the  core.  It  is,  however,  to  be  noticed  that 
after  the  coming  of  Schlatter,  and   especially   after   the 


EVENTS    BETWEEN    2d    AND    3d    COETUS.  369 

coetus  was  organized,  his  severer  traits  mellow,  perhaps 
also  because  of  increasing  age.  We  know  of  nothing  more 
beautiful  in  his  life  than  his  forgiveness  of  Li schy.  Boehm 
was  intense  in  his  nature,  strong  in  his  likes  and  dislikes, 
and  such  persons  find  it  hardest  to  forgive.  Now,  no  one 
in  all  his  ministry  had  given  him  so  much  trouble  as 
Lischy,  unless  it  had  been  Goetschi,  and  that  is  not  prob- 
able. Boehm  was  severe  on  Lischy  when  he  was  a  Mora- 
vian, but  when  he  was  convinced  that  Lischy  had  thor- 
oughly turned  back  to  the  Reformed,  as  was  shown  by  his 
published  Second  Declaration  and  also  by  his  confession  of 
faitli,  no  one  forgave  Lischy  more  heartily  than  Boehm. 
Tin's  is  all  tlie  more  remarkable  in  a  man  of  such  strong 
likes  and  dislikes  as  Boehm.  He  thus  writes  in  his  last 
letter :  "  Concerning  Mr.  Lischy,  I  must  say  that  he  has 
completely  won  my  heart  by  his  beautiful  confession  before 
the  coetus,  so  tliat  no\v,  as  true  as  the  Lord  liveth,  I  mean 
it  well  with  him  and  rejoice  in  my  soul  about  him."  He 
then  describes  how  Lischy  had  tried  to  make  him  out  as  a 
liar  about  him,  and  then  says  :  "  Now,  since  Lischy  was  a 
Moravian  and  corrupted,  my  soul  does  all  the  more  rejoice 
over  the  great  grace  of  God  which  he  experienced.  For 
my  part,  I  have  good  hope  that  he  will  in  the  future  be  a 
good  co-laborer  to  our  true  Church.  May  God  who  alone 
is  the  searcher  of  hearts  grant  him  His  blessing." 

Very  beautifully  does  Dotterer  in  his  excellent  little" 
monograph  on  Boehm's  life  describe  his  labors  :  "  At  that 
24 


370        THE   GERMAN   EEFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

time  few  lawful  roads  had  been  laid  out  for  travel,  and  he 
had  to  thread  his  toilsome  journey  on  horseback  through 
the  deep  forest,  over  hill  and  across  streams,  over  rough 
and  torturous  paths.  At  intervals  of  miles  apart  he  would 
come  upon  the  clearing  made  by  the  hardy  settler,  slu4- 
tered  in  a  newly  made  log  hut.  At  these  rude  firesides  he 
would  be  a  welcome  guest.  Here  he  comforted  the  afflicted 
and  homesick,  and  at  their  Sabbath  gatherings  he  brought 
to  them  those  gospel  blessings  denied  to  them  since  they 
left  their  German  homes.  These  many  years  he  baptized 
their  children,  catechised  the  youth,  married  the  young  and 
buried  the  old.  The  record  of  his  pastoral  work,  could  we 
read  it,  would  tell  a  thrilling  tale  and  would  throw  a  flood 
of  light  upon  the  family  and  general  history  of  primitive 
Pennsylvania."  Thus  passed  to  his  rest  Boehm,  the 
founder,  the  organizer  and  the  defender  of  our  Church.* 

*  For  fuller  details  of  his  descendants,  see  "Rev.  John  Philip  Boehm,"  by 
Henry  S.  Dotterer,  Philadelphia,  1890. 


CHAPTER  lY.— SECTION  V. 

THE  THIRD  COETUS  (SEPTEMBER  27  AND  OCTOBER 
20-24,  1749). 

The  second  coetus  had  determined  to  have  its  next 
meeting  in  the  country,  with  one  of  the  largest  congrega- 
tions, namely  at  Lancaster.  To  Lancaster  then  the  mem- 
bers of  the  coetus  went,  and  its  session  was  opened  on 
September  27  (October  8,  N.  S.)  with  a  sermon  by  Ley- 
dich.  Just  as  it  opened,  they  learned  that  a  new  minister 
had  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  September  25,  sent  over  by 
the  Holland  deputies,  Rev.  John  Conrad  Steiner.  As  he 
had  letters  to  them  from  the  Holland  deputies,  they 
adjourned  to  October  20,  when  they  would  again  meet  in 
Philadelphia.  The  congregation  at  Lancaster,  which  had 
been  bereft  of  its  pastor  by  the  death  of  Hochreutiner, 
earnestly  entreated  that  the  new  minister  be  sent  to  them, 
and  they  gave  Schlatter  authority  to  give  Steiner  a  call. 

Schlatter  returned  to  Philadelphia  on  the  29th,  and 
met  Steiner  and  welcomed  him,  and  on  October  1,  after 
having  read  his  testimonials,  he  presented  him  with  the 
call  to  the  Lancaster  congregation,  which  promised  him 
$240  annually,  beside  his  lodgings  and  fuel. 

The  minutes  of  the  third  coetus  (October  20)  at  Phila- 


372        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

delphia  have  been  lost.  We  can  gather  only  a  few  of  its 
acts  from  some  references  to  it.  The  coetus  acts  were 
signed  by  five  Reformed  ministers.  They  were  Schlatter, 
Steiner,  Rieger,  Weiss,  Leydich.  Bartholomaeus  was  not 
there,  but  word  came  from  his  elder  that  he  was  not  well. 
The  two  Dutch  students,  Marinus  and  DuBois,  were  also 
in  attendance.  There  were  sixteen  elders,  many  of  the 
vacant  congregations,  therefore,  being  again  represented. 
Steiner  could  not  attend  its  sessions,  as  he  was  sick,  as 
were  his  wife  and  two  sons,  but  through  an  elder  of  the 
Philadelphia  congregation  he  sent  his  testimonials  from 
the  Holland  deputies.  Rieger  was  president  and  Weiss 
was  clerk.  The  coetus  continued  till  October  24,  when  it 
was  closed  with  a  hearty  thanksgiving,  says  Schlatter,  for 
its  unity  of  sentiment. 

From  different  sources  we  have  gained  five  of  its  acts. 
One  was  that  Conrad  Tempelman  and  J.  C.  Wirtz  were 
present  on  probation  as  candidates  for  the  ministry. 

Another  was  in  regard  to  the  Lancaster  congregation. 
This  congregation  was  represented  in  the  coetus  by  Paul 
Weitzel  and  Casper  Schaffncr.  They  had  pressed  their 
call  on  Steiner  by  personally  calling  on  him.  As  he  was 
sick  and  could  not  attend  the  meetings,  the  coetus  sent  a 
committee  to  him  to  ask  him  whether  he  would  leave  the 
decision  of  the  matter  to  the  coetus.  Weiss  and  Leydich 
were  the  committee.  Steiner  received  them  kindly,  and 
4eclare(^  he  Avould  be  satisfied  witli  whatever  the  coetus 


THE   THIRD    COETUS.  373 

would  decide.  Coetus  decided  that  he  should  go  to  Lan- 
caster, and  in  connection  with  it  serve  the  congregations 
at  Muddy  Creek,  Erlentown  and  White  Oaks,  especially 
as  Rieger  as  president  of  the  coetus  could  aid  him  in  serv- 
ing Laueaster  to  some  extent,  as  that  congregation  had 
now  become  reconciled  to  him  again.  And  as  Steiner  had 
declared  that  he  would  rather  live  in  the  country,  they 
suggested  that  as  there  was  a  comfortable  parsonage  at 
Muddy  Creek,  he  might  live  there.  He  could  then  preach 
one  Sunday  at  Lancaster,  the  next  at  White  Oaks,  the 
next  at  Erlentown,  and  the  fourth  at  Muddy  Creek. 
However,  the  elders  present  from  I^ancaster  did  not  agree 
to  this  arrangement,  but  strenuously  asked  that  Steiner  be 
given  to  the  Lancaster  congregation  alone,  and  besides, 
they  did  not  want  llieger. 

Another  item  was  in  connection  with  the  Reilf  money. 
Schlatter  had  been  severely  criticised  by  some  of  the  Phil- 
adelphia congregation  for  his  method  of  settling  that  case, 
as  for  giving  lleilf  a  clear  cliaracter  at  the  settlement,  and 
also  for  keeping  part  of  the  money.  Coetus  deemed  it 
wise,  therefore,  to  take  an  action  in  regard  to  it,  so  as  to 
clear  up  matters.  They  passed  a  decision  clearing  Schlat- 
ter, saying  that  he  had  acted  wisely  ;  that  he  had  done 
just  what  the  Holland  C^hurch  had  wanted  to  be  done, 
although  without  their  instructions  he  had  given  the  con- 
gregation in  Philadelphia  lialf  the  money. 

Another  item  was  the  complaint  of  part  of  the  Phila- 


374        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

delphia  congregation  against  Schlatter.  The  coetus  here 
decided  against  the  complainants.  Coetus  declared  there 
was  nothing  in  the  complaints  that  would  make  Schlatter 
unworthy  of  his  office,  as  they  charged,  but  that  the  com- 
plainants were  moved  to  their  action  by  such  personal  bit- 
terness as  to  be  deserving  of  censure.  They  therefore 
decided  Schlatter  was  innocent,  and  urged  the  congregation 
to  peace.  This  last  action  was  signed  by  Rieger,  Weiss, 
Leydich  and,  strange  to  say,  also  by  Steiner,  although  the 
opponents  to  Schlatter  were  the  friends  of  Steiner. 

A  fifth  action  of  coetus  asked  Schlatter  to  send  the 
minutes  of  the  meeting  to  Holland. 

When  it  became  finally  known  that  Steiner  was  not 
going  to  Lancaster,  Weichsel  wrote  to  Schlatter,  December 
3,  1749,  describing  the  sad  condition  of  Lancaster,  and 
asking  for  a  pastor.  Before  January  28,  1750,  Schlatter 
sent  them  Rev.  Lewis  Frederick  Vock.  In  their  agree- 
ment they  agree  to  pay  him  $96.00  annually.  Han- 
schuh,  the  Lutheran  pastor  there,  on  whom  he  called, 
January  29,  speaks  of  him  as  an  aged  man,  and  said  he 
hoped  he  would  prove  an  efficient  worker.  But  by  Sep- 
tember Saur  reports  in  his  paper  a  division  in  that  congre- 
gation. Before  a  half  a  year  had  passed  there  was  trouble. 
On  July  22  Vock  preached  his  farewell  sermon,  but  by 
August  19  he  was  permitted  by  his  opponents  to  return. 
His  life  seems  to  have  been  improper.  And  on  September 
16  Rieger  (probably  referring  to  Vock)  published  in  Saur's 


THE   THIRD   OOETUS.  375 

paper  a  warning  to  all  Reformed  congregations  to  be  on 
their  guard  against  religious  adventurers  who  pretend  to  be 
ministers.  Thus  the  Lancaster  congregation  had  been 
singularly  unfortunate.  Schnorr  had  disgraced  them, 
Hochreutiner  had  accidentally  killed  himself,  Steiner 
refused  to  come  and  Vock  proved  unworthy. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  VI. 

THE  SCHLATTER  AND  STEINER  CONTROVERSY  IN 
PHILADELPHIA. 

This  unfortunate  controversy  proved  to  be  the  begin- 
ning of  strife  in  the  coetus  for  a  number  of  years,  but  it 
did  not  begin  with  Steiuer's  coming.  He  was  not  the 
cause  of  it,  but  the  instrument  used  by  it.  The  seeds  of  it 
were  sown  before  he  arrived.  Leydich,  in  a  letter  to  Hol- 
land some  years  later,  says  that  the  difficulties  between 
Schlatter  and  the  congregation  had  begun  even  before  he 
arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  September  15,  1748,  more  than 
a  year  before  Steiner  arrived.  These  difficulties  had  been 
brought  before  the  coetus  in  1748,  but  Boehm,  by  his 
experience,  influence  and  wise  counsels,  had  managed  to 
make  peace,  and  so  they  were  healed  over  for  a  time.  But 
the  trouble  burst  out  afresh.  Saur,  in  his  German  paper, 
reports  as  early  as  August  2,  1747,  that  there  was  already 
a  division  in  the  Philadelphia  congregation.  The  full 
report  of  the  case,  with  all  the  papers,  was  transmitted  to 
Holland,  and  from  it  we  gain  a  very  complete  and  inter- 
esting history  of  the  case. 

Saur  says  that  Schlatter  demanded  of  the  congregation 
that  they  give  him  a  call   which   would    make    him    their 


SCHLATTER  AND  STElNER  CONTROVERSY.    377 

pastor  for  life,  to  which  mauy  of  the  congregation  objected, 
as  they  did  not  want  to  be  bound  to  him  for  life.  The 
example  of  another  Reformed  congregation,  namely  at 
Lancaster,  which  had  made  a  similar  arrangement  with 
Schnorr,  and  was  compelled  to  keep  him  after  they  had 
been  disgraced  by  his  ungodly  life,  was  an  example  quoted 
by  the  opponents  of  Schlatter.  Saur,  in  the  article  quoted 
above,  probably  did  not  state  the  matter  quite  correctly,  as 
we  shall  see,  for  he  was  not  a  friend  to  church  people  or  to 
Schlatter.  But  there  is  this  substance  of  truth  in  it — it 
is  evident  that  the  Philadelphia  quarrel  began  before 
Steiner  ever  arrived. 

There  were  two  main  difficulties  between  them  : 

1.  A  Constifutiooial  Difficulty. 

On  July  12  the  consistory  proposed  a  call  to  Schlatter, 
in  which  he  was  to  preach  every  Sunday  once,  either  morning 
or  afternoon,  and  the  school-master  to  catechise  at  the 
other  service.  When  he  preached  in  the  morning  the 
school-master  was  to  catechise  in  the  afternoon,  and  when 
he  preached  in  the  afternoon  the  school-master  was  to  cate- 
chise and  read  a  sermon  in  the  morning.  He  was  to  teach 
according  to  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  and  when  he  did 
not  do  so,  the  consistory  had  power  to  remove  him.  Some- 
where about  this  time  occurred  the  hat  vote.  He  took  the 
call  he  drew  up,  and  which  the  consistory  had  refused,  into 
the  pulpit  and  read  it.  Then  he  took  the  vote,  saying : 
"  Those  who  are  on  my  side,  put  their  hats  on."     Tlie  vote 


378        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

revealed  quite  a  division  in  the  congregation.  On  August 
4  Schlatter  submitted  two  calls  to  the  consistory  for  adop- 
tion. The  first  call  said  that  they  called  him  at  the  advice 
of  their  former  pastor  Boehm.  He  was  to  preach,  catechise, 
administer  the  sacraments  and  observe  Church  discipline 
according  to  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  constitution 
of  the  synod  of  Dort.  He  was  to  preach  once  every  Sun- 
day, administer  the  communion  four  times  a  year,  but  have 
four  free  Sundays.  It  offered  him  no  fixed  salary,  on 
account  of  the  great  debt  of  the  church  building,  but  they 
promised  to  keep  him  as  long  as  he  preached  the  pure 
gospel  and  lived  a  right  life.  This  call  was  refused  by  the 
consistory.  The  other  call  was  much  like  this,  but  was 
signed  by  a  large  number  of  the  Philadelphia  congregation. 
So  it  seems  that  Schlatter  had  fortified  his  case  by  having 
a  large  number  of  the  congregation  sign  this  call  before  it 
was  presented  to  the  consistory. 

Schlatter  was  right  constitutionally.  The  congregation 
having  come  under  the  coetus,  was  bound  not  to  act  in  an 
independent  manner,  and  accept  or  dismiss  its  pastor  at  will. 
The  proper  way  would  have  been  to  ask  coetus  to  acquiesce 
in  the  dismissal.  But  on  the  other  hand  it  is  to  be 
remembered  that  the  congregation  had  not  been  accus- 
tomed to  that  method  of  doing  things. 

There  had  been  no  coetus  in  existence  before  whose 
authority  could  be  invoked.  Each  congregation  had  been 
accustomed  to   act  independently,  and   the  Philadelphia 


SCHLATTER   AND   STEINER   CONTROVERSY.  379 

congregation  was  loth  to  give  up  its  rights.  The  ill  for- 
tune of  the  Lancaster  congregation  in  Schnorr's  case  had 
prejudiced  them  against  a  permanent  call.  Schlatter  had 
proposed  to  them  the  form  of  call  in  use  in  Holland, 
which  was  indefinite  as  to  the  time  when  the  pastoral  rela- 
tion would  cease.  But  they  misunderstood  this  indefinite- 
ness  to  mean  permanence,  and  supposed  it  meant,  as  Saur 
says,  a  call  for  life. 

2.  A  Financial  Difficulty. 

A  cause  for  this  uneasy  state  of  feeling  was  the  large 
debt  of  the  church.  When  Schlatter  went  to  Europe, 
1751,  the  debt  was  $1920.  Bcehm  says  Schlatter  had  led 
them  to  complete  their  church  extravagantly,  promising 
them  a  great  deal  of  help  from  Holland.  When  this  help 
did  not  materialize,  a  reaction  naturally  came  against 
Schlatter.  His  enemies  also  complained  bitterly  about 
his  actions  in  the  Reiff  matter — that  he  had  given  them 
only  60  pounds  of  it,  and  of  this  had  taken  back  15  pounds, 
because  he  said  the  congregation  owed  him  20  pounds. 
They  say  they  then  raised  the  20  pounds,  when  he  kept 
that  also.  They  were  especially  bitter  that  he  had  given 
Reiif  a  public  exoneration  when  he  settled  with  him — 
declaring  him  an  innocent  man.  This  they  said  Schlatter 
should  not  have  done,  as  every  one  knew  Reiff  was  dis- 
honest in  the  transaction.  Schlatter,  on  the  other  hand, 
claimed  that  the  building  committee,  which  consisted  of 
six  or  eight  members,  began  to  assume  rights  in  building 


380        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

which  he  considered  arrogant.  They  replied  that  when 
the  ground  for  the  church  was  bought,  Schlatter  wanted 
his  name  to  be  entered  with  those  of  the  three  elders  who 
bought  it.  They  refused,  and  then  Schlatter,  they  said, 
declared  in  a  sermon  that  there  were  three  men  in  the  con- 
gregation who  wanted  to  be  masters.  His  opponents,  on 
the  other  hand,  declare  that  since  Boehm's  death  he  had 
wanted  to  be  pope  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. Thus  a  number  of  the  prominent  members  were 
at  odds  with  Schlatter. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  aifairs  when  Steiner  arrived. 
It  was  a  most  unfortunate  thing  for  Schlatter  that  the 
coetus  met  at  Lancaster,  and  that  he  was  away  when  Stei- 
ner arrived,  for  it  gave  his  opponents  an  opportunity  to 
arrange  matters  against  him  in  his  absence.  Steiner  says 
that  when  he  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  he  was  met  on  ship- 
board by  two  of  the  officers  of  the  congregation,  who  took 
him  and  his  family  to  their  homes.  As  Schlatter  was  out 
of  town,  they  asked  him  to  preach  for  them  the  coming 
Sunday.  They  told  him  of  their  differences  with  Schlat- 
ter, but  he  says  he  counselled  them  to  peace  and  put  them 
off  till  after  the  coetus  would  meet,  October  20.* 

•  llarbaugh  speaks  of  Sleiner's  acts  as  an  ungrateful  return  to  Schlatter 
as  his  beuefaclor.  We  do  not  defend  Steiner's  course,  as  he  was  acting  un- 
constitutionally in  getting  into  another  minister's  congregation.  But  at  the 
same  time  it  was  not  ingratitude  to  Schliitter.  Schlatter  had  not  brought  him 
over  to  Pennsylvania,  but  the  Holland  deputies  had  sent  him,  just  as  they 
had  before  sent  Schlatter.  The  charge  of  ingratitude  to  Schlatter  falls  to  the 
ground,  although  the  charge  of  unconstitutionality  does  not. 


SCHLATTER  AND   STEINER   CONTROVERSY.  381 

Meanwhile,  before  the  adjourned  coetus  met  at  Phila- 
delphia, Steiner  on  October  3  wrote  to  Lancaster  that  he 
would  come  and  preach  for  them  on  the  15th.  Schlatter 
also  wrote  to  Lancaster,  telling  them  that  Steiner  would 
come  and  asking  the  consistory  to  send  a  horse.  To  be 
sure  that  they  would  do  this,  he  took  the  trouble  to  send  a 
second  letter  to  them,  in  case  the  first  might  be  lost.  He 
was  evidently  anxious  to  get  Steiner  away  from  Philadel- 
phia. He  urged  them  to  receive  Steiner,  giving  him  an 
excellent  recommendation,  and  stating  that  he  came  prop- 
erly recommended  by  the  Holland  Church  and  worthy  of 
all  confidence.  The  congregation  twice  sent  a  horse  for 
Steiner.  The  first  time  his  wife  was  sick,  and  he  did  not 
like  to  leave  her,  and  when  the  second  came,  he  himself 
was  sick.  Steiner,  however,  waited  until  coetus  before 
deciding  about  the  Philadelphia  matter.  Even  at  the  time 
of  the  coetus  he  expressed  a  willingness  to  go  to  Lancaster. 

All  this  shows  that  Steiner  was  not  the  only  one  to 
blame  in  this  matter.  He  was  the  creature  of  circumstances 
to  some  extent.  It  seems  very  likely,  too,  that  the  action 
of  the  coetus  did  not  entirely  suit  him,  as  it  certainly  did 
not  suit  the  Lancaster  congregation.  The  coetus  had  tried 
to  make  him  cover  too  much  territory  by  making  him 
pastor  of  the  Muddy  Creek  charge,  as  well  as  of  Lancaster. 
Against  this  the  Lancaster  elders  protested.  Rieger,  as 
Steiner  was  absent,  tried  his  hand  at  the  matter,  so  as  to 


382        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.    S, 

get  a  chance  to  preach  again  in  Lancaster.  There  was 
selfish  motive,  we  fear,  in  Rieger's  management  of  the  case. 
The  result  was,  that  by  Rieger's  manipulating  it  so  that 
he  preached  at  Lancaster,  Steiner  had  too  large  a  charge, 
and  no  one  was  satisfied.  Steiner  saw  in  all  this  a  chance 
to  withdraw  mthout  dishonor  to  himself.  It  is  possible,  if 
the  coetus  had  left  the  single  call  to  Lancaster  for  Steiner, 
he  might  have  gone. 

Leaving  the  action  of  the  coetus,  let  us  watcli  the 
actions  of  the  congregation.  On  October  5  the  old  con- 
sistory took  action,  dismissing  Schlatter  as  their  pastor. 
This  action  was  signed  by  Daniel  Ronton  the  leading 
elder,  Hillegass,  and  even  by  Steinmetz,  the  elder  who 
had  at  first  received  Schlatter,  and  with  whom  he  stayed 
for  mouths  after  he  arrived.  The  next  day  a  protest  was 
sent  to  the  consistory  by  more  than  eighty  members  of  the 
congregation,  who  were  Schlatter's  friends.  The  consis- 
tory then  sent  a  petition  to  coetus,  October  2L 

The  coetus,  as  we  have  seen,  decided  against  the  con- 
sistory. This  action,  in  favor  of  Schlatter,  was  read  twice 
on  October  22  before  the  congregation,  and  declared  them 
worthy  of  censure.  On  the  next  day,  October  2.'),  the 
consistory  made  a  reply  to  the  coetus.  They  declared 
that  they  were  surprised  at  the  action  of  the  coetus,  and 
stated  that  they  would  close  their  pulpit  to  Schlatter  and 


SCHLATTER  AND   STEINEE   CONTROVEESY.  383 

appeal  from  the  coetus  to  the  Holland  synod.*  Later  the 
consistory  receded  from  this  appeal  to  Holland,  because 
they  were  afraid  that  Schlatter  might  have  too  much 
influence  against  them  there.  On  November  17  Schlatter 
sent  a  note  to  the  consistory,  asking  a  reply  within  eight 
days  as  to  whether  they  would  acknowledge  the  Holland 
synod  or  not,  and  whether  they  had  appealed,  asking  for 
a  copy  of  their  charges  against  him,  so  that  he  might 
know  what  defence  to  make.  On  November  28  Steiner 
wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  deputies  in  Holland,  giving  the 
reasons  for  not  accepting  Lancaster.     He  says  : 

1,  That  coetus  had  spoiled  matters,  rather  than  set 
them  right :  that  he  had  come  between  the  churches  of 
Philadelphia  and  Lancaster  as  between  water  and  fire, 
and  finally  decided  for  Philadelphia,  because  it  called  him 
first,  and  in  spite  of  all  opposition  persevered  in  it. 

2.  That  if  he  had  not  accepted  the  congregations  at  Phil- 
adelphia and  Germantown,  they  would  have  gone  down. 

He  then  states  the  charges  made   against  Schlatter, 

*  It  has  been  charged  that  the  reason  why  they  went  against  Schlatter, 
was  because  they  were  oppo-ed  to  the  Holland  control, f  but  now  they  say 
they  would  appeal  to  Holland.  If  they  were  opposed  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
Holland,  why  would  they  appeal  to  them?  They  had  been  under  the  classis 
of  Amsterdam  for  fifteen  years,  ever  since  Bcehm  became  their  pastor  in  1734, 
and  now  they  say  they  will  appeal  to  the  Dutch  for  a  decision  in  their  case. 
Besides,  their  selection  of  Steiner  could  not  have  been  misconstrued  into  an 
opposition  to  Holland,  for  he  had  been  sent  over  by  the  Holland  deputies,  and 
was  as  much  of  a  predestinarian  as  Schlatter,  as  both  had  to  sign  the  Canons 
of  Dort  before  the  Holland  synods  would  ever  send  them. 

t  Dubbs'  History  of  the  Reformed  Church,  page  283. 


384   THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

namely  desire  to  rule,  indolence,  feebleness  in  preaching, 
and  dissatisfaction  with  his  salary.  Steiner  defends  the 
action  of  the  congregation. 

During  this  controversy  Schlatter  had  the  sympathy 
and  support  of  the  other  members  of  the  coetus.  On 
November  27  Leydich  wrote  to  him,  as  did  Weiss  on 
November  29 ;  Rieger  wrote  to  him  in  December,  as  did 
Bartholomaeus,  December  27.  Outside  of  his  own  denom- 
ination, Schlatter  had  the  sympathy  of  the  clergy.  Steiner 
having  asked  their  opinion,  received  a  reply,  November 
14,  from  Brunholz  and  Muhlenberg  of  the  laitheran 
Church,  and  Gilbert  Tennant  of  the  Presbyterian,  giving 
decision  against  his  party.  Then  Steiner  replied  (Novem- 
ber 20),  thanking  them  for  their  decision,  but  giving  the 
reasons  for  his  actions.  They  reply  on  November  30  to 
him.  On  December  12,  as  the  Christmas  season  was 
approaching,  the  consistory  notified  Schlatter  that  they 
would  not  permit  him  to  celebrate  the  Lord's  Supper  in 
tlie  church.  Schlatter  refused  (December  14)  to  accept 
this  notice  from  them.  He  claimed  that  their  acts  were 
unconstitutional,  because  he  was  president  of  the  consistory, 
had  not  signed  the  call  for  their  meeting,  and  because  it 
was  done  without  the  knowledge  of  himself  or  of  the 
greater  number  of  the  members.  (When  the  vote  was 
taken,  it  stood  110  for  Schlatter  to  140  for  Steiner.) 
Schlatter  replied  that  he  would  lay  all  the  papers  before 
the  approaching  coetus  appointed  to  meet  at  Philadelphia 


SCHLATTER    AND    STEINER    CONTROVERSY.  385 

in  December,  to  try  his  case,  and  to  it  he  asked  them  to 
bring  their  complaints.  On  December  16  he  notified  them 
that  the  coetus  meeting  would  not  be  held  on  account  of 
the  extreme  cold  weather.*  Saur  says  that  Schlatter 
wanted  to  resign  before  the  end  of  the  year  and  preach 
his  farewell  sermon  on  Matt.  23  :  37-39,  but  he  was  so 
sad  that  he  could  not  explain  the  passage,  and  only  read 
Matt.  10  :  14. 

As  the  coetus  did  not  meet  to  settle  the  case,  Schlat- 
ter's friends  decided  that  they  must  do  something,  so  on 
December  18  they  met  and  elected  a  new  consistory.  The 
authority  was  given  to  the  new  consistory  for  Schlatter, 
with  Tennant  and  Vock  as  witnesses.  The  new  con- 
sistory's first  step  was  to  forbid  (December  19)  Steiner  to 
preach.  On  January  5  they  protest  against  the  call  given 
by  the  old  consistory  to  Steiner.  The  old  consistory,  in 
its  turn,  took  action,  January  5,  forbidding  Schlatter  to 
preach  in  the  church,  as  they  had  installed  Steiner.  On 
January  7  Steiner  preached  his  introductory  sermon  in 
the  church  at  Germantown.  On  January  12  Attorney 
General  Francis  made  overtures  to  the  Schlatter  party  in 
the  interest  of  peace,  suggesting  a  compromise  that  Stei- 
ner and  Schlatter  preach  alternate  Sundays.  The  Schlat- 
ter party  granted  it  to  the  Steiner  party,  as  to  Steiner  as 

*  The  real  reason  was,  the  ministers  refused  to  come,  Weiss  and  Lejdich 
especially. 

25 


386       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

a  stranger,  but  not  as  pastor.     This  did  not  suit  the  Stei- 
ner  party,  and  was  not  agreed  upon. 

On  January  14  matters  came  to  an  open  controversy 
in  the  church.     Steiner  was  to  preach  his  introductory 
sermon  on  that  Sunday.     But  the  Schlatter  party  came 
first  and  took  possession  of  the  church,   when  Schlatter 
ordained  and  installed  his  new  consistory.     (On  January 
14  Schlatter  and  his  party  made  a  proposition  to  the  oth- 
ers, and  on  January  20  the  Steiner  party  agree  that  one 
should  preach  in  the  forenoon  and  the  other  in  the  after- 
noon, but  then  the  Schlatter  party  was  not  Avilling,  Jan- 
uary 22.)     On  January  28  the  Steiner  party  got  ahead. 
They  stayed  in  the  church  all  night,  and   with  a  body 
guard  of  24  took  possession  of  the  pulpit.     Steiner  was 
in  the  pulpit  when  the  Schlatter  party  came  in.     Schlatter 
requested   Steiner   to   come  from   the   pulpit,    which    he 
refused.     Confusion  reigned  for  about  two  hours.     The 
Schlatter  party  sang  the  119th  Psalm,  so  as  to  prevent 
Steiner  and  his  party  from  gaining  the  church.     Schlatter 
invoked  the  aid  of  the  magistrate,  and  he  was  brought 
into  the  church  when  the  Steiner  party  sang.     Then   they 
came  to  an  agreement  to  give  the  church  keys  to    the 
city  authorities,  until  they  could  come  to   an   amicable 
adjustment  of  the  matter.     The  Schlatter  party  had,  Jan- 
uary 27,  made  overtures  to  leave  the  matter  in  the  hands 
of  arbitrators,  each  party  giving  bonds  for  adherence  to 
their  decision.     This  was  finally  accepted  by  the  old  con- 


SCHLATTER   AND   STEINER   CONTROVERSY.  387 

sistory.  The  bond  was  issued  by  both  parties,  February 
20,  and  the  matter  left  to  six  arbitrators.  The  Steiner 
party  made  a  condition,  however,  that  no  ministers, 
judges  or  lawyers  were  to  be  the  arbitrators.  They  were 
evidently  afraid  of  ministers,  as  the  Lutheran  and  Pres- 
byterian ministers  had  already  sided  against  them.  This 
agreement  was  made  before  the  mayor,  Mr.  Lawrence ; 
the  judge,  William  Allen,  and  the  alderman,  Benjamin 
Shoemaker.  The  arbitrators  were  William  Clymer, 
Thomas  Lord,  Hugh  Robert,  John  Mifflin,  John  Smith 
and  Abel  James,  all  of  them  Quakers,  except  Clymer, 
who  was  an  Episcopalian.  The  old  consistory  filed  their 
charges  against  Schlatter.     They  were  : 

1.  Discipline,  deception  and  falsehood.  Schlatter  had 
promised  them  aid  from  Holland,  a  promise  which  he  had 
not  fulfilled. 

2.  In  the  Reiif  matter  he  had  given  them  only  forty- 
five  pounds,  although  their  church  was  so  terribly  in  need 
of  the  money,  and  he  had  ninety  pounds  still  in  his  hands, 
which  he  would  not  turn  over,  because  he  said  he  had  no 
order  from  Holland  to  do  so.  But  that  when  he  found 
that  the  church  at  Germantown  was  threatening  to  dis- 
miss him,  he  secretly  promised  to  give  them  twenty 
pounds,  and  later  on  fifty  pounds,  of  this  money. 

3.  That  although  several  of  the  elders  had  incurred  a 
debt  of  400  pounds  voluntarily,  in  order  to  purchase  the 
ground  rent  of  the  lot,  he  had  the  title  of  it  made  out  to 
the  Holland  Fathers  and  to  himself. 


388       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

4.  That  although  he  had  led  the  church  into  great 
debt,  he  had  given  them  no  assistance. 

5.  That  he  lorded  over  them  and  was  more  of  a  mas- 
ter than  a  pastor.  (They  say  in  a  letter  that  he  scolded 
them,  and  was  incapable  and  unfit.) 

6.  Although  they  paid  him  twice  as  much  as  they  had 
promised  him,  yet  he  was  never  satisfied. 

7.  That  he  produced  disorder  in  the  congregation. 

8.  He  was  so  cold  and  slack  in  his  activity,  that  many 
had  grown  careless.  In  instructing  the  youth  he  had 
been  indolent,  and  also  in  visiting  the  sick  and  baptizing 
the  children. 

The  arbitrators  met,  Clymer  being  the  chairman,  and, 
after  three  weeks'  examination  and  deliberation,  they  ren- 
dered their  decision,  March  6,  1750.  It  is  in  substance 
as  follows : 

As  to  the  charges,  they  decide  : 

1.  The  Holland  letters  show  that  Schlatter  had  a  right 
to  give  assurance  of  help  to  the  congregation. 

2.  That  Sclilatter  did  about  the  ReifF  money  as 
ordered.  He  had  submitted  his  account  to  the  arbitra- 
tors, and  of  the  135  pounds  he  still  had  34.  And  also  he 
had  not  attempted  to  bribe  the  Germantown  congregation 
with  the  money. 

3.  That  Schlatter  did  not  pocket  any  of  the  alms  of 
the  congregation,  as  had  been  charged. 


SCHLATTEE   AND   STEINER   CONTROVERSY.  389 

4.  That  he  did  not  get  the  title  to  the  land  in  his  own 
name,  so  as  to  have  it  as  his  own. 

5.  That  he  was  not  dictatorial. 

6.  That  if  he  found  fault  with  them,  it  was  because 
the  men  who  now  represented  the  Steiner  party  urged  him 
to  do  so. 

7.  That  he  did  not  cause  the  divisions  in  the  congre- 
gation, but  that  the  elders  who  summoned  him,  did  so. 

8.  That  he  was  faithful  in  pastoral  work. 

As  to  reports  against  him  at  his  birthplace,  his  testi- 
monials were  sufficient  in  reply.  , 

They  therefore  declared  that  the  charges  against  Schlat- 
ter were  false,  unfounded  and  insufficient.  Their  decision 
was  that  the  old  consistory  transfer  the  church  property 
to  the  Schlatter  consistory  and  congregation.  But  they 
ordered  the  Schlatter  consistory  to  pay  to  diffisreut  parties 
sums  amounting  to  about  750  pounds.  The  Schlatter 
party,  which  during  the  interim  had  been  worshiping 
twice  a  Sunday  in  Tennant's  Presbyterian  church  (the 
Whitefield's  church,  as  it  was  called),  now  again  took  pos- 
session of  the  old  church  buildiug.  Thus  Schlatter  was 
completely  vindicated.  He  wrote  to  the  Holland  depu- 
ties, April  6,  giving  an  account  of  the  trial.  Peters,  the 
secretary  of  state,  in  writing  to  the  deputies,  says  :  "  The 
cause  of  the  whole  trouble  was  Schlatter's  refusal  to  pay 
the  whole  of  the  Reiff  funds  to  the  Philadelphia  congre- 
gation."    Saur  in  his  paper  says  that  at  the  end  of  the 


390        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

trial  the  Steiner  party  uumbered  170  and  the  Schlatter 
120.  The  Steiner  party,  which  had  been  worshiping  in  a 
private  house,  proceeded  to  build  a  building,  not  far  from 
the  old  church,  wliieh  should  be  used  for  a  store  as  well  as 
for  service.  Tliev  clung  to  their  idea  not  to  engao-e  a 
minister  for  more  than  a  year  at  a  time,  so  that  the  min- 
ister might  not  become  master  over  them,  referring  to 
Matt.  23:  6-12. 

In  a  later  letter,  October  16,  1750,  Schlatter  again 
defends  himself  against : 

a)  The  charge  of  indolence,  by  referring  to  his  exten- 
sive correspondence  with  Holland  (he  says  that  since  he 
had  been  in  Pennsylvania,  he  had  spent  only  two  Sab- 
baths without  preaching.)  In  four  years  and  two  months 
he  had  preached  581  times,  and  traveled  in  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland  and  Virginia  7000  miles,  one-third  of  the 
earth's  circumference. 

6)  Pride  and  haughtiness.     This  he  denies. 

c)  Avarice  and  luxury.  He  had  received  in  four  and 
a  half  years  $580,  and  had  spent  $140  more  than  he  had 
received.  He  had  been  at  the  expense  of  entertaining  the 
coetus  whenever  they  had  met  in  Philadelphia,  and  the 
longest  journey  he  had  undertaken  at  his  own  costs.  The 
deputies  reply  to  him,  January,  1751,  that  they  are  greatly 
pleased  that  he  has  been  proved  innocent. 

So  ended  the  first  stage  of  the  Schlatter-Steiner  quar- 
rel, but  the  seeds  of  strife  sown  in  1749  keep  the  coetus 
embroiled  in  controversy  till  1755,  and  later. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  YII. 

SCHLATTER'S  TRIP  TO  EUROPE  (1751-52). 

•  In  the  spring  of  1747  Schlatter  had  written  to  the 
deputies,  suggesting  that  it  might  be  well  for  him  to  come 
back  to  Holland,  so  as  to  interest  their  Church  in  Penn- 
sylvania, and  also  to  look  up  ministers  for  this  western 
work.  But  the  deputies  had  refused  to  grant  his  request, 
because  they  were  afraid  his  work  would  suffer  during  his 
absence.  Three  years  later  he  unexpectedly  takes  the 
trip,  unknown  to  the  deputies. 

After  the  coetus  of  1749,  Schlatter,  owing  to  the 
unfortunate  division  in  the  congregation  at  Philadelphia, 
was  not  able  to  travel  around  among  the  congregations  as 
much  as  he  had  done  formerly.  Nor  was  it  necessary, 
for  the  congregations  by  that  time  had  become  sufficiently 
organized.  He  still  visited  the  congregations  in  western 
New  Jersey  in  June,  1750.  He  also  made  church  visita- 
tions, August  20-25,  of  congregations  in  the  country,  so 
that  he  might  give  information  to  the  coming  coetus  about 
them.  He  also  made  a  journey,  November  1-10,  1750. 
He  went  (November  1)  to  Witpen,  which  he  regularly 
supplied  once  a  month  since  Boehm's  death,  and  adminis- 
tered the  communion  to  thirty-six  members.     After  the 


392        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHITRCH   IN   U.    S. 

tlianksgiviDg  sermon  he  went  twenty-three  miles  farther  to 
Falkner  Swamp,  to  visit  Leydich,  and  on  the  2nd  with 
him  to  visit  Weiss.  Leydich  consented  to  preach  for  him 
the  next  Sunday,  so  tliat  he  could  continue  his  journey. 
Schlatter  then  went  to  Oley,  and  on  the  3rd  he  arrived  at 
Tulpehocken.  In  this  journey  he  was  at  times  in  danger, 
because  of  the  wintry  weather  and  overflowing  streams. 
On  the  4th  he  assisted  Bartholomaeus  in  administering  the 
Lord's  Supper.  Bartholomaeus  promised  to  be  present  at 
the  coming  coetus,  if  his  health  would  permit.  Schlatter 
then  went  to  Lancaster,  where  he  preaclied  on  the  6th, 
and  invited  Rieger  to  attend  the  coetus,  which  he  prom- 
ised to  do.  He  preached  at  three  other  places  on  his  way 
home,  and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  10th.  He  did 
not  see  Lischy  on  this  trip,  because  the  latter  had  gone,  at 
Schlatter's  earnest  solicitation,  to  visit  the  congregations 
in  Virginia.  On  November  16  the  coetus  met  at  Phila- 
delphia. Of  this  coetus  we  have  no  record,  because  he 
seems  to  have  given  an  account  of  it  orally  to  the  depu- 
ties when  he  arrived  in  Holland.  We  find  only  a  refer- 
ence to  the  coetus.  A¥e  know,  however,  that  Weiss,  Ley- 
dich and  Schlatter  were  present. 

On  December  13  a  special  coetus  was  held  at  Phila- 
delphia. The  outlook  for  the  Church  in  Pennsylvania 
was  not  the  most  ho})eful.  Matters  had  not  been  pro- 
gressing since  the  Steiner  controversy.  The  Holland 
deputies  had  not  been  sending  over  any  more  ministers,  or 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.      393 

fuuds  or  letters.  Nor  had  they  given  a  decision  on  some 
of  the  important  matters  referred  to  them.  Bartholomaeus 
was  sick  and  becoming  insane.  Thus  the  number  of  min- 
isters was  lessening,  while  the  charges  were  clamoring  for 
ministers.  Of  the  sixteen  charges  reported  by  Schlatter, 
ten  charges,  representing  thirty-two  congregations,  were 
vacant.  And  of  the  charges  that  had  ministers,  three 
were  supplied  only  by  candidates  for  the  ministry,  who 
could  not  administer  the  sacraments.  These  were  Tem- 
pelman,  DuBois  and  Lischy,  as  the  deputies  liad  not  yet 
rendered  a  decision  on  their  cases.  Only  twelve  congre- 
gations had  regular  ministers,  and  these  at  best  only  once 
a  Sunday,  and  some  of  them  barely  once  a  month.  On 
the  other  hand,  although  the  Moravian  ^novement  had 
spent  its  force,  yet  independent  Reformed  ministers  were 
springing  up,  some  of  them  with,  but  more  of  them  with- 
out, ordination,  and  leading  the  congregations  astray.  In 
view  of  the  unsatisfactory  state  of  affairs,  the  special  coctus 
(at  which  Weiss,  however,  was  not  present)  decided  that 
one  of  their  number  should  go  to  Europe  and  lay  their 
case  before  the  Holland  deputies.  To  this  mission  Schlat- 
ter was  appointed.  He  lost  no  time  in  getting  ready, 
although  it  Avas  winter,  when  the  passage  across  the  ocean 
was  dangerous.  On  December  25  he  administered  tlie 
communion  to  his  Philadelphia  congregation  for  the  last 
time.  His  passport  was  given  him  by  the  governor, 
James  Hamilton,  January  29,     He  sailed  from  Newcastle, 


394        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Delaware,  February  5,  1751.  He  arrived  at  Dartmouth, 
March  11 ;  at  Bristol,  March  15,  and  at  London,  March 
22.  He  left  London,  March  31,  and  arrived  at  Helvoet- 
sluys,  in  Holland,  April  12. 

Schlatter  appeared  before  the  deputies  at  the  Hague, 
May  3.  He  delivered  to  them  his  journal  and  other 
papers.  He  reported  the  results  of  his  labors,  and  also 
the  condition  of  the  Church.  He  also  stated  that  he  had 
organized  the  churches,  also  a  coetus,  and  made  church 
visitation.  He  made  a  report,  that  in  order  to  supply  the 
deficiency  in  salaries  of  pastors  and  school-masters,  $800  a 
year  would  be  necessary.  He  said  the  congregations  were 
unable  to  make  up  traveling  expenses  to  bring  ministers 
across  the  ocean  to  them.  He  also  reported  what  he  had 
done  with  the  Bibles  sent  over ;  and  with  the  Reiff  money, 
that  he  had  on  hand  thirty-four  pounds  and  six  shillings, 
and  had  given  the  rest  away  at  the  orders  of  the  deputies. 
He  also  presented  a  paper  giving  reasons  why,  at  the 
request  of  the  coetus,  he  was  present  with  them  in  Hol- 
land, and  also  asked  to  be  allowed  to  resign  his  commis- 
sion. He  gives  as  a  reason  for  this  the  precarious  state 
of  the  Church  and  the  inability  of  six  ministers  to  care  for 
30,000  souls.  He  also  suggests  that  a  fund  ought  to  be 
raised  to  make  up  for  this  deficiency  of  salaries  in  Penn- 
sylvania.    He  asked  of  them  three  things  : 

1.  A  donation  of  money  to  cover  his  traveling  expenses 
to  Switzerland. 

2.  A  testimonial  of  his  conduct  in  Pennsylvania. 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.      395 

3.  An   action   clearing  him   in   his   controversy    with 
Steiner. 

The  deputies  were  very  much  pleased  with  his  report. 
They  voted  him  $20.00  for  his  traveling  expenses,  and 
gave  him  the  testimonials  he  asked  for.  He  did  not,  how- 
ever, at  once  proceed  to  Switzerland,  and  when  asked  at 
the  next  meeting  of  the  deputies  why  he  had  not  gone,  he 
replied  it  was  owing  to  lack  of  money.  It  looked  as  if 
Schlatter  might  leave  the  service  of  the  Pennsylvania 
churches,  but  circumstances  ordered  it  otherwise. 

From  the  deputies  he  went  to  Amsterdam,  and 
appeared  before  the  classis  there.  Here  renewed  interest 
arose.  The  classis  expressed  itself  as  satisfied  with  his 
exoneration  in  the  Steiner  controversy,  and  became  so 
much  interested  in  his  account  of  Pennsylvania  that  they 
asked  him  to  prepare  an  Appeal,*  which  could  l)e  printed 
and  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  classes  and  synods,  in  order 
to  see  if  better  means  could  not  be  devised  to  aid  the  thou- 
sands of  souls  famishing  tliere.  The  classis  decided  to 
print  this.  A  liberal  member,  J.  Loveringh,  a  deacon  and 
bookseller,  published  it  at  his  own  expense,  none  to  be 
sold  but  those  signed  by  himself,  so  that  no  attempt  might 
be  made  by  others  to  make  money  out  of  the  transaction. 

The  diary  of  Schlatter,  which  composes  the  main  part 

*  This  Appeal  was  afterwards  translated  into  German  and  published  by 
Fresenius,  but  although  Rev,  Mr.  Thomson,  of  the  English  Reformed  church 
of  Amsterdam,  was  ordered  to  prepare  an  English  translation  of  it,  we  have 
not  yet  found  a  copy  of  it. 


396        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

of  the  volume,  had  a  preface  by  the  classis,  dated  June  28, 
after  which  comes  an  introduction  by  Schlatter,  and  then 
his  diary  from  June  1,  1746,  to  his  return  to  Holland  in 
1751.  This  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  religious 
destitution  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  adjoining  provinces, 
in  which  he  describes  the  Indians,  the  number  of  his  con- 
gregations, and  on  the  basis  of  this  he  makes  an  earnest 
appeal,  which  is  followed  by  a  special  appeal  in  behalf  of 
the  Indians,  in  which  he  refers  to  tlie  work  of  Brainard 
and  Eliot  among  them.  A  few  closing  words,  which  are 
dated  June  25,  end  the  book.  In  this  Appeal  he  suggests 
the  idea  that  an  effort  be  made  to  get  tlie  states  general  of 
Holland  (the  congress)  to  do  something  to  supply  these 
destitute  Germans  with  the  gospel.  Schlatter  did  not 
start  off  to  Switzerland  as  soon  as  he  expected,  partly 
because  of  lack  of  money,  and  partly  because  the  classis, 
which  had  already  done  so  much,  desired  him  to  wait  until 
after  the  synods  met  in  the  summer. 

We  next  find  Schlatter  at  the  synod  of  South  Holland, 
at  Leerdam,  where  there  was  given  each  member  a  copy 
of  his  printed  Appeal.  The  synod  expressed  itself  pleased 
with  his  work,  and  exonerated  liim  in  the  case  of  the 
Steiner  quarrel.  The  synod  ordered  that  Lischy  be 
installed  at  York,  Marinus,  Dubois  and  Tempelmau 
examined  and  ordained  in  the  name  of  the  synod  of  South 
Holland.  These  were  the  cases  that  had  been  lianging 
fire  for  so  long  a  time.     Schlatter  reported  that  five  or  six 


/ 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.      397 

additional  ministers  were  needed  for  Pennsylvania.  They 
requested  Schlatter  to  go  to  Switzerland  to  obtain  the  min- 
isters required,  and  determined,  with  the  synod  of  North 
Holland,  to  approach  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Lord 
Pensionary,  so  that  the  matter  might  be  brought  before 
the  states  of  Holland  and  West  Fricsland,  so  as  to  get 
financial  aid.  Schlatter  then  went  to  the  North  Holland 
synod,  which  met  at  Edam,  from  which  he  writes  a  letter, 
August  3.  The  North  Holland  synod  took  very  much  the 
same  action  as  the  South  Holland,  expressing  itself  satis- 
fied with  Schlatter's  work,  and  joining  with  South  Hol- 
land in  approaching  the  states  of  Holland  and  Friesland 
for  money  toward  Pennsylvania. 

And  now  we  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  epi- 
sodes in  the  early  history  of  our  Church,  and  one  on  which 
most  important  results  depended,  namely  the  gift  by  the 
states  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland  to  the  Pennsylvania 
churches.  For  it  was  without  doubt  the  money  that  the 
political  government  gave  to  the  Pennsylvania  churches 
for  years  that  laid  the  foundation  of  our  Church.  Such  a 
gift  was  not  a  new  thing  to  those  states.  Holland  had 
given  the  very  amount  desired,  800  dollars,  to  Goetschi 
in  1735.  That  was  gotten  by  him  through  the  Pension- 
ary. If  now  the  same  policy  be  pursued,  it  would  prob- 
ably produce  the  same  results.  Let  us  watch  the  pro- 
ceedings. On  August  24  an  extra  session  of  the  deputies 
was  called  to  hasten  matters  before   the   states.     It  was 


398        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

called  because  it  was  learned  that  the  Prince  of  Orange 
intended  to  depart  the  latter  part  of  the  month  from  the 
Hague  to  Aix  la  Chapelle  for  the  waters,  and  also  that 
the  states  general  of  Holland  and  West  Frieslaud  was 
about  to  adjourn.  The  deputies  then  went  to  the  politi- 
cal commissioners  of  the  synods.  (In  each  synod  there 
were  political  commissioners,  appointed  by  the  state  as  the 
representatives  of  the  state  in  its  sessions.)  They  now 
went  to  the  political  commissioners  in  their  own  synods  in 
order  to  get  advice  in  what  way  to  secure  the  fund  for 
Pennsylvania.  As  they  consulted  with  them,  the  matter 
became  clearer.  Especially  did  the  president,  van  Klees, 
advise  them  well.  They  had  two  propositions  to  make  to 
the  states  general,  either  of  which  might  be  accepted. 
One  was  to  get  them  to  grant  permission  to  hold  a  general 
collection  for  Pennsylvania  throughout  all  Holland,  or  to 
give  a  sum  of  2000  gulden  for  some  years.  Van  Klees 
said  he  thought  the  former  was  not  feasible,  as  it  would 
not  succeed,  so  they  decided  on  the  latter.  The  matter 
now  becomes  so  interesting  that  we  will  give  the  minutes 
of  the  deputies  : 

"  Whereupon,  on  August  25,  the  deputies  waited  on 
the  Pensionary,  and  after  wishing  him  God's  most  precious 
blessing,  they  laid  before  him  the  two  plans,  and  asked  his 
advice.     Whereupon  his  Excellency,*  after  a  similar  wish 

♦  This  pensionary  "or  attorney  general  was  Peter.Steyn."^He  gained  this 
position,  July  21,  1719,  after  having  been  burgomaster  of  Haarlem. j  \Ue  was 
the  constant  friend  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches. 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  399 

in  reply  to  us,  was  pleased  to  answer  that  very  serious 
objections  might  be  made  to  asking  for  permission  for  the 
taking  of  a  general  collection  for  Pennsylvania,  and  hence 
could  not  advise  that  request.  But  that  he  would  take 
into  consideration  further  the  petitioning  for  a  liberal 
Christian  donation  from  the  States  General  by  the  depu- 
ties. He  would  make  known  his  opinion  on  that  subject 
at  the  proper  time  to  the  deputies,  and  would  put  forth 
his  good  offices  for  the  furthering  of  our  petition.  Here- 
upon the  deputies  took  their  leave  from  his  Excellency 
with  thanks.  Since  Mr.  Pensionary,  before  giving  the 
above  favorable  answer,  had  among  other  things  asked  us 
how  the  deputies  came  to  intercede  for  Reformed  people 
in  an  English  colony,  and  we  had  concisely  replied,  so 
far  as  the  opportunity  of  the  time  allowed,  the  deputies 
now  asked  Clerk  Hoederaaker,  in  order  to  advance  our 
petition,  to  go  and  wait  upon  his  Excellency  with  Rev. 
Mr.  Schlatter  at  his  country  seat,  and  give  his  Excellency 
full  and  circumstantial  information  about  the  condition  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Church,  and  how  those  churches  came 
under  the  charitable  care  of  the  synods,  and  add  thereto 
some  short  Christian  notes  and  extracts  from  synodical 
resolution.  Deputy  Hoedemaker  agreed  to  this,  and 
immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  session  asked  an 
appointment  with  his  Excellency  for  the  afternoon  of 
August  26.  He  then  carried  out  his  commission  as  far  as 
the  Christian  notes  were  concerned,  but  as  his  Excellency 
could  not  be  seen  that  afternoon  on  account  of  a  previous 
engagement,  Hoedemaker  recommended  them  to  the  Pen- 
sionary's sick  wife." 

So  it  was  not  till  August  27  that  deputy  Hoedemaker 


400        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

and  Schlatter  were  able  to  personally  give  him  extended 
verbal  information.  The  Acts  of  the  deputies  give  the 
following  report : 

"  Whereupon  the  Pensionary  invited  to  dinner  at  his 
house  on  the  afternoon  of  August  27  Clerk  Hoedemaker 
and  Rev.  Mr.  Schlatter,  made  known  to  them  that  his 
Excellency  had  on  that  morning  taken  with  him  the  afore- 
said memoranda,  and  after  previous  communication  of  it 
to  his  Highness,*  who  was  also  present  at  the  meeting  of 
the  states.  He  had  introduced  the  request  made  by  the 
deputies  of  his  Excellency  on  August  25,  into  the  session 
of  the  Lord's  states  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland  on 
August  27,  and  it  was  immediately  granted  full  favorably 
for  the  period  of  five  years." 

Thus  the  request  for  $800  was  granted  on  Friday, 
August  27,  and  2000  gulden  ($800)  was  ordered  to  be 
given  for  five  years.  It  was  hoped  that  this  would  put 
the  work  in  Pennsylvania  on  such  a  firm  basis  that  no 
more  money  M'ould  be  needed.  (The  old  story  of  the  100,- 
000  dollars  collected  and  invested  for  the  Pennsylvania 
churches  is  a  myth.)  This  grant  by  the  States  General 
on  August  27,  1751,  was  followed  by  another,  November 
30,  1756,  to  give  $800  a  year  for  three  years  more.  On 
November  29,  1759,  a  grant  of  $600  a  year  was  made  for 

*  William  IV.,  Prince  of  Orange,  of  the  line  of  Nassau,  whose  line  expired 
with  the  childless  William  III,  King  of  England.  The  principality  of  Or- 
EBge  then  passed  over  to  a  collateral  line,  of  which  the  present  Queen  of 
Holland  is  the  last  descendant.  Of  this  prince  Peter  Steyn  was  a  special 
favorite,  and  he  ?hows  it  in  this  present  instance.  William  went  to  Ai.\  la 
Chapelle,  September  .3,  1751.  He  came  back  to  the  Hague,  and  died  there, 
October  22,  1751,  two  months  later  than  this  interview. 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  401 

two  years,  ami  on  December  5,  1761,  a  last  grant  of  |400 
a  year  was  made  for  two  years  more,  making  a  tf)tal  of 
$8400  given  in  twelve  years  by  the  states.  In  their  grant 
the  states  say  that  it  mnst  l)e  applied  for  the  support  of 
ministers  and  school-masters,  and  also  for  the  purchase  of 
Bibles,  New  Testaments,  Psalm  books,  and  other  books 
serving  for  the  instruction  and  comfort  of  the  brethren  in 
the  Lord  in  Pennsylvania.  For  all  this  the  deputies 
thanked  them,  especially  Pensionary  Steyn,  who  was 
mainly  instrumental  in  the  success  of  the  scheme. 

This  action  of  the  States  General  put  the  work  on  a  | 
permanent  basis.  Schlatter  was  at  once  sent  to  Germany  ; 
and  Switzerland  to  get  ministers.  The  deputies  gave  him 
220  dollars  for  traveling  expenses  in  Holland  and  Ger- 
many. They  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduction,  and  instruc- 
tions to  raise  funds  for  the  Pennsylvania  work,  and  also 
ordered  him  to  seek  six  ministers,  offering  them  a  salary 
of  $180  a  year,  for  which  the  donations  of  the  states  were 
a  guarantee  for  the  first  five  years. 

Schlatter  started  on  his  journey.  He  went  to  Her- 
born,  where  he  was  received  with  great  kindness  by  pro- 
fessors Arnoldi,  Schramm  and  Ran,  and  then  through 
Frankford  and  Hanau  to  Heidelberg.  There  he  handed 
his  instructions  to  the  consistory  of  the  Palatinate,  who 
received  him  very  kindly.  He  says  he  had  a  friendly 
conversation  with  the  consistory,  and  they  decided  to  send 
to  Pennsylvania  a  pastoral  letter.  He  arrived  at  St.  Gall, 
26 


402        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S, 

October  20.  He  at  first  wrote  encouragingly  about  get- 
ting ministers  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  saying  that  he  had 
met  several  able  candidates,  but  he  afterwards  reported 
from  St.  Gall  (December  1),  saying  that  of  the  candidates 
in  Germany  AV'ho  had  seemed  inclined  to  go  to  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  most  had  drawn  back,  and  that  scarcely  any  one 
could  be  secured  at  St.  Gall,  because  Switzerland  herself 
was  in  need  of  ministers.  Still,  one  of  the  ministers  at 
St.  Gall,  Pels,  had  given  him  ^3.78,  the  first  fruit  of  the 
collection  for  Pennsylvania.  And  Professor  AVegelin,  of 
St.  Gall,  wrote  (December  30)  that  Schlatter  had  done 
everything  to  get  candidates  from  there.  On  October  27 
he  went  from  St.  Gall  to  Zurich,  and  Zurich  gave  him  ten 
ducats  for  Pennsylvania.  He  returned  to  St.  Gall,  where 
he  remained  till  about  December  19.  The  cantons  of  St. 
Gall,  Basle  and  Zurich  did  not  give  liim  or  his  work  any 
official  recommendation,  but  referred  it  to  the  coming 
meeting  of  the  German  Protestant  cantons  at  Frauenfeld 
in  the  summer.  However  St.  Gall  promised  to  recommend 
it  favorably. 

He  began  returning  to  Heidelberg  by  way  of  Basle, 
and  was  at  Heidelberg,  January  21,  where  the  Palatinate 
consistory  gave  him,  February  4,  the  pastoral  letter  to  the 
Germans  of  Pennsylvania  that  they  had  promised,  in 
which  they  praise  the  generous  efforts  of  the  Dutch  in  car- 
ing for  their  cliildren  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  they  also 
speak  in  commendation  of  Sclilatter's  work,  expressing 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.      403 

their  paternal  affection  to  their  children  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  urging  them  to  remain  true  to  the  Reformed  faith  of 
their  fathers.  But  they  did  not  dare  order  a  collection 
among  the  churches,  because  their  own  revenues  had  be- 
come so  greatly  reduced.  Still,  to  show  their  interest  in 
the  work  in  Pennsylvania,  they  gave  a  donation  of  about 
$120.  This  money  was  ordered  by  the  Holland  deputies 
to  be  spent  for  German  Bibles,  to  be  distributed  among 
the  Pennsylvania  Germans.  Schlatter  did  not  find  any 
candidates  for  Pennsylvania  at  Heidelberg.  His  journey 
so  far  was  comparatively  fruitless  in  gaining  ministers, 
although  it  stirred  up  interest  in  the  cause.  Only  one  place 
remained  from  which  candidates  might  be  gotten,  namely 
Herborn.  If  that  place  did  not  respond,  then  Pennsylvania 
must  do  without  ministers. 

He  started  for  Herborn  by  way  of  Frankford.  At 
Frankford  he  was  fortunate  in  two  ways.  He  succeeded 
in  interesting  the  German  Reformed  Church  there,  so  that 
they  gave  quite  a  liberal  donation.  Hilgenbach,  Ritner 
and  Poertnor,  the  pastors,  gave  him  $24  then,  and  Poert- 
ner  sent  him  later  $285.88.  But  perhaps  more  important 
was  the  other,  the  friendly  efforts  of  Dr.  Fresenius,  the 
leading  Lutheran  minister  of  Frankford.  He  had  been 
publishing  pamphlets  on  the  liUtheran  and  Moravian 
Churches  in  America.  He  now  expressed  himself  willing 
to  pul)lish  Schlatter's  account  of  the  Reformed  churches  in 
Pennsylvania,  as  given  by  his  diary.     Schlatter  therefore 


7( 


404        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

added  to  the  Dutch  edition  of  the  Appeal  a  commendatory 
address  to  the  Swiss  confederacy,  and  also  a  preface.  The 
first  was  written  at  Frankford,  February  6,  and  the  latter, 
February  7.  The  publication  of  his  Appeal  in  German 
gave  the  cause  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches  an  impulse 
in  Germany  and  led  to  the  coming  of  some  ministers. 

But  it  was  Herborn  that  providentially  saved  the  Penn- 
sylvania cause.  We  have  seen  its  previous  friendliness, 
how  in  1746  it  almost  snatched  from  Schlatter  the  honor 
of  organizing  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  which,  but  for 
a  delay  by  the  Holland  deputies,  would  probably  have 
taken  place.  The  university  of  Herborn  at  that  time  had 
most  excellent,  pious  and  intellectually  strong  men  in  its 
professorships.  Its  spirit  doctrinally  was  Calvinism,  the 
practical  predestinarianism  of  Lampe,  whose  dogmatics 
was  used  as  a  text  book.  But  its  professors  were  also 
Pietistic  (that  is,  the  churchly  pietism  of  the  Reformed  of 
Germany).  It  is  noticeable  that  just  as  the  pietistic  uni- 
versity of  the  Lutheran  Church  at  Halle,  Germany,  sent 
Muhlenberg  to  organize  the  Lutheran  Church,  so  the  piet- 
istic Reformed  university  of  Herborn  led  to  the  cstiiblish- 
ment  of  the  German  Reformed,  in  America  on  a  permanent 
basis.  The  university  was  small,  not  even  a  university, 
only  a  German  high  school,  yet  it  had  three  good  profes- 
sors. Professor  Valentine  Arnoldi,  professor  of  dogmat- 
ics, at  whoso  house  Sclilatter  stayed  two  weeks,  was  a  man 
of  rare  scholarship  and  lovely  character,  following  in   the 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  405 

footsteps  of  the  Dutch  theologians  Vitringa  and  Lampe. 
He  recommended  his  students  to  read  the  Pietistic  work, 
Doddridge's  "  Rise  and  Progress  of  Religion  in  the  Soul." 
Professor  Henry  Schramm  taifght  practical  theology  and 
was  an  apostle  of  active,  aggressive  Christianity.  Pro- 
fessor John  Eberhard  Ran  was  a  celebrated  Orientalist. 
They  gave  Schlatter  all  the  encouragement  they  could. 

In  their  record  book,  dated  Feb.  25,  1752,  Schramm 
made  this  entry  :  "  Rev.  Mr.  Schlatter  handed  me  a  list 
of  the  candidates  he  desires  to  take  along  with  him  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  prays  that  we  give  them  a  general 
academical  testimonial.  Shall  they  have  such  ?"  Profes- 
sor Rau  answers :  "  Yes,  I  hope  that  there  is  none  who 
would  not  rather  see,  with  gladness,  that  ministers  desire 
such  a  recommendation,  and  are  advanced  to  work  in  a 
foreign  land,  rather  than  in  their  home  country."  This  is 
the  first  speech  for  foreign  missions  among  the  German 
Reformed  in  Pennsylvania,  whose  words  have  come  down 
to  us,  for  Pennsylvania  was  then  a  foreign  land.* 

As  a  result  of  Schlatter's  own  personal  efforts,  sec- 
onded by  the  entire  faculty  of  Herborn,  he  secured  six 
young  men  to  go  to  Pennsylvania.     He  thus   describes 

•  If  the  Germans  and  the  Dutch  could  thus  send  money  and  ministers  to 
us  in  this  foreign  land,  how  much  more  should  we  in  return  send  and  pass  on 
the  gospel  to  other  lands  still  farther  west,  as  Japan,  where  the  foreign  mis- 
sion of  our  Church  is  located.  If  they  had  refused  to  help  our  forefathers, 
how  lamentable  would  be  our  condition  as  a  Church?  Can  we  then  withhold 
our  gospel  and  gifts  to  other  foreign  lands,  lest  the  same  direful  consequences 
come  to  them? 


406        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

them  to  the  deputies  :  "  1 .  Otterbeiu  quiet  and  pious.  2. 
Waldschmidt  honest  and  sincere.  3.  Hensepeter  reso- 
lute and  seeking  the  good.  4.  Stoy  intelligent  and 
kind-hearted.  5.  FrankenTeld  taciturn  and  willing.  6. 
Wissler  greatly  gifted  and  generous."  Professor  Arnoldi 
calls  them  the  flower  of  the  young  ministers  of  the  Re- 
formed Church  of  that  county  of  Nassau.  It  is  not  often 
that  a  Church  will  give  up  its  best  blood  for  a  foreign 
land,  but  this  university  gave  them  excellent  testimoni- 
als to  the  deputies,  as  did  the  state  government  at  Dil- 
lenburg. 

Schlatter  then  set  out  with  these  young  men,  except 
Hensepeter,  who,  at  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his  mother, 
finally  decided  not  to  go  to  America.  He  was  also  accom- 
panied from  Frankford  by  his  cousin,  Christopher  Schlat- 
ter, of  St.  Gall.  He  went  from  Herborn  to  Holland,  by 
way  of  Dillenburg,  He  appeared  before  the  Holland 
deputies  at  their  spring  meeting,  March  0-15,  1752,  with 
his  five  young  men.  They  were  there  examined  by  the 
deputies.  As  Otterbeiu  and  Wissler  had  already  been 
ordained,  the  deputies  gave  a  special  theological  examina- 
tion to  the  others,  examining  them  in  languages  on  Gene- 
sis 1,  Psalm  1,  John  1  and  Acts  7,  and  also  in  doctrinal 
theology,  the  examination  being  conducted  in  Ivatin,  as 
they  could  not  speak  Dutch.  In  this  examination  Stoy 
excelled,  and  Waldschmidt  and  Fraukenfeld  passed  well. 
They  then  subscribed  to  the  Dutch  creeds  (the  Heidelberg 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  407 

Catechism  and  the  Caucus  of  Dort).  Ou  March  14  they 
were  all  set  apart  with  solemn  services  for  the  work  in 
Pennsylvania. 

Heusepeter's  place  was  now  filled  by  auother^  John 
Casper  Rubel,  a  candidate  from  the  county  of  Berg,  who 
appeared  at  the  coetus  while  it  was  in  session.  He  was 
examined  at  an  extra  coetus,  April  5,  as  the  vessel  to  take 
Schlatter  and  the  young  ministers  was  to  sail  ou  April  15 
for  New  York.  Rubel  was  examined  in  the  languages  on 
Psalm  118  :  1-26  and  Matthew  28,  and  on  the  important 
doctrines  of  theology.  The  deputies,  being  satisfied  with 
the  examination,  ordained  him  for  the  work  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, after  he  had  subscribed  the  Dutch  creeds.  The 
deputies  gave  to  Schlatter  their  instructions  for  the  Penn- 
sylvania coetus.  They  declare  that  they  expect  yearly 
reports  from  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  such  as  they  were 
receiving  from  the  churches  they  supported  in  other  parts 
of  the  world.  These  were  to  be  sent  to  them  by  a  mem- 
ber of  the  coetus  chosen  for  that  purpose,  written  either  in 
the  Dutch  or  Latin  language.  Schlatter  also  asked  of  the 
deputies  that  he  might  have  permission  to  remain  pastor 
of  the  Philadelphia  congregation.  The  deputies  gave  him 
such  permission,  and  also  gave  him  a  secret  letter,  not  to 
be  used  except  in  case  of  trouble.  This  letter  ordered  him 
to  depose  his  enemies  in  Pennsylvania.  It  also  demanded 
of  Steiner  $80,  which  had  been  paid  as  his  traveling 
expense  to  America.     If  he  did  not  refund  that  money, 


408        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

they  would  demand  of  the  magistrates  to  make  him  restore 
it.  Schlatter  does  not  seem  to  have  used  this  letter, 
for  the  Philadelphia  congregation  did  not  give  him  a 
chance  to  become  their  pastor  again  after  he  returned  to 
Pennsylvania.  (During  all  this  time  he  never  mentioned 
to  the  deputies  that  he  had  given  a  release  to  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation  before  he  sailed  to  Europe,  agreeing 
ttiat  he  would  not  force  himself  upon  them  as  their  pastor 
when  he  returned.  This  request  of  his,  to  be  assigned 
again  to  Philadelphia,  seems  to  have  been  a  violation  of 
that  release.)  The  deputies,  when  they  later  (March  3, 
1753)  hear  of  tliis  release,  were  very  much  surprised  at 
it,  and  wondered  why  he  had  not  told  them  of  it  while  in 
Holland. 

After  Schlatter's  departure  with  his  six  young  minis- 
ters, the  deputies  continued  their  work  of  trying  to  raise 
funds  for  the  Pennsylvania  churches.  Hoedemaker  wrote 
to  the  Antistes  Wirtz,  of  Zurich,  May  3, 1752,  stating  how 
they  had  sent  Schlatter,  and  that  the  Palatinate  liad  given 
about  $120.  He  says  that  the  cost  of  sending  Schlatter 
and  the  six  young  ministers  was  $1600,  and  requested  the 
Swiss  Diet  either  to  ask  a  free-will  offering  the  next  sum- 
mer, or  to  do  as  the  Dutch  States  General  had  done — give 
so  much  money  each  year.  To  this  letter  Wirtz  replied 
(September  23,  1752),  statiug  that  the  Swiss,  for  political 
reasons,  would  not  give  anything,  because  the  emigrants 
have  treated  the  decrees  of  the  cantons  with  contempt  by 
going  to  America.     Such  an  act  would  be  contrary  to  all 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  409 

precedent,  and  might  be  construed  as  an  approval  of  their 
going. 

Meanwhile,  in  America  the  Reformed  had  not  been 
idle,  although  matters  had  been  quiet  in  Schlatter's 
absence.  The  coetus  of  1751  had  been  held  on  September 
12.  Leydich,  Lischy  and  Weiss  seem  to  have  been  the 
only  ministers  acting  together,  Weiss  not  joining  very 
earnestly  with  them,  for  he  was  charged  with  having  been 
influenced  by  Steiner.  Rieger  seems  to  have  left  the  coe- 
tus, because  Schlatter  and  he  had  a  controversy.  From  a 
hint  given  somewhere,  we  are  suspicious  that  it  was  because 
of  Rieger's  want  of  submission  to  the  Canons  of  Dort  on 
predestination.  For  when  the  strong  action  of  the  Classis 
of  Amsterdam  on  the  matter  came  to  Pennsylvania,  Schlat- 
ter, as  the  representative  of  the  Dutch  and  of  high  CJalvin- 
ism,  made  the  action  known  to  Rieger,  whereat  they  had 
words,  and  Rieger  went  off  angry.  Those  who  remained 
in  the  coetus,  Leydich,  Lischy  and  Weiss,  called  them- 
■'  selves  the  united  Reformed  minister's,  over  against  the 
independent  Reformed  ministers,  as  Steiner  and  Rieger, 
and  others.  At  the  suggestion  of  Lischy,  a  circular  letter 
had  been  drawn  up,  published,*  and  signed  by  Leydich, 
Lischy  and  Weiss.  The  two  former  drew  it  up,  but  Weiss 
approved  of  it  and  circulated  it  in  his  congregations.  In 
it  they  urged  the  forty-one  Reformed  congregations  in 
Pennsylvania,  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  pray  for  the  safe 

*  It  was  wriUen  and  published  between  February  2  and  March  1(5. 


410        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

arrival  of  Schlatter  and  the  six  ministers  who  were  com- 
ing with  him.  This  circular  was  distributed  widely  among 
the  Reformed  congregations.  These  three  Reformed  min- 
isters also  inserted  in  Saur's  paper,  March  7,  a  notice 
that  all  German  congregations  in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland 
and  Virginia  were,  for  the  sake  of  their  comfort  and  joy, 
informed  that  the  Reformed  Church  of  the  Netherlands 
and  other  lands  had  taken  them  under  their  care.  Further 
information  could  be  obtained  of  the  Reformed  ministers 
of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  signed  by  Weiss,  Leydich  and 
Lischy,  and  was  published  in  the  newspaper  three  times 
in  succession. 

Meanwhile  Schlatter  and  his  party  left  Amsterdam, 
April  26,  1752,  and  had  arrived  at  New  Castle,  May  12. 
They  left  there  after  June  7,  and  arrived  at  New  York, 
July  27.  When  they  arrived  at  New  York,  they  were 
presented  to  Muhlenberg.  He  gave  them  Scriptural 
advice  :  "  Behold,  I  send  you  forth  as  sheep  in  the  midst 
of  wolves.  Be  ye  therefore  wise  as  serpents  and  harmless 
as  doves."  When  they  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  it  hap- 
pened to  be  Weiss'  turn  to  supply  the  pulpit  of  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation.  He  remained  over  the  next  day 
(Monday)  at  Philadelphia,  when  Leydich  and  Lischy 
joined  them,  and  they  held  a  special  coetus,  without,  how- 
ever, having  elders  present.  (This  absence  of  elders 
proved  to  be  the  entering  wedge  of  trouble,  as  we  shall 
see.)  Schlatter  made  known  to  them  the  instructions  of 
the  deputies.     They  in  turn  reported  the  condition  of  the 


Schlatter's  trip  to  Europe.  411 

Pennsylvania  congregations  during  his  absence.  He 
placed  in  the  hands  of  each  of  them  the  St.  Gall  church 
order,  a  brief  theological  treatise,  "  The  Warning  Against 
the  Moravians,"  by  the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  "  The  Anat- 
omy of  the  Moravians,"  by  Kulenkamp,  containing  Lischy's 
first  defence,  and  also  a  copy  of  his  Appeal  for  the  Penn- 
sylvania churches.  This  special  coetus  adjourned  to  meet 
at  Lancaster,  October  25.  As  the  Philadelphia  congrega- 
tion was  getting  into  an  uproar  and  appealed  to  them, 
they  asked  it  to  wait  until  the  regular  coetus  would  be 
held  at  Lancaster  before  it  came  to  any  decision  about 
calling  a  pastor.  Schlatter  at  this  coetus  reported  that  he 
thought  that  Otterbein  ought  to  go  to  Lancaster,  Stoy  to 
Cocalico,  Waldschmidt  to  remain  in  Philadelphia  with 
him,  Rubel  to  Tulpehocken,  Wissler  to  Egypt  and  Frank- 
enfeld  to  Monocacy.  Waldschmidt  was  of  a  mild  dispo- 
sition, and  could  have  gotten  along  very  well  as  Schlat- 
ter's assistant,  except  that  he  did  not  afterwards  reveal 
the  intellectual  qualities  such  as  would  be  necessary  to 
build  up  the  Philadelphia  congregation.  Schlatter's  action 
in  this  regard  is  the  opposite  to  the  release  he  had  given 
to  the  consistory  when  he  left  for  Europe.  All  the  min- 
isters agreed  to  this  assignment  without  any  opposition, 
except  Rubel,  who,  upon  the  arrival  of  Schlatter's  party 
at  Philadelphia,  had  left  the  party  and  gone  to  a  hotel. 
This  plan  of  Schlatter  was  somewhat  changed,  as  we  shall 
see,  by  the  rupture  of  the  Philadelphia  church,  of  which 
we  shall  speak  in  the  next  section. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  VIII. 

THE  RUBEL  CONTROVERSY. 

Mr.  Schlatter  had  hardly  arrived  from  Europe  when 
the  elements  of  discord  began  to  show  themselves  again. 
During  his  absence  Steiner  had  resigned  his  congregation 
in  Philadelphia,  November  6,  1751,  and  gone  to  German- 
town.  The  Gerraantown  congregation  was  at  that  time 
afraid  they  too  might  lose  him,  but  to  their  joy  he  came  to 
remain  with  them,  and  gave  them  all  his  time.  But  on 
account  of  their  poverty  he  had  to  teach  school  so  as  to  get 
more  money  for  liviug  expenses  and  enlarge  his  meagre 
salary,  which  was  the  smaller  as  he  was  no  recipient  of  the 
Holland  donations  since  he  had  left  the  coetus.  When  he 
heard  of  Schlatter's  arrival  he  went  back  to  Philadelphia 
and  preached  to  his  former  congregation,  August  3,  per- 
haps because  he  wanted  to  influence  his  adherents  there 
in  regard  to  Schlatter. 

During  Schlatter's  absence  the  old  congregation  had 
also  been  endeavoring  to  do  something  to  bring  about  a 
union  of  the  Schlatter  and  Steiner  elements.  On  March 
3,  1752  they  appeal  to  the  coetus  to  do  something,  as 
Schlatter  had  given  them  a  release  before  Leydich  and 
Lischy,  and  agreed  by  his  own   hand    before   he   left  for 


THE   RUBEL   CONTROVERSY.  413 

Europe,  and  they  were  free  now  to  act  as  seemed  wisest 
for  their  interests.  And  as  Steiner  had  also  left,  they  feel 
that  the  time  had  come  for  some  effort  to  unite  them. 
Leydich  says  that  the  school-master  of  the  old  congregation 
on  May  24  prepared  a  document  for  uniting  the  Schlatter 
and  the  Steiner  parties.  Steiner's  congregation  had  been 
without  a  pastor  for  four  months.  So  six  from  each  party 
met  and  made  an  agreement,  July  12,  which  was  also 
signed  by  eighty-eight  names.  They  united  in  the  plan 
that  it  would  be  to  the  interest  of  peace  to  call  an  entirely 
new  man.  To  do  this  they  would  choose  from  among  the 
six  ministers  who  were  coming.  Thus  it  was  hoped  the 
Steiner  faction  would  be  brought  back  to  the  church.  As 
soon  therefore  as  the  new  ministers  arrived,  the  congrega- 
tion had  each  of  them  preach,  one  after  the  other,  Frank- 
enfeld  preaching  last.  They  chose  Rubel.  This  was  not, 
however,  to  the  minds  of  the  Reformed  ministers.  For 
Weiss  and  Leydich  had  been  made  acquainted  with  the 
situation  as  soon  as  Schlatter  arrived.  They  decided  that 
no  action  should  be  taken  until  the  coetus  met.  All  this 
was  a  bitter  disappointment  to  Schlatter.  Rubel  had 
already  shown  an  independent  spirit,  even  while  on  ship- 
board. He  was  just  the  one  of  the  six  young  men  most 
apt  to  act  independently  of  Schlatter.  And  so  the  old  dis- 
sension in  Philadelphia  was  again  revived. 

Rubel  at  the  request  of  his  consistory   began   (August 
19)  quite  a  correspondence  with  Lischy  about  his  troubles. 


414        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

He  wrote  to  him  asking  him  how  to  appoint  delegates  to 
the  next  coetiis,  and  how  to  supply  them  with  proper  cre- 
dentials, for  he  said  he  and  his  congregation  had  no  desire 
to  cease  being  subject  to  the  Holland  deputies.  Lischy 
replied  to  this  letter  quite  severely.  He  took  especial 
exception  to  the  phrase  used  by  Rubel  in  his  letter,  that 
his  congregation  would  be  true  to  the  Holland  fathers  "  as 
far  as  they  were  Christian,"  thus  giving  the  inference  that 
some  of  their  regulations  might  not  be  Christian.  Lischy 
said  he  would  refer  Rubel's  letter  to  the  coming  coetus. 
Rubel  also  wrote  to  Holland  to  Rev.  Mr.  Kessler  defend- 
ing his  actions. 

Weiss,  too,  seemed  greatly  exercised  about  the  state 
of  affairs.  He  wrote  to  Holland,  October  14,  enclosing  a 
draft  of  a  church  constitution  having  some  very  excellent 
points  about  it.  It  gave  greater  liberty  to  the  congrega- 
tion over  against  the  central  authority  in  the  coetus.  It 
recognized  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  the  Canons  of  Dort 
and  the  authority  of  Holland,  and  thus  revealed  Weiss' 
theological  ideas  in  regard  to  predestination  and  church 
constitution.  His  constitution  was,  however,  not  adopted 
by  the  deputies.  The  Boehm  constitution,  which  had  been 
adopted  by  the  coetus  of  1748,  was  found  to  be  inade- 
quate, because  it  was  originally  intended  only  for  a  con- 
gregation, and  had  originally  no  reference  to  a  synod. 
It  never  was  adopted  by  the  Holland  Churcli,  and  grad- 
ually fell  into  disuse,     Weiss'  constitution  is  clearer  and 


THE   RUBEL   CONTROVERSY.  415 

simpler  thau  Boehm's,  aud  better  intended  for  a  synod. 
The  Holland  authorities  replied  to  Weiss  that  they  knew 
I  no  better  Church  constitution  than  that  of  the  Reformed 
:  Church  of  the  Netherlands.  And  this  thus  became  the 
authoritative  guide  of  the  Pennsylvania  coetus.  Leydich 
also  showed  great  anxiety  about  the  state  of  affairs.  In  a 
letter  to  Lischy  (September  2)  as  to  the  coming  coetus  he 
tells  how  anxious  he  is  to  know  whether  elders  would 
be  admitted  or  excluded  from  coetus.  He  wanted  them  to 
be  present.  Schlatter  was  opposed  to  admitting  elders, 
and  in  his  defence  quoted  a  letter  from  deputy  Hoede- 
maker,  which  said  that  coetus  should  consist  only  of  min- 
isters. This  Hoedemaker  said  was  the  custom  in  Ger- 
many. (But  such  was  not  the  custom  in  Holland,  as 
Schlatter  soon  found  out  from  the  deputies.)  Hoedemaker, 
however,  died  before  it  could  be  found  out  what  he  had 
said. 

The  coetus  met  at  Lancaster,  October  18,  1752.  It 
opened  auspiciously.  First  of  all  Rieger,  who  had  been 
invited  to  the  coetus  by  Weiss  and  Leydich,  was,  after 
apologising  to  Schlatter,  reconciled  to  him,  and  promised 
aijain  to  live  and  believe  according;  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  Canons  of  Dort.  The  first 
business  of  the  coetus  was  the  subscription  to  the  Heidel- 
berg Catechism  and  the  Canons  of  Dort.  All  signed,  even 
Rieger,  who  had  protested  at  the  coetus  of  1748.  The 
coetus  not   only   included   the   former   members,   Weiss, 


416        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Schlatter,  Rieger  and  Leydich,  but  also  five  of  the  young 
men  from  Europe,  Stoy,  Otterbein,  Wissler,  Frankenfeld 
and  Waldschmidt.  To  these  were  added  Lischy  and  also 
Du  Bois  and  Tenipelman,  the  last  two  candidates  for  the 
ministry.  Du  Bois  and  Tempelman  were  ordained  during 
the  sessions  of  the  coetus  on  October  21.  Weiss,  as  the 
oldest  minister,  acted  as  president  at  the  opening  session. 
At  the  election  of  officers  Schlatter  was  unanimously  elected 
president,  Weiss  vice  president  and  Leydich  clerk.  Ley- 
dich,  however,  declined  the  position,  giving  as  a  reason 
that  he  could  not  sit  long  enough.  (This  was  probably 
only  a  feint,  for  he  was  dissatisfied  that  no  elders  were 
allowed  to  take  part  in  the  coetus.)  So  Stoy  was  chosen 
clerk.  Rubel  appeared  with  two  of  his  members  from 
Philadelphia  and  caused  an  uproar.  He  openly  objected 
to  the  election  of  Schlatter  as  president,  as  he  was  not  the 
pastor  of  any  charge,  and  therefore  had  no  rights  in  the 
coetus.  When  this  question  came  up  for  decision,  the 
coetus  decided  against  Rubel  to  sustain  Schlatter.  But 
the  vote  was  not  unanimous,  for  Weiss  immediately  left 
the  coetus,  together  with  his  elder,  followed  by  Leydich 
and  Wissler,  together  with  their  elders. 

It  seems  that  another  difficulty  had  come  up  in  addition 
to  the  one  about  the  rights  of  the  elders  in  the  coetus, 
namely  the  supremacy  of  Sciilatter.  Rubel  in  a  letter  to 
liischy  voiced  the  fear  that  Schlatter  had  been  given  an 
authority  like  that  of  a  superiuteudent  oyer  the  other  niin- 


THE    RUBEL    CONTROVERSY.  417 

isters,  and  had  the  right  to  appoint  pastors  as  he  willed. 
Rubel  says  that  Mr.  Schleydorn,  Schlatter's  father-in-law, 
had  told  him  so.  If  this  was  true,  it  was  only  a  little  gos- 
sip. There  was  no  word  of  truth  in  it.  The  Holland 
deputies  never  gave  any  special  authority  to  Schlatter  to 
be  superintendent  or  to  have  any  authority  above  his 
brethren.  These  two  questions,  the  rights  of  the  elders  in  .- ) 
voting  in  the  coetus  and  the  supreme  authority  of  Schlat-  ) 
ter,  divided  the  coetus,  as  four  of  the  ministers  and  their 
elders,  Weiss,  Rubel,  Wissler  and  Leydich,  went  away. 
The  rest,  the  majority,  however  remained  and  held  the 
coetus.  It  was  by  far  the  largest  coetus  yet  held,  in  spite 
of  the  loss  of  those  just  named.  Quite  a  number  of  elders 
were  present,  but  were  allowed  no  vote. 

On  Thursday,  the  19th,  Schlatter  opened  the  coetus 
with  a  sermon  on  Haggai  1  :  14.  First  the  instructions 
of  the  Holland  deputies  were  read.  Schlatter  described 
the  great  benevolence  of  the  Holland  fathers.  He  reported 
that  the  Holland  synods  had  sent  800  unbound  Bibles 
and  also  500  folio  Bibles,  printed  at  Basle  in  1747,  one  of 
which  should  be  placed  on  the  pulpit  of  each  church 
belonging  to  the  coetus.  A  vote  of  thanks  was  passed  to 
the  Holland  synods,  the  classis  and  consistory  of  Amster- 
dam, the  Evangelical  Assembly  of  Switzerland  and  the 
upper  consistory  of  the  Palatinate  for  their  interest  and 
donations.  Complaint  was  brought  in  against  Lischy  by 
some  of  his  congregation  at  York,  and  a  committee  of  two 
27 


418        THE   GERMAN   EEFOEMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

ministers  was  appointed  to  visit  them.  Steiner  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  coetus  containing  complaints  against  Schlat^ 
ter,  but  the  coetus  promptly  decided  that  the  Steiner- 
Schlatter  controversy  had  been  closed,  and  they  would  not 
reopen  it.  Rieger  was  appointed  to  answer  Steiner's  let- 
ter. A  letter  from  thirty  members  of  the  congregation  at 
Philadelphia  Avas  read,  asking  for  religious  services,  as 
they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Rubel.  Coetus  asked 
them  to  wait  until  spring.  The  coetus  lasted  six  days 
and  closed  ^^dth  a  thanksgiving  sermon  by  Waldschmidt, 
Tuesday,  October  4. 

But  they  did  not  wait  until  spring  to  decide  on  the 
request  from  Philadelphia.  After  the  coetus  Schlatter 
took  the  trouble  to  visit  Weiss  and  Leydich,  and  asked 
them  to  subscribe  to  the  coetus'  minutes,  but  they  refused. 
It  was  then  decided  to  hold  an  extra  coetus.  A  special 
1  meeting  of  the  coetus  was  held,  December  1 2,  at  Schlat- 
ter's house  in  Philadelphia,  to  act  on  this  matter.  It 
decided  that  Schlatter  should  begin  at  once  to  hold  servi- 
ces in  Philadelphia.  The  two  Presbyterian  ministers 
offered  him  their  churches.  Stoy  and  Rieger  preaclied  the 
opening  sermons.  Schlatter  continued  these  services, 
holding  them  in  the  English  Academy  (a  building  origi- 
nally built  for  Whitefield),  but  his  congregations  were 
small.  He  also  suj)plicd  the  small  congregation  at  Wit- 
pen,  left  vacant  by  Brehm.  He  was  thus  true  to  his 
promise  to  Boehm,  that  that  congregation  should  not  be 


THE   RUBEL   CONTROVERSY.  419 

forsaken  after  his  death.  He  also  supplied  the  congrega- 
tion at  Amwell,  New  Jersey. 

The  next  coetus  Schlatter  intended  holding  at  Read- 
ing in  April^  1753,  and  he  invited  Weiss,  Kubel,  Steiner, 
Leydich  and  Wissler  to  it.  It  was,  however,  held  at  Lan- 
caster, instead  of  Reading,  because  some  of  the  ministers 
preferred  it.  Schlatter  suggested  that  they  elect  another 
president,  but  they  insisted  on  his  election.  The  main 
business  of  this  meeting  was  the  apportionment  of  the 
Holland  donations  of  1 1009. 20.  The  coetus  left  $144  in 
the  hands  of  Schlatter,  to  be  divided  among  Weiss,  Ley- 
dich and  Wissler,  who  were  absent  from  the  meeting. 
Schlatter  had  had  printed  at  his  owii  expense  1000  ABC 
books.  He  was  ordered  to  publish  a  small  catechism  for 
the  youth.  Weiss  and  Leydich  signed  the  coetus'  acts  on 
May  29,  1753,  in  the  presence  of  DuBois,  when  Schlatter 
gave  them  a  share  in  the  donations,  amounting  to  $48 
each.  They  had  signed  the  coetus'  acts  of  1752  on  May  1, 
1753.  On  December  3,  1752,  Rubel  wrote  an  appeal  to 
the  deputies,  stating  that  he  and  his  congregation  would  be 
satisfied  with  their  decision. 

After  the  special  coetus  two  events  occurred  to  still 
further  widen  the  breach  between  the  Weiss  and  the 
Schlatter  parties.  One  was  that  a  letter  was  received 
from  Holland,  ordering  that  none  of  the  Holland  donations 
should  be  paid  out  to  any  one  who  had  left  the  coetus.  A 
few  days  after  receiving  it,  Leydich  came  to  Philadelphia 


420        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

and  claimed  that  he  ought  to  have  received  $46.80  more 
than  he  had  received.  Schlatter,  on  the  authority  of  the 
message  from  Holland,  refused  to  pay  it,  as  Leydich  had 
left  the  coetus. 

Another  event  also  occurred,  which  was  unfortunate  at 
that  time.  One  of  the  Holland  letters  addressed  to  Ley- 
dich, that  passed  through  Schlatter's  hands,  happened  to 
have  been  opened.  Leydich  decided  that  Schlatter  had 
opened  the  letter.  He  became  suspicious  of  a  new  usur- 
pation on  the  part  of  Schlatter.  This  letter,  Leydich 
claimed,  gave  him  authority  to  call  a  coetus  meeting,  in 
spite  of  Schlatter.  So  it  became  a  question  which  party 
was  legally  the  coetus.  Weiss  and  he  arranged  for  a  spe- 
cial meeting  of  the  coetus  at  Goshenhoppen  on  Monday, 
September  10.  Schlatter  went  to  it  and  was  surprised  to 
find  there  only  Weiss,  Leydich,  Eubel  and  AValdschmidt. 
When  Schlatter  asked  where  DuBois  was,  Leydich  said 
that  they  had  forgotten  to  notify  him.  Steiner  and  Rubel 
came  each  with  two  elders  and  twenty-four  strange  elders 
or  farmers.  Schlatter  then  charged  Weiss  with  issuing 
the  notice  of  the  meeting  too  late  for  his  friends,  who  lived 
at  a  great  distance  to  get  to  it  in  time.  Thus  the  meeting 
was  made  up  mainly  of  Schlatter's  enemies,  while  his 
friends  had  not  yet  arrived.  Rubel  began  severely  attack- 
ing Schlatter.  Schlatter  at  once  protested  against  the 
meeting  of  the  coetus  as  being  irregular  for  a  number  of 
reasons : 


THE   RUBEL   CONTROVERSY.  421 

1.  A  majority  of  the  coetus  was  not  present,  there 
being  only  five  ministers  in  attendance. 

2.  It  was  contrary  to  all  classical  or  synodical  order, 
as  there  were  more  elders  present  than  ministers,  who  had 
a  vote  in  its  session. 

3.  Several  of  the  ministers  present  who  did  not  regu- 
larly belong  to  the  coetns,  namely  Rubel  and  Steiner,  were 
allowed  to  take  part  as  members. 

He  also  gave  other  reasons  why  this  could  not  be  a 
regular  meeting  of  a  coetus,  as  there  was  no  prayer  at  its 
beginning,  nor  was  there  a  sermon  preached,  as  was  cus- 
tomary ;  no  president  or  secretary  was  chosen,  nor  were 
any  credentials  asked  for ;  there  was  no  business  done, 
except  the  reading  of  the  letter  from  the  deputies  to  Ley- 
dich.  After  Schlatter  had  stayed  two  or  three  hours,  he, 
together  with  Stoy,  started  for  home,  but  before  leaving  he 
arranged  with  Stoy,  Frankenfeld,  Tempelman  and  Wiss- 
ler  (the  latter  arriving  just  as  he  left)  to  hold  the  annual 
coetus  at  the  usual  time  at  Lancaster,  September  25. 
They  asked  Leydich  for  his  letter  from  Holland,  so  that 
they  might  communicate  it  to  the  absent  members,  Rieger, 
Lischy,  Otterbein  and  DuBois,  but  he  refused  to  give  it. 

After  Schlatter  left,  the  Weiss  party  organized.  They 
elected  Weiss  president  and  appointed  a  meeting  of  coetus 
at  Cocalico,  ten  miles  from  Lancaster,  two  weeks  from 
that  date,  and  before  Schlatter's  coetus  would  convene  at 
Lancaster.      As   a  result  there   was   considerable   corre- 


422       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

spoudence,  which  caused  that  neither  coetiis  was  licld  at 
the  date  named,  but  later.  Schlatter  invited  Weiss  and 
Leydieh  to  come  to  Lancaster,  September  25.  Otterbein 
wrote  to  Weiss  that  iu  order  to  prevent  schism,  they  were 
willing  to  go  to  Cocalico,  but  under  the  following  condi- 
tions :  1.  That  it  bo  more  orderly  than  the  coetus  at 
Goshenhoppen.  2.  Tluit  Weiss  be  not  regarded  as  presi- 
dent. 3.  That  Rubel  and  so  many  elders  be  not  admit- 
ted. 4.  That  the  ministers  should  become  united  before- 
hand. But  since  it  appeared  from  a  letter  from  Weiss 
and  others  that  these  conditions  would  not  be  complied 
with,  the  negotiations  belated  the  meeting,  so  that  it  could 
not  be  held  until  October  9. 

When  the  Schlatter  party  gathered  at  Lancaster,  Octo- 
ber 9,  a  deiMitation,  consisting  of  Lischy,  Otterbein  and 
Stoy,  together  with  two  calm  elders,  were  sent  to  Cocalico, 
where  the  other  coetus  v/as  meeting,  to  invite  them  to 
come  to  Lancaster.  This  committee  went  there,  but 
reported  that  they  were  treated  coldly.  So  they  returned, 
reporting  that  Rubel  and  thirty  or  more  elders  made  so 
much  of  an  u[)roar  that  they  could  not  speak  to  any  min- 
ister in  private.  Tliey  reported  that  Weiss,  Steiner  and 
Rubel  were  present  with  a  number  of  elders.  After  the 
return  of  this  deputation,  it  was  discussed  whether  they 
should  adjourn  to  Cocalico,  but  it  was  unanimously  decided 
not  to  go.     So  they  held  their  own  meeting  at   Lancaster. 

Thus  the  coetus  was  split  into  two  very  nearly  equal 


THE   RUBEL    CONTROVERSY.  423 

parts.  The  Schlatter  party  assembled  in  regular  coetus 
at  Lancaster,  October  9.  Rieger  was  made  president  and 
Otterbein  clerk.  Its  minutes  are  filled  with  complaints 
to  the  Holland  deputies  against  Weiss,  Leydich,  Wald- 
schmidt,  Wissler  and  Fraukenfeld,  the  other  party.  They 
decided  to  lay  the  whole  matter  clearly  before  the  Church 
in  Holland.  They  speak  of  the  mischief  that  the  Hol- 
land letter  to  Leydich  has  done.  For  the  other  party 
claim  that  in  it  they  have  orders  from  Holland  which  the 
Schlatter  party  do  not  have,  and  therefore  they,  and  not 
Schlatter,  are  recognized  by  Holland.  The  climax  of  the 
session  came  when  Schlatter  asked  to  be  dismissed  from 
the  coetus,  because  of  the  criticisms  by  the  deputies  on  his 
work.  This  was  very  reluctantly  granted,  as  they  feared 
the  consequences  of  his  dismissal  on  the  coetus  and  the 
Pennsylvania  Church  in  general.  Schlatter  also  asked  to 
be  relieved  of  receiving  the  Holland  donations.  Having 
dismissed  Schlatter,  they  pass  laudatory  resolutions  about 
him  and  exonerate  him  from  all  charges.  They  ask  the 
privilege  of  excluding  elders  from  the  coetus'  meetings, 
because  of  the  expense  it  causes  the  coetus,  and  also 
because  the  elders  hear  things  in  coetus  that  they  carry 
back  to  the  congregations,  and  thus  cause  trouble,  espe- 
cially if  there  be  a  case  of  discipline  of  a  minister.  They 
agree  to  submit  to  whatever  decision  the  Holland  deputies 
may  make  in  the  matter,  and  in  the  meantime  no  coetus 
shall  be  held. 


424       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S, 

Meanwhile  the  rival  coetus  was  held  at  Cocalico,  Octo- 
ber 10-12.  Weiss,  the  president,  preached  "the  opening 
sermon  on  1  Peter  2  :  5.  Rubel  says  in  a  letter  that  the 
ministers  present  were  Weiss,  Leydich,  Steiner,  Wald- 
schmidt,  Frankenfeld,  Wissler,  Tempelraan  and  Rubel, 
but  there  must  be  some  mistake.  Tempelman  was  at  the 
other  coetus,  and  the  minutes  are  signed  by  only  Weiss, 
Leydich,  Waldschmidt  and  Wissler.  Deputies'  acts, 
March  19,  1754,  speak  of  all  present  but  Tempelman. 
Still  Rubel  may  be  right.  If  so  it  is  a  formidable  coetus 
against  Schlatter,  for  it  had  more  than  a  majority  of  the 
Reformed  ministers  in  Pennsylvania.  The  first  business 
was  the  hearing  of  reports  from  the  congregation  at  Phil- 
adelphia. Germantown  requested  to  be  received  iuto  the 
coetus.  It  ordered  $80  of  the  Reiff  money  in  the  hands 
of  Schlatter  to  be  divided  between  Germantown  and  Skip- 
pack  congregations.  Steiner  was  appointed  to  preacii  at 
Providence  alternately  with  Leydich,  so  that  they  might 
have  a  service  every  tw^o  weeks.  Leydich  and  Steiner 
were  also  appointed  to  supply  the  congregations  across  the 
Schuylkill  (Chester  county).  Waldschmidt  was  ordered 
to  supply  Reyer's  congregation  and  White  Oaks.  Freder- 
ick Casimir  Miller  asked  to  be  admitted  to  the  coetus.  It 
is  to  the  credit  of  the  coetus  that  it  did  yet  acquiesce  in 
this  request,  because  of  the  offensiveness  of  his  conduct, 
and  that  they  refused  unanimously.  Lischy's  opponents 
at  York  appealed  to  this  coetus,  thinking  that  as  Schlatter, 


THE   RUBEL   CONTROVERSY.  425 

who  had  always  shielded  Lischy,  had  no  control  here,  they 
might  gain  redress.  The  coetus  acted  favorably  on  their 
petition,  and  ordered  Tempelman  and  Waldschmidt  to  go 
to  York  and  moderate  an  election.  (Spangler,  the  com- 
plainant, says  that  they  went  to  York  and  conducted  an 
election,  October  17.  Frankenfeld  received  the  majority 
of  votes.  A  call  was  sent  to  him,  which  he  accepted  in  a 
letter,  but  he  never  came,  and  nothing  came  of  the  attempt. 
Spangler  suggests  that  Frankenfeld  wanted  to  arrange  an 
exchange  of  congregations  with  Lischy,  but  Frederick 
would  not  take  Lischy,  and  so  the  project  fell  through.) 
The  coetus  also  allotted  the  Holland  money  to  the  minis- 
ters. They  complain  against  Schlatter's  action  at  Goshen- 
hoppen,  where  Schlatter  had  objected  to  their  coetus  and 
tried  to  get  the  letters  of  the  synods  from  Leydich  by  force, 
but  was  prevented.  They  charge  Schlatter  with  lording 
it  over  the  Church  and  seeking  rather  his  glory  than  that 
of  the  Church.  They  complain  of  Schlatter  opening  their 
letters,  and  ask  the  deputies  to  send  the  letters  not  through 
Schlatter,  but  through  DuBois,  of  New  York,  or  through 
the  merchants,  Messrs.  Shoemaker,  of  Philadelphia.  The 
minutes  are  signed  by  Weiss,  president ;  Leydich,  clerk  ; 
Waldschmidt  and  Wissler,  and  also  by  four  elders,  one 
each  from  Falkner  Swamp,  Providence,  Philadelphia  and 
Germantown.  As  a  result  of  this  coetus,  Rubel  was 
installed  pastor  of  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  Novem- 
ber 18,  1753,  by  Weiss  and  Leydich.  Thus  the  coetus 
was  rent  in  twain. 


426        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN  U.   S. 

Meanwhile  the  deputies  had  heard  of  the  unfortunate 
state  of  affairs  among  the  brethren  of  the  coetus.  They 
were  at  first  surprised  at  getting  no  tidings  from  Schlatter 
for  so  long  a  time.  And  they  were  the  more  awkwardly  '^' 
placed,  because  Schlatter's  opponents  were  repeatedly  giv- 
ing the  full  particulars  against  Schlatter.  Weiss  and 
Leydich  both  write,  Weiss  giving  a  full  description  of  the 
trouble  as  it  began  at  Philadelphia.  Steiner  also  wrote, 
trying  to  assist  Rubel,  and,  in  addition  to  his  letters,  sent 
newspapers  reflecting  severely  on  Schlatter.  For  this 
kind  of  action  the  deputies  severely  reply  to  him.  Rubel 
also  wrote,  but  to  Kessler  rather  than  to  the  deputies, 
although  all  these  letters  were  read  to  the  deputies.  They 
therefore  wrote  to  Schlatter,  expressing  themselves  very 
much  displeased  with  his  want  of  correspondence,  espe- 
cially as  his  opponents  were  writing  so  frequently.  Schlat- 
ter, perhaps,  felt  that  there  was  nothing  to  write,  because 
so  much  was  going  wrong  in  Pennsylvania.  But  his  neg- 
ligence prejudiced  his  case  against  him  in  Holland.  When 
the  deputies  wrote  to  Schlatter,  April  2,  1753,  they  rebuke 
him  that  from  September,  when  he  wrote  to  them  about 
his  safe  arrival  in  America  with  the  six  young  ministers, 
up  to  that  time  they  had  not  received  any  word  from  liiin. 
They  criticise  him  for  not  acting  wisely  in  his  manage- 
ment of  the  Pennsylvania  churches.  They  also  speak  of 
the  charges  brought  against  him.  They  find  fault  with 
him  about  the  release  he  gave  to  the  Philadelj)hia  congre- 


THE   RUBET.   CONTROVERSY.  427 

gation,  of  which  they  had  learned  only  through  his  oppo- 
nents ;  and  they  want  to  know  the  reason  why  he  had 
never  mentioned  it  during  his  stay  with  them  in  Holland. 
The  deputies  had  discussed  his  case  at  their  meeting  of 
March  13, 1753.  About  his  refusal  to  admit  elders  to  the 
coetus,  and  his  acceptance  of  the  presidency  of  the  coetus, 
for  which  his  opponents  charged  him  with  wanting  to  be 
permanent  president,  on  these  points  the  deputies  had 
decided  against  him.  They  suggest  that  he  accept  a 
charge  in  Virginia,  rather  than  be  a  superintendent. 

By  the  fall  of  1753,  however,  the  deputies  begin  to 
get  a  large  correspondence.  They  had  been  complaining 
for  so  many  years  (since  1731)  that  they  had  not  been 
receiving  letters  enough  from  Pennsylvania,  and  were  not 
able  to  get  sufficient  information.  Now  they  get  all  the 
information  they  want,  and  more  than  they  desire.  They 
were  flooded  with  letters,  as  Schlatter  also,  as  well  as  his 
opponents,  begins  writing.  The  period  of  1753-1754  is 
the  most  prolific  in  the  Holland  correspondence. 

Schlatter  writes  to  them,  August  20,  1753.  He  claims 
that  he  had  written  a  number  of  letters.  He  attempts  to 
explain  away  his  concealment  in  Holland  of  the  release 
he  gave  to  the  Pliiladelphia  congregation  in  1751.  He 
says  that  he  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  mention  it  in 
Holland,  as  he  had  so  many  other  testimonials,  which  he 
brought  with  him  from  Pennsylvania,  and  because  he 
thought   the  matter    would  blow   over   by   the  time   he 


428       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

returned.  In  regard  to  the  80  dollars  of  the  ReiflF  money, 
which  his  opponents  charged  him  with  keeping,  and 
which  the  deputies  ordered  him  to  divide  between  the 
churches  at  Germantown  and  Skippack,  he  replied  that 
the  deputies  had  already  ordered  him  to  use  part  of  it  for 
traveling  expenses,  and  also  for  the  salaries  of  the  school- 
masters. He  said  that  he  was  willing  to  pay  the  money 
to  Germantown,  although  it  had  so  unkindly  treated  him  ; 
and  as  Skippack  had  gone  to  nothing,  he  desired  farther 
instructions  from  the  deputies,  to  know  what  was  to  be 
done  with  their  share  of  the  money. 

We  must  confess  that  about  his  release  to  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation  Schlatter's  defense  seems  weak.  It 
was  his  duty,  as  their  agent  in  Pennsylvania,  to  make 
known  to  them  everything.  But  in  regard  to  the  Reiff 
money  Schlatter  was  riglit.  The  deputies  had  forgotten 
their  previous  orders  to  him.  In  regard  to  the  third 
charge  against  him,  that  he  refused  to  allow  elders  in  the 
coetus,  he  enclosed  a  letter  of  deputy  Hoedemaker,  in 
which  he  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  elders  should  not  be 
admitted  to  the  coetus.  Still,  Schlatter  never  should  have 
accepted  Hoedemaker's  individual  opinion  alone,  but 
should  have  waited  for  deputies  to  have  acted  on  so 
important  a  matter.  In  regard  to  the  fourth  charge,  that 
he  allowed  liiniself  to  be  made  presid(>nt,  and  sought  to  be 
a  superintendent  over  the  brethren,  lie  denied  it  and  stated 
that  he  had  been  elected  unanimously  by  the  coetus.     He 


THE    RUBEL    CONTROVEESY.  429 

complained  in  his  letter  that  the  deputies  had  condemned 
him  unheard,  and  asks  for  a  lenient  judgment.  He  also 
tells  them  that  such  troubles  as  the  Reformed  were  pass- 
ing through,  were  the  common  lot  of  every  denomination 
in  this  new  world  ;  that  the  Lutherans  had  their  quarrels 
under  Muhlenberg,  as  at  Gerraantown.  And  we  might 
add,  the  Presbyterians  too  had  had  theirs  about  the  fol- 
lowers of  Whitefield, 

The  deputies,  in  their  correspondence,  find  fault  with 
the  Pennsylvania  ministers,  that  after  the  Holland  gov- 
ernment and  churches  had  given  such  large  donations  to 
their  work,  they  should  allow  themselves  to  get  into  such 
a  dissension.  Lischy  too  on  November  8,  1753,  wrote  a 
letter  of  deep  humiliation  to  the  deputies,  regretting  their 
unfortunate  divisions  as  a  poor  return  for  their   kindness. 

But  matters,  by  the  fall  of  1753,  had  come  to  their 
extremest  pass.  The  coetus  had  split  into  two  parts,  a 
sad  sight  for  so  small  and  so  young  a  body.  Matters 
could  go  no  farther.  The  time  had  come  for  a  return  to 
unity.  Only  a  month  passed  after  the  rival  coetus  had 
met,  October,  1753,  when  a  most  unexpected  thing  took 
place.  Schlatter  and  Steiner  became  reconciled,  Novem- 
ber 15,  1753,  in  the  presence  of  Otterbein,  Lischy  and 
DuBois  at  Philadelphia.  Steiner  then  declared  his  wil- 
lingness to  be  subordinate  to  the  Holland  Church.  (This 
is  another  event  that  disproves  the  theory  that  Steiner  and 
the   Philadelphia   congregation    left   the  coetus,    because 


430        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

they  did  not  want  to  be  subordinate  to  the  Holland 
Church  and  its  high  Calvinism.  If  there  had  been 
anything  true  in  that  reason,  Steiner  never  would  have 
come  from  Holland.  For  before  the  deputies  he,  like  all 
the  others,  had  to  sign  his  adherence  to  the  Dutch  creeds, 
including  the  Canons  of  Dort.)  He  now  returns  to  what 
he  agreed  to  the  deputies,  namely  subordination  to  Hol- 
land and  adherence  to  their  Calvinistic  creeds.  So  peace 
came  between  the  Weiss  and  Schlatter  parties.  And 
Rubel  was  the  only  one  left  outside  of  the  coetus.  Rubel,  in 
writing  to  the  deputies,  November  26,  1753,  bitterly  com- 
plained about  the  reconciliation  of  Steiner  with  Schlatter, 
and  said  Steiner  did  it  because  he  needed  to  get  money 
from  Schlatter  to  pay  his  debts.  And  the  next  meetings 
of  coetus,  1754  and  1755,  were  pervaded  with  the  spirit 
of  fellowship  and  union. 

In  the  meanwhile  Schlatter  went  to  Europe,  having 
resigned  from  the  coetus.  About  a  week  after  the  recon- 
ciliation, the  coetus,  at  a  special  meeting,  gave  him  his 
dismissal  to  go  to  Europe.  Before  starting  for  Europe 
he  presented  a  series  of  questions  to  the  ministers,  such  as 
he  would  be  likely  to  be  asked  by  the  deputies  when  he 
arrived  in  Holland.  These  exonerated  him  and  put  the 
blame  of  the  troubles  on  Weiss  and  Leydich.  These 
answers  were  signed  by  Stoy,  Steiner,  Lischy,  Ottcrbein, 
DuBois  and  Tempelman.  He  also,  as  on  his  first  return, 
bore  testimonials  from  Mr.  Peters,  secretary  of  the  colony 


THE   RUBEL  CONTROVERSY.  431 

from  Gilbert  Tennant  and  Samuel  Davies,  Presbyterian 
ministers  of  Philadelphia.  Tennant  and  Davies,  who 
were  in  Loudon,  both  wrote  to  Holland,  defending  Schlat- 
ter's course.  They  say  they  do  this,  because  of  the  spirit 
of  independency  in  all  the  churches  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
Holland  deputies  accepted  Schlatter's  final  dismissal,  and 
also  dismissed  Rubel,  as  he,  in  a  letter  of  November  26, 
1753,  said  that  the  Germans  in  the  city  of  New  York  had 
been  making  overtures  to  him  toward  organizing  a  con- 
gregation there.  On  December  6,  1753,  Rubel  says  he  has 
a  call  to  New  York  and  will  probably  preach  there  in  three 
weeks.  The  deputies  take  him  at  his  word  and  dismiss 
him  from  their  employ,  but  they  never  recognized  him  as 
pastor  of  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  as  they  claimed 
that  the  Cocalico  coetus  of  1753,  which  confirmed  his 
call  to  that  church,  was  not  a  regular  coetus,  and  its  acts 
were  illegal.  Schlatter,  when  he  returned  to  Philadel- 
phia  in  1754,  brought  with  him  Rubel's  dismissal.  The  -,^f  ^\,- 
coetus,  which  met  on  his  return,  October  30,  1754,  sum- 
moned Rubel  to  appear  before  them  to  hear  the  decision 
of  the  Holland  deputies.  He  did  not  come,  but  two  of 
his  elders  appeared.  Rubel  was  very  greatly  disappointed 
at  the  dismissal  and  rued  bargain.  He  writes  to  the  Hol- 
land deputies  (December  20, 1754)  that  he  had  not  desired 
the  dismissal  when  he  made  the  request,  but  he  submitted 
to  it,  saying,  however,  that  he  ought  not  to  be  deprived 
of  the  Holland  donations,     Rubel,  however,  refused  to 


432       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

leave  the  Church,  because  he  claimed  that  his  agreement 
with  the  Philadelphia  congregation  required  him  to  receive 
six  months'  notice  before  he  was  dismissed.  He  said  that 
he  had  been  promised  sixty  pounds  a  year,  and  already 
half  a  year  had  gone  by;  so  as  the  contract  was  made 
with  the  congregation  by  the  year,  he  must  get  his  whole 
year's  salary,  and  after  that  he  would  preach  his  farewell 
sermon. 

This  action  of  Rubel  in  refusing  to  leave  Philadelphia 
till  his  six  months'  salary  was  paid,  complicated  and 
delayed  matters.  And  the  whole  matter  was  still  further 
complicated  by  the  action  of  the  deputies.  At  their  ses- 
sion of  April  2,  1755,  they  find  fault  with  the  coetus  that 
Rubel  has  been  deprived  of  the  Holland  donations.  As 
he  was  in  the  service  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  they 
say,  he  ought  to  have  had  200  gulden  each  year  in  1753 
and  1754.  Yet  the  deputies  had  ordered  that  after  Octo- 
ber 9,  1 754,  Rubel  should  not  have  a  share.  The  coetus 
of  1755  ordered  Rubel  to  preach  his  farewell  sermon  on 
April  26,  and  ordered  the  Philadelphia  congregation  to 
pay  him  his  half  year's  salary,  as  stipulated  in  the  call. 

Rubel  left  Philadelphia,  but  he  did  not  go  to  New 
York  city  to  take  charge  of  the  congregation  there,  as  he 
had  suggested  to  the  deputies.  No  wonder  he  was  sorry 
that  the  deputies  gave  him  his  dismission,  because  his 
going  to  New  York  proved  to  have  nothing  in  it.  He 
went  to  Camp  and   Rhinebeck,   up  the  Hudson,  where 


THE    RUBEL    CONTROVERSY.  433 

Weiss  had  formerly  preached  for  a  time,  where  he  says  his 
congregation  gave  him  eighty  pounds.  He  wrote  to  olassis, 
May  12,  1756,  thanking  them  that  they  had  ordered  him 
to  be  given  400  gulden,  but  says  he  had  not  yet  received 
any  of  it  from  the  coetus.  A  month  later  he  seems  to 
have  gone  back  to  Philadelphia  to  the  meeting  of  coetus, 
so  as  to  get  his  400  gulden.  But  the  coetus  was  greatly 
grieved  and  objected  strongly  to  it,  and  wrote  to  the  Hol- 
land deputies,  reminding  them  that  they  had  by  their 
action  contradicted  their  previous  action  of  1753.  And 
they  report  to  the  deputies  thatRubel  had  been  given  100 
florins  in  1752  and  in  1753  to  supply  deficit  in  his  salary. 
When  the  classical  commissioners  heard  of  this  from  the 
coetus,  they  acknowledged  their  error,  and  say  they  could 
wish  that  the  previous  action  giving  Rubel  had  not  been 
adopted,  but  it  was  difficult  to  go  back  on  the  previous 
action.  They  suggested  that  the  coetus  could  pay  it  off 
by  giving  Rubel  100  gulden  a  year,  provided  that  the 
church  at  Philadelphia  first  gave  its  100  gulden.  The 
matter  was  finally  fixed  up  by  the  deputies  giving  200 
gulden,  and  the  coetus  and  Philadelphia  the  rest.  Thus 
the  Rubel  matter  was  finally  closed  after  being  long 
drawn  out  and  causing  perpetual  complications. 

The  deputies  had  been  the  more  anxious  to  get  rid  of 
Rubel,  because  in  a  packet  of  letters  received  by  the 
deputies,  October  29,  1 753,  was  a  letter  that  had  been 
broken  open.     In  it  Rubel  wrote  to  his  parents  about  a 


434        THE   GEEMAN   EEFOEMED   CHUECH    IN    U.   S. 

candidate  for  the  miDistiy,  named  Vernes,  at  SoHngen, 
urging  him  to  come  to  Pennsylvania,  and  suggesting  that 
he  get  the  Holland  deputies  to  pay  his  traveling  expenses  ; 
or  if  they  would  not  do  it,  he  could  raise  the  money  by 
taking  up  collections  on  the  way.  The  deputies  thus 
learned  that  it  was  the  ambition  of  Rubel  to  start  and 
build  up  another  coetus  by  the  side  of  their  coetus.  Ru- 
bel already  had  had  a  candidate  for  the  minis^try  from 
Hanau,  named  Lapp,  assisting  him,  who  had  been  called 
to  Amwell,  N.  J.,  and  if  he  could  induce  a  few  more  min- 
isters to  come  over  to  Pennsylvania,  he  would  be  able  to 
form  a  coetus.  The  deputies  took  alarm  at  this  project, 
which  thus  leaked  out  by  chance.  And  when  Vernes 
wrote  to  them,  asking  to  be  sent  to  Pennsylvania  and 
given  his  traveling  expenses,  he  did  not  get  much  encour- 
agement. 

Of  the  later  career  of  Rubel,  Rev.  Dr.  Corwin  says  in 
his  "  Historic  Manual  of  the  Reformed  Church"  that  he 
became  pastor  on  Long  Island  at  Brooklyn  and  adjacent 
congregations,  1759-1783.  He  there  became  a  strong 
adherent  to  the  Holland  party  belonging  to  the  confereu- 
tie,  which  subordinated  itself  to  Holland  over  against  the 
classis,  which  was  independent  of  Holland.  He  became  a 
violent  tory  in  the  revolution,  calling  the  American  sol- 
diers "Satan's  soldiers,"  and  denounced  them  from  the 
pulpit  frequently.  He  was  deposed  from  the  ministry 
in  1784  and  died  in  1797. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  IX. 

SCHLATTER  AND  THE  CHARITY  SCHOOLS. 

Schlatter  returned  from  Europe  to  America,  October 
30,  1754.  He  assembled  his  brethren  at  his  house  in 
Philadelphia  for  a  coetus  meeting.  It  was  decided  not  to 
call  it  a  regular  meeting  of  coetus,  as  no  elders  were  pres- 
ent. The  letters  of  the  deputies  were  first  read.  Schlat- 
ter presented  his  dismissal  from  the  coetus  given  him  by 
the  deputies,  and  took  his  leave.  But  although  there  had 
been  dissensions  among  the  members  of  the  coetus  about 
him,  it  unanimously  resolved  that  he  should  be  again 
admitted  as  a  member  of  the  coetus.  He  returned,  there- 
fore, thanking  them  for  their  confidence  in  him  and 
expressing  the  hope  that  he  might  be  able  to  advance  the 
welfare  of  the  Church  in  Pennsylvania.  It  was  resolved 
to  hold  a  regular  meeting  of  the  coetus  on  April  9,  1755, 
at  Lancaster,  for  which  Weiss  was  appointed  president, 
Leydich  vice-president,  and  Rieger  secretary.  Weiss 
agreed  to  open  the  coetus  with  a  sermon,  and  Rieger  to 
close  it  in  the  same  way.  Thus  peace  reigned,  instead  of 
the  dissensions  of  the  previous  year. 

Schlatter  now  entered  on  his  work  for  the  charity 
tchools,      This   scheme  had   a   very   interesting   history. 


436   THE  GERMAN  REFORMED  CHURCH  IN  U.  S. 

When  Schlatter  visited  Amsterdam  in  1752,  he  created  a 
considerable  interest  in  the  Pennsylvania  Germans.  The 
English  Reformed  congregation  at  Amsterdam  had  then 
as  its  pastors  David  Longueville  and  David  Thomson. 
The  former  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Philip  Doddridge. 
He  died  in  1770,  after  a  pastorate  of  thirty  years,  very 
highly  honored.  He  frequently  served  as  a  commissioner 
of  the  classis  on  Pennsylvania  affairs.  But  it  was  espe- 
cially his  colleague,  David  Thomson,  who  became  so  inter- 
ested that  he  gave  up  his  time  and  labored  so  earnestly 
for  the  Pennsylvania  Germans.  He  had  come  from  Ayr- 
shire, Scotland,  the  beautiful  home  of  Burns,  after  gradu- 
ating in  the  university  of  Glasgow,  and  had  been  installed 
as  second  pastor  of  this  English  Reformed  cougregation  at 
Amsterdam  on  December  16,  1742.  Having  learned 
from  Schlatter  of  the  destitute  condition  of  the  Germans 
in  Pennsylvania,  he  requested  of  the  classis  of  Amsterdam 
permission  to  go  to  England  to  lay  the  matter  before  the 
British  people.  It  seems  strange  at  first  that  he  should 
undertake  so  difficult  a  work.  They  were  of  a  different 
race  and  spoke  a  different  language.  But,  although  he 
lived  in  Holland,  he  was  a  true  Briton  boru  and  felt  that 
his  native  country  did  not  sufficiently  appreciate  the  needs 
or  the  value  of  these  Germans  so  as  to  make  them  good  citi- 
zens. He  determined  to  give  up  his  time  and  his  salary,  and 
at  his  own  expense  go  to  England  to  plead  their  cause  before 
the  English  people.     The  classis^,  March  1, 1752,  gave  him 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY  SCHOOLS.  437 

credentials  stating  the  object  of  his  work,  and  also  describ- 
ing what  the  Dutch  had  done  in  sending  men  and  money  to 
Pennsylvania.  Thomson's  consistory  generously  granted 
him  permission  to  go,  but  asked  that  he  send  a  supply  to 
minister  to  them  in  his  absence.  This  he  did  by  sending 
to  them  Rev.  Samuel  Beldam  from  England.  Before  he 
left  Holland,  he  had  a  conference  with  the  English  minis- 
ter, the  Duke  of  York,  and  also  had  an  audience  with  the 
Queen  of  Holland. 

So  with  recommendations  from  the  deputies  at  the 
Hague,  from  the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  the  classical  com- 
missioners, and  also  from  the  English  Reformed  consis- 
tory at  Amsterdam,  he  set  out  on  liis  mission.  He  left 
Rotterdam,  March  6.  When  he  arrived  at  Loudon,  he 
first  addressed  himself  to  the  Presbyterian  ministers  there. 
He  was  received  with  the  greatest  cordiality.  As  the 
king  of  England  was  absent,  visitiug  his  European  prov- 
inces in  Hanover,  Germany,  and  the  parliament  had  been 
dissolved,  nothing  could  then  be  done.  He  decided  it 
best  to  go  to  Scotland  and  lay  the  Pennsylvania  churches 
before  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Scotch  Reformed 
Church.  He  went,  taking  with  him  the  recommendations 
previously  mentioned,  to  Avhich  he  added  recommenda- 
tions from  several  members  of  parliament  and  from  the 
leading  London  ministers. 

The  General  Assembly  met  at  Edinburgh,  May  14, 
1752.     The  Scotch  Church  (now  called  Presbyterian)  was 


438        THE   GERMAN   EEPORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

not  unfamiliar  with  the  German  Reformed,  for  one  of  its 
earliest  catechisms  had  been  the  Heidelberg  Catechism. 
The  General  Assembly  approved  of  the  scheme  to  aid  the 
Germans,  and  ordered  a  collection  to  be  taken  up  in  all 
its  churches  on  December  2,  1752.  At  the  next  General 
Assembly  of  1753,  Rev.  Patrick  Cuming,  D.  D.,  the  last 
president,  reported  that  he  had  written  a  letter  to  Rev. 
Samuel  Chandler,  of  London,  suggesting  that  the  best 
method  to  aid  the  Germans  was  by  founding  schools 
among  them.  The  assembly  ordered  that  all  the  money 
raised  by  the  churches  should  be  paid  to  Chandler  and  his 
society,  and  appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  all  the 
ministers  of  Edinboro,  the  Earl  of  Dumfries,  the  Lord 
Justice  Clark,  Provost  Drummond  and  several  other  gen- 
tlemen, to  correspond  with  the  Charity  Society,  which  had 
been  founded  in  London.  The  amount  collected  by  the 
Scotch  churches  was  repoiled  in  1754  to  the  General  As- 
sembly to  have  been  $5702.47.  The  last  mention  of 
Pennsylvania  in  the  minutes  of  the  General  Assembly  was 
in  1759,  when  Rev.  David  Thomson,  liaving  returned 
from  Holland  to  take  a  pastorate  at  Gargunnock  in  Scot- 
land, made  a  report  that  the  society  had  been  laboring 
for  eight  years,  and  that  a  coetus  or  presbytery  had  been 
organized,  consisting  of  fourteen  ministers  and  six  or 
seven  schools.  The  assembly  again  approved  of  the  move- 
ment. 

Returning  to  Thomson,  we  find  that  after  he  had  laid 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  439 

the  project  before  the  Scotch  General  Assembly  in  May, 
1752,  he  returned  to  London.     At  the  suggestion  of  the 
London  ministers  he  addressed  himself  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  who  showed  great  interest,  and  promised 
to  lay  the  matter  before  the  king  and  to  ask  help  for  the 
Palatines  for  a  number  of  years.     Thomson  also  laid  the 
matter  before  others  of  the  nobility,  especially  the  Earl  of 
Granville,  who  advised  him  to  address  himself  to  the  pro- 
visional government,  which  acted  in  the  absence  of  the 
king.     Thomson  appeared  before  this  council  of  the  king 
and  was  received  in  a  very  friendly  manner.     He  appeared 
before  them  a  second  time,  but  they  told  him  that  nothing 
coidd  be  done  until  the  king  returned.     Meanwhile  Thom- 
son was  busy  agitating  the  matter  and  succeeded  in  organ- 
izing a  Charity  society,  called  "  The  Society  for  the  Propo- 
gation  of  the  Knowledge  of  God  among  the  Germans." 
This  had  a  committee  of  fourteen  gentlemen,  consisting  of 
the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  Lord  Willoughby  of  Parham,  Sir 
Luke  Schaub,  Sir  Josiah  Van  Neck,  Thomas  Chittey,  esq., 
TJiomas  Fluddyer,  alderman  of  London,  Benjamin  Avery, 
LL.  D.,  James  Vernon,  esq.,  John  Bance,  esq.,  Robert 
Ferguson,  esq.,  Nathaniel  Price,  Rev.  Dr.    Birch,  Rev. 
Casper  Wetstein,  Rev.  David  Thomson  and  Rev.  Samuel 
Chandler.     Its  president  was  Lord  Willoughby  of  Par- 
ham,  and  its  secretary  Rev.  Samuel  Chandler. 

Mr.  Chandler,  the  secretary,  deserves  especial  mention 
for  his  continuous  and  self-denying  labors  for  the  Germans 


440       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED  CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

of  Pennsylvania.  He  was  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  born  at 
Hungerford,  Berkshire  county,  1693.  He  began  to  preach 
in  July,  1714,  and  his  first  pastorate  was  at  Peckhamville. 
The  loss  of  his  wife's  fortune  in  the  South  Sea  scheme 
compelled  him  to  open  a  bookstore  and  enter  the  field  of 
literature.  While  he  was  at  Peckham,  a  course  of  lectures 
in  defense  of  Christianity  was  inaugurated  in  the  Presby- 
terian church  at  Old  Jewry,  London,  aud  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  lecturers.  His  rising  reputation  led  him  to  be 
called  to  that  church  first  as  assistant  pastor  in  1726,  aud 
two  years  later  as  pastor.  He  remained  there  as  pastor 
for  forty  years,  and  became  one  of  the  most  prominent 
Presbyterian  clergymen  of  London.  He  was  in  the  front 
of  a  number  of  the  philanthropic  movements  of  his  day, 
as  of  the  "  fund  for  widows  and  orphans  of  dissenting  min- 
isters." His  warm  heart  quickly  responded  to  Thomson's 
appeal  for  the  shepherdless  Germans  of  Pennsylvania. 
Pie  was  an  able  apologist  and  poleniist,  a  liberal  Calvinist, 
and  though  repeatedly  offered  places  in  the  Episcopal 
Church,  ho  declined.  The  universities  of  Edinboro  and 
Aberdeen  both  gave  him  the  title  of  doctor  of  divinity. 
He  died  in  1766,  aged  73  years. 

Benjamin  Avery  was  another  prominent  and  active 
member  of  this  charity  society.  He  was  at  first  also  a 
Presbyterian  minister,  but  left  the  ministry  and  became 
one  of  the  leading  physicians  of  London.  Whenever 
Chandler  appeared  before  the  king's  council  to  ask  for 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  441 

mouey  for  the  Pennsylvania  Germans,  Avery  was  the  one 
who  generally  accompanied  him.  Another  prominent 
member  of  this  society  was  Rev.  Casper  Wetstein,  who 
was  the  court  chaplain  of  the  princess  of  Wales  and  seems 
to  have  been  a  prominent  Episcopal  clergyman. 

This  list  of  members  presents  a  combination  of  noble- 
men and  politicians  joined  with  ministers  and  philan- 
thropically  inclined  persons.  For  this  society  appealed  to 
the  English  people  in  two  ways  : 

A.  Politically.  The  danger  was  pointed  out  that 
these  Germans,  being  a  continental  nation,  might  join 
with  the  French  in  America  in  the  event  of  a  war  between 
France  and  England.  And  as  they  composed  the  great 
biilk  of  the  population  in  Pennsylvania,  England  would 
be  apt  to  lose  Pennsylvania,  one  of  her  most  promising 
colonies,  and  her  central  colony ;  which,  if  captured  by 
the  enemy,  would  hopelessly  divide  the  other  colonies.* 
This  argument  very  powerfully  impressed  the  nobles  and 
statesmen  of  England,  and  finally  made  the  king  take  the 
Charity  school  scheme  under  his  care. 

B.  Religiously.  It  appealed  to  the  English  people 
from  a  religious  point  of  view.  Here  were  thousands  of 
Germans  in  one  of  their  provinces,  who  were  almost  with- 
out ministers,  and  to  a  large  extent  without  schools.  It 
was  important  not  only  that  they  should  be  made  good 

*  Thej  did  not  know  that  the  Germans  would  never  join  the  French  on 
account  of  the  bitter  prejudice  of  these  German  Palatines  against  the  French, 
because  the  latter  has  so  terribly  devastated  their  land  for  many  years. 


442        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

citizens,  but  that  they  should  be  supplied  with  pastors  and 
schools,  so  that  their  souls  might  be  saved. 

As  Thomson  found  that  he  could  not  finish  his  work 
in  England  before  his  leave  of  absence  from  his  congrega- 
tion expired,  he  wrote  to  them,  August  18,  1752,  asking 
that  it  be  extended.  Accompanying  this  letter  was  also  a 
letter  from  five  of  the  leading  pastors  of  London,  George 
Benson,  D.  D.,  John  Allen,  John  Milner,  D.  D.,  Nathan- 
iel Lardner,  D,  D.,  and  Samuel  Chandler,  showing  the 
necessity  of  his  remaining  in  London  until  the  king 
returned  from  the  continent.  Thomson's  congregation 
very  kindly  gave  him  permission,  September,  1752,  to 
remain  longer,  but  asked  him  to  send  a  minister  to  tem- 
porarily take  his  place,  as  Beldam  had  returned  to  Eng- 
land. The  newly  organized  society  then  determined  to 
present  a  request  to  the  king,  asking  his  consent  to  take 
up  a  collection  throughout  his  kingdom.  Thomson,  with 
two  of  the  nobles,  advocated  this  before  Pelham,  the 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  He,  however,  urged  a  better 
plan,  namely  to  name  some  specific  amount,  as  500  pounds, 
that  might  be  given  them,  rather  than  a  general  collection. 
The  Duke  of  Newcastle,  secretary  of  state,  and  Milford 
Holfernes,  secretary  of  the  American  colonies,  and  also 
the  Count  of  Halifax,  all  approved  most  heartily  of  the 
scheme. 

But  by  February  1,  1753,  the  congregation  at  Amster- 
dam requested  Thomson's  return  home,  as  he  had  not  been 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  443 

able  to  seud  them  a  supply  in  his  place.  The  Charity 
society  sent  a  letter  to  thein,  pleading  for  his  stay  in  Lon- 
don a  few  weeks  more,  as  matters  were  coming  to  a  crisis 
owing  to  the  near  return  of  the  king.  The  consistory  of 
the  Amsterdam  church  granted  him  six  weeks  longer 
absence,  as  they  were  not  willing  that  an  affair  of  such 
great  importance  should  suffer  through  his  absence  from 
London.  Our  denomination  owes  a  great  debt  of  grati- 
tude to  the  English  Reformed  church  of  Amsterdam  for 
its  interest  and  unselfishness  in  granting  its  pastor  so  long 
an  absence  to  labor  for  us  in  England.  By  May  6  Thom- 
son had  returned  to  Amsterdam,  where  he  reported  to 
classis  and  to  his  congregation  the  success  of  his  labors. 
David  Thomson  should  ever  live  in  the  memory  of  the 
Reformed  Church  of  the  United  States  for  his  broad,  gen- 
erous, hearty  advocacy  before  the  English  people  of  the 
needs  of  our  German  forefathers.  He  sacrificed  time  and 
money,  without  hope  of  any  return  for  it. 

Thomson  remained  as  pastor  of  the  English  Reformed 
church  at  Amsterdam  till  1758,  when  he  went  to  Scot- 
land, where  he  became  pastor  at  Gargunnock,  and  after- 
wards at  St.  Ninian's  in  Stirling,  where  he  died  and  was 
buried.  He  was  succeeded  at  Amsterdam  by  Rev.  James 
Blinshall,  of  Islington,  London,  who  also  showed  great 
interest  in  the  Germans  of  Pennsylvania  and  served  as  a 
commissioner  of  the  classis  on  Pennsylvania  affairs.  The 
classis  of  Amsterdam  and  the  consistory,  together  with  the 


444        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

deputies  of  North  and  South  Holland  synods,  aftenvard 
made  good  his  traveling  expenses,  which  amounted  to 
$328. 

Although  Thomson  had  returned  from  England,  the 
work  was  continued  by  the  newly  formed  society.  On 
July  20,  1753,  Chandler  wrote  to  Thomson  that  a  number 
more  of  the  lords  were  willing  to  add  their  names  to  the 
petition  to  the  king.  The  Archbishop  of  York  also 
endorsed  the  movement.  The  petition  was  presented  to 
the  king  by  Chandler,  but  he  found  that  ten  Aveeks  would 
elapse  before  an  answer  would  be  given.  Then  Pelham 
went  away  from  London  to  the  English  watering  place  at 
Scarborough,  and  this  still  further  delayed  the  matter. 
Finally,  on  October  23,  1753,  Chandler  wrote  to  Thomson 
the  joyful  news  that  he  had  at  last  been  successful,  and 
that  the  king  had  promised  |5000,  of  which  $3000  were 
to  be  paid  in  November  and  the  remainder  later,  (The 
tradition  in  our  Church  of  an  invested  fund  of  $100,000, 
whose  interest  was  to  be  used  for  the  Pennsylvania  schools, 
turns  out  to  be  a  myth.)  The  society  seems  to  have 
received  little  more  money  than  was  received  from  the 
Scotch  churches  and  from  the  king. 

On  December  1,  1753,  the  society  came  into  contact 
with  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  one  of  the  leading  men  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  head  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania at  Philadelphia,  who  was  in  London.  He  heartily 
approved  their  scheme,  and  proved  of  great  assistance  to 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY  SCHOOLS.  445 

them  because  of  bis  intimate  knowledge  with  Pennsylva- 
nia aifairs.  He  wrote  a  long  appeal,  December  13,  which 
was  presented  to  the  king  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. The  Society  also  published  a  brief  one-paged  sheet, 
giving  a  description  of  the  needs  of  the  Germans  and  a 
plan  of  the  English  schools  to  be  established  among  them. 
(The  statement  that  Schlatter's  appeal  was  translated  into 
English  does  not  seem  to  be  borne  out.  This  one-paged 
tract,  however,  was  based  on  Schlatter's  appeal.) 

Meanwhile  another  Pennsylvanian  arrived  in  London, 
E,ev.  Michael  Schlatter,  the  man  of  whose  labors  they  had 
heard  so  much  from  Thomson,  and  to  whom  their  pub- 
lished description  referred.  Schlatter  was  in  London  on 
January  22, 1754.  He  was  gladly  received  by  the  Society, 
and  as  a  token  of  their  esteem  was  given  $250.  The 
society  insisted  on  his  remaining  with  them  several  months 
before  he  went  to  Holland,  so  as  to  further  matters  for 
them.  He  arrived  in  Holland  about  April  1.  While  he 
was  in  Holland,  the  Charity  society  appointed  him  its 
superintendent  at  a  salary  of  $500  a  year,  and  Chandler 
wrote  to  him,  April  5,  notifying  him  of  the  appointment. 
It  was  very  proper  that  Schlatter  should  be  chosen  the 
superintendent  of  the  society,  for  his  work  had  led  to  the 
beginning  of  the  movement.  Besides,  he  was  very  famil- 
iar with  the  needs  and  peculiarities  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Germans,  and  it  was  expected  that  his  appointment  would 
carry  weight  with  it  in  Pennsylvania,     Gilbert  Tennant 


446        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

and  Samuel  Davies,  two  of  the  leading  Presbyterian  min- 
isters, who  were  in  London  that  winter,  also  bore  testi- 
mony to  his  ability  and  fitness.  He  therefore  asked  (May 
14)  the  Holland  deputies  to  dismiss  him  from  the  Re- 
formed church  at  Philadelphia.*  They  granted  him  his 
dismissal,  but  dismissed  him  not  only  from  the  church  at 
Philadelphia,  but  also  entirely  from  the  coetus.  His  dis- 
missal was  dated  June  19,  1754.  Schlatter  closed  up  his 
accounts  with  them,  1746-1754,  showing  that  he  had 
received  $1820  and  expended  $2368.80,  and  during  these 
seven  years  had  in  addition  to  provide  his  family  with 
food  and  clothing.  However,  his  mother  had  given  him 
$1000,  which  he  had  used. 

The  society  in  London  also  appointed  trustees  in  Penn- 
sylvania, who  should  superintend  its  work,  James  Hamil- 
ton, lieutenant  governor ;  William  Allen,  chief  justice  ; 
Richard  Peters,  secretary  of  Philadelphia ;  Benjamin 
Franklin,  postmaster  general,  and  Conrad  Weiser,  the 
prominent  Indian  interpreter,  and  ordered  them  to  open 
schools  at  Reading,  York,  Easton,  Lancaster,  Skippack 
and  Hanover.  The  society  also  published,  in  1754,  a 
pamphlet  entitled  "A  Memorial  of  the  Case  of  the  Ger- 
man Emigrants  Settled  in  Pennsylvania."  It  said  that 
the  population  of  Pennsylvania  was  190,000,  of  whom 
100,000  were  Germans,  and  30,000  of  thorn    were  Re- 

*  lie  seems  to  have  clung  to  the  idea  that  he  was  pastor  of  that   charge  to 
the  end' 


SCHLATTER    AND    THE    OHARITY   SCHOOLS.  447 

formed.  It  says  that  they  were  ignorant,  and  because 
unable  to  speak  English,  liable  to  lapse  back  into  serai- 
civilization  and  become  like  the  Indians  around  them  ; 
that  they  were  liable  to  become  allies  to  the  French,  as 
both  nations  were  from  the  continent  of  Europe,  especially 
as  their  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  English  language  would 
prevent  their  becoming  united  with  the  English.  If  there- 
fore England  would  make  herself  sure  to  retain  this  col- 
ony, she  must  educate  them  and  make  them  English. 
This  memorial  was,  however,  not  quite  true  to  the  facts. 
(The  Germans  were  not  inclined  to  become  savages  because 
of  lack  of  schools.  They  had  their  parochial  schools,  and 
printing  press,  on  which  Saur  had  published  (1743)  the 
first  Bible  published  in  America.  Neither  were  the  Ger- 
mans inclined  to  join  with  the  French.)  The  memorial  also 
describes  the  labors  of  Weiss  and  Schlatter  among  the 
Germans.  It  is  noticeable  that  it  says  not  a  word  about 
the  labors  of  Muhlenberg,  the  founder  of  the  Lutheran 
Church,  or  any  other  among  the  Germans.  It  seems  to 
rely  entirely  on  Schlatter's  work. 

Dr.  Smith  returned  to  Philadelphia,  May  22,  1754. 
He  attempted  to  call  the  American  trustees  together,  but 
failed,  as  Peters,  Franklin  and  Weiser  were  absent  at 
Albany  about  an  Indian  treaty.  Before  a  meeting  could 
be  held,  Saur,  the  editor  of  the  leading  German  paper, 
published  in  his  issue  of  June  26  and  July  1  a  bitter 
9,ttack  on  the  whole  movement,     He  denied  that  the  Ger- 


448        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

mans  were  an  illiterate  people  ;  charged  that  the  new 
schools  would  deprive  them  of  their  German  language  by 
teaching  their  children  English.  He  also  charged  that 
it  was  a  scheme  to  draw  the  Germans  into  the  Episcopal 
Church. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  trustees  was  held  at  the  house 
of  Judge  Allen,  at  Mt.  Airy,  Pa.,  August  10,  1754.  They 
decided  to  follow  the  instructions  of  the  English  society 
and  open  schools  at  Reading,  York,  Easton,  Lancaster, 
(New)  Hanover  and  Skippack  ;  that  six  to  eleven  local 
trustees  should  be  appointed  to  each  school,  who  were  to 
be  divided  between  the  Reformed,  the  Lutherans  and  the 
English.  A  letter  was  read  from  Muhlenberg,  warmly 
commending  the  movement.  He  suggested  that  the  Society 
aid  Franklin  in  his  effort  to  establish  a  German  printing 
house,  so  as  to  lessen  the  unfortunate  influence  of  Saur. 
Smith  was  appointed  the  secretary  of  the  American  trus- 
tees. 

A  second  meeting  was  held,  August  23,  1754,  at  the 
governor's  house  at  Bush  Hill.  All  the  trustees  were 
present  except  Allen.  Two  petitions  were  received  from 
Muhlenberg's  Lutheran  congregations  at  New  Hanover 
and  New  Providence.  The  society  thanked  them  for  these 
requests,  and  the  offer  of  their  school-houses,  but  as  it  was 
an  undenominational  society,  it  had  to  decline  them,  but 
suggested  that  they  get  the  Reformed  to  join  ^vith  them. 
They  appointed  local  trustees.     Among  these  the  Reformed 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  449 

at  Lancaster  were  represented  by  Adam  Simon  Kuhn, 
Rev.  Mr.  Otterbeiu  and  Sebastian  Graff,  at  New  Provi- 
dence and  Skippack  by  Abram  Sahler  and  Dr.  John  Die- 
mer,  at  Reading  by  Isaac  Levan  and  Samnel  High,  at 
New  Hanover  by  Henry  Antes  and  John  Reifsnyder.  It 
declined  to  appoint  the  Reformed  and  Lutheran  minister 
at  each  place  for  fear  of  denominational  prejudice.  It 
decided  to  buy  Franklin's  printing  press,  and  soon  began 
the  publication  of  a  German  paper  and  also  of  some  Ger- 
man books  and  almanacs.  On  September  6,  1755,  Saur 
again  attacked  the  Charity  schools.  The  conduct  of  the 
Germans  in  refusing  the  Charity  schools  was  not  wise,  but 
neither  were  the  promoters  of  the  movement  wise  in  their 
statements  about  the  Germans,  which  reflected  on  their 
education  and  devotion  to  Protestantism  or  to  England. 

Schlatter  arrived  in  America  September  28, 1754.  He 
had  been  detained  in  England  on  business  for  the  society. 
While  in  London  he  enlisted  the  influence  of  Penn  in  favor 
of  the  society,  and  also  handed  the  printed  Memorial  to  the 
king,  who  some  time  later  gave  1 000  pounds.  He  arrived 
in  America  just  in  time  to  influence  the  coetus  and  to  offset 
any  influence  that  Saur  might  have  exerted  among  it  by 
his  attacks.  Two  days  after  his  arrival  Smith  wrote  to 
Rieger  and  also  to  Stoy,  sending  them  the  published  state- 
ment of  the  movement.  In  his  letter  he  states  that  the 
society  would  aid  in  filling  up  the  deficiencies  in  the  salar- 
ies of  the  Reformed  ministers.  He  asked  how  many  min- 
29 


450        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

isters  there  were,  and  how  much  their  salaries  fell  short, 
and  suggested  that  they  name  some  young  men  who  might 
be  supported  in  studying  for  the  ministry.  Rieger  and 
Stoy  replied  that  as  this  was  a  matter  of  such  weighty 
importance,  it  would  require  the  consideration  of  the  wliole 
coetus,  and  Schlatter  would  then  explain  the  whole  project 
to  them.  On  October  28  the  Reformed  congregation  of 
New  Hanover  petitioned  for  a  school,  and  the  next  day  the 
Reformed  congregation  at  New  Providence  did  so,  Leydich 
presenting  these  petitions  personally  to  the  trustees.  But 
by  May  6  the  Reformed  of  New  Hanover,  remembering 
their  former  opposition  to  Schlatter  in  the  coetus,  began  to 
find  fault  with  the  Charity  schools  because  Schlatter  was 
superintendent,  and  the  elders  refused  him  their  pulpit. 
They  declared  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  till 
they  had  first  heard  from  the  Holland  deputies  about  them. 
On  December  10  another  meeting  of  the  trustees  Mas 
held,  at  which  Schlatter  was  also  present  as  superintend- 
ent. Smith  read  the  pamphlet  that  he  had  prepared, 
entitled  "A  brief  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the 
Scheme  for  Carrying  on  the  Instruction  of  poor  Germans 
and  their  Descendants."  It  was  approved,  and  1500 
copies  were  ordered  to  be  printed.  A  petition  was  brought 
from  Reading.  On  December  26  a  petition  was  received 
from  the  Lutheran  and  the  Reformed  congregations  at 
Vincent,  Cliester  county,  and  was  granted,  and  Louis 
Ache   appointed  school-master.      Sebastian   Wagner  and 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY  SCHOOLS.  451 

Peter  Stager  were  the  Calvinists  signing  the  request.  A 
petition  from  the  Reformed  and  Lutheran  congregations 
of  Upper  Salford  was  granted,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Schultz,  a 
Lutheran  minister,  appointed  as  school-teacher.  On  Jan. 
15, 1755,  a  petition  from  the  congregations  of  Tulpehocken, 
Lebanon  county,  and  Heidelberg,  Berks  county,  was 
received  at  a  meeting,  but  as  they  differed  as  to  the  loca- 
tion of  the  school,  it  was  referred  back  to  them  until  they 
chose  its  location.  A  petition  was  also  received  from  the 
Lancaster  congregation  for  a  Latin  school-master.  The 
meeting  ordered  that  a  letter  of  introduction  be  prepared 
for  Schlatter,  and  also  a  letter  of  instruction  to  him.  By 
February  25  the  report  of  the  trustees  was  issued. 

Schlatter  now  began  opening  the  schools.  On  Feb- 
ruary 16  he  opened  one  at  New  Providence  with  Charles 
Cornelius  Rabatau  as  school-master ;  on  March  1  at  LTp- 
per  Salford,  and  on  March  5  at  Reading.  On  April  1 
Conrad  Weiser  opened  a  school  at  Tulpehocken  and  Hei- 
delberg, John  Davies,  from  Ireland,  school-master.  On 
May  8  he  opened  a  school  at  Vincent,  Chester  county ; 
on  May  16  at  Easton,  and  on  July  1  at  Lancaster.  The 
project  of  the  schools  thus  seemed  to  be  popular.  The 
society  had  intended  to  open  twenty-five  schools  when  it 
appointed  Schlatter,  but  applications  were  made  for  only 
eighteen,  and  only  twelve  were  opened.  Smith  and 
Schlatter  made  a  visitation  of  the  schools,  July  25,  1755, 


452        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

and  also  a  second  visitation  in  April,  1756,  going  even  to 
the  frontiers.* 

The  Reformed  coetus  was  at  the  beginning  quite  favor- 
able to  the  movement.  Even  before  the  society  was  organ- 
ized in  America,  Stoy,  Otterbein,  liieger  and  DuBois 
wrote  a  joint  letter,  that  their  only  hope  in  the  midst  of  the 
divisions  in  the  coetus  was  the  establishment  of  the  Charity 
schools,  about  which  they  had  heard  from  England.  The 
coetus  of  April,  1755,  took  action  approving  of  the  society, 
sending  it  a  vote  of  thanks,  and  at  the  request  of  the  society 
appointed  Stoy  and  Otterbein  as  their  deputies  to  inspect 
the  schoolmasters.  They  already  began  to  reap  good 
results  from  it.  Thus  on  June  23,  1755,  AVeiss  gave  a 
receipt  for  four  pounds  to  the  society  for  work  done  as  a 
catechist  in  the  schools  near   him.     On   June   25   Steiner 

*  The  report  of  the  society  for  1759  was : 

Number  of  Scholars. 

1.  At  New  Providence,  Phila,  county.      50,  almost  all  Germans. 

2.  At  Upper  Dublin,  Phila   county.  48,  onethinl  Germans, 

3.  At  Northampton,  Bucks  county.  60,  all  low  Dutch. 

4.  At  Lancaster,  Lancaster  county.  05,  nearly  one-half  Germans. 

5.  At  York,  York  county,  fi6,  more  than  one-half  Germans. 

6.  At  New  Hanover,  Berks  county.  45,  all  Germans. 

7.  At  Reading,  Berks  county.  36,  more  than  one-half  Germans. 

8.  At  Vincent,  Chester  county.  45,  all  Germans. 

9.  Presbytery  school  for  educating  the 

youth  for  the  ministry,  25 

Total,  440 

N,  B. — These  numbers  were  taken  just  after  the  harvest,  when  the  schools 
were  but  thin.  In  winter  the  numbers  eilucated  in  this  charity  often  amount 
in  all  to  nearly  600,  and  have  amounted  to  750,  before  the  school  at  Easton 
and  that  at  Codorus  were  broken  up  by  the  Indian  incursions.  Upwards  of 
two-thirds  are  of  German  parentage. 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY  SCHOOLS.  453 

gave  a  similar  receipt  for  four  pounds,  and  on  September 
9  Schlatter  receipted  for  five  pounds  for  the  use  of  the 
"  Calvinist  congregation"  in  Philadelphia.  Later  in  the 
year,  however,  Stoy  criticises  the  schools  in  a  letter  because 
they  were  not  entirely  Reformed.  He  also  took  umbrage 
at  the  words  used  by  Dr.  Smith,  "  The  Lutherans  are 
nearer  to  the  Church  of  England  than  the  Calvinists," 
The  coetus  of  1756  was  also  somewhat  unfriendly  because  of 
an  expression  that  Smith  had  used  in  a  letter  to  Otterbein, 
that  "  the  fathers  in  Holland  had  nothing  to  do  with  it." 
The  coetus  resented  anything  against  the  Holland  Church. 
Some  of  them  began  to  fear  that  the  scheme  at  bottom 
might  be  after  all  nothing  but  a  political  scheme,  and  they 
wrote  a  letter  to  Franklin  saying  that  the  Holland  depu- 
ties desired  to  know  whether  the  society  had  not  already  ap- 
propriated something  to  the  salaries  of  the  ministers.  This 
was  true,  as  the  Charity  society  had  appropriated  in  1753 
200  pounds  to  the  Reformed  ministers,  which  was  to  be 
divided  among  them  so  as  to  make  up  for  deficiency  of  sala- 
ries. This  coetus  received  $214.40,  and  divided  it  among 
the  ministers.  The  coetus  of  1757  expressed  less  hope  for 
the  schools,  because  they  were  only  English,  and  said  that 
if  the  children  were  to  be  taught  in  the  German  language, 
they  must  have  their  own  parochial  schools.  It,  however, 
reported  that  the  society  had  given  them  $192  for  their 
salaries.  Steiner  in  his  letter  of  1758  reported  that  the 
ministers  knew  the  Charity  schools  better  and   would   aid 


454        THE  GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

them.  In  1758  it  received  about  $192.  Coetus  declared 
that  in  all  it  had  received  its  third  donation  from  the  socie- 
ty. In  1761  it  reported  to  Holland  that  the  society  had 
not  paid  anything  for  two  years.  In  1763  the  Holland 
deputies  wrote  to  London  asking  that  they  be  aided,  and 
the  coetus  of  that  year  thanked  them  for  their  eflbrt.  But 
by  1763  the  society  had  ceased  its  activity. 

The  reason  for  this  was  the  gradual  decrease  of  the 
receipts  and  interest  in  the  society.  We  found  a  number 
of  its  notices  for  meetings  from  1757-1759.  These  meet- 
ings were  held  in  London  in  the  west  room  behind  St. 
Dunstan's,  and  at  the  Crown  and  Anchor  on  the  Strand. 
Thus  the  following  was  addressed  to  Rev.  Mr.  "VV ostein, 
AYigmore,  Cavendish  Square  : 
"Sir:  Jan.  3,  1758. 

"  You  are  desired  to  meet  the  nobleman  and  gentlemen 
entrusted  with  the  moneys  collected  for  the  use  of  the  for- 
eign Protestants  in  Pennsylvania  on  Saturday,  the  seventh 
instant,  at  Richards'  Coffee  House,  near  St.  Dunstun's 
church,  in  Fleet  street,  at  twelve  o'clock. 

"  Samuel  Chandler." 

The  society  generally  held  its  meetings  monthly  on 
Saturdays.  We  found  notices  of  the  following  dates  still 
in  existence  :  January  25,  1757,  called  meeting  on  29  ; 
May  25,  for  meeting  on  28  ;  August  22,  for  meeting  on 
27  ;  January  3,  1758,  for  meeting  on  7  ;  February  7,  for 
meeting  on  11  ;  April  25,  for  meeting  on  29  ;  December 
13,  for  meeting  on  16;  January  16,  1759,  for  meeting  on 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  455 

20  (this  last  oue  announced  that  Provost  Smith  would  be 
present) ;  April  30,  1759,  for  May  5,  at  1  p.  m.  The 
society  had  started  off  with  a  fine  gift  of  about  $6000 
from  the  Scotch  Church,  |5000  from  the  king  and  $100 
from  the  Princess  of  Wales — altogether  $11,100.  To  this 
may  be  added  small  gifts  received  from  other  individuals 
and  churches.  Chandler,  in  1757,  says  he  hoped  to  get  a 
yearly  donation  from  the  king,  and  he  seems  to  be  success- 
ful, for  in  his  letters  he  acknowledges  that  he  received,  in 
1758,  $1000  from  the  king,  and  the  same  amount  the 
next  year,  although  he  had  to  write  repeatedly  to  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle  about  the  matter.  In  1760  the  king  paid 
$2000,  and  also  in  1761,  when  the  society  appropriated 
300  pounds  to  the  ministers  and  370  pounds  13  shillings  to 
school-masters.  Then  came  the  death  of  the  king.  Chandler, 
the  unwearied  friend  and  the  soul  of  the  enterprise,  wrote 
to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  stating  that  if  this  movement 
was  to  continue,  it  would  depend  entirely  on  the  liberality 
of  tlie  king,  and  he  most  earnestly  begged  the  king  to  aid 
it.  He  also  proceeded  to  reorganize  the  society  by 
appointing   a   new   board.*      The   members  of  the   new 

*  In  this  the  Presbyterians  were  represented  by  Revs.  Earle,  D.  D., 
Chandler  and  Pope,  with  John  Dunn  and  Thomas  Holmes  as  laymen  ;  the 
Congregationalists  by  Revs.  Jennings,  D  D.,  and  Goll,  and  Mr.  Crisp  and 
John  Winter  as  laymen  ;  the  Baptists  by  Revs.  S  ennet  and  Bulkley,  and 
Messrs  Stinton  and  Stud  as  laymen.  Rev.  Drs,  Ear'e,  Jennings  and  Stew- 
art had  been  among  the  ministers  who  had  received  the  money  before,  while 
Messrs.  Dunn,  Holmes,  Stinton  and  Stud  were  the  treasurers  of  their  respec- 
tive denominations. 


456        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

board  were  all  dissenters,  thus  refuting  the  charge  made 
by  Saur  that  the  society  was  an  Episcopalian  body,  labor- 
ing to  spread  Episcopalianism.  The  Episcopalians  are 
noticeably  absent,  perhaps  because  they  had  their  own 
society  to  spread  their  Church  in  Pennsylvania,  namely 
"  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  For- 
eign Parts."  The  new  king  seems  to  have  made  a  dona- 
tion, for  which  Chandler  thanks  him,  June  3,  1762.  The 
next  year  he  seems  to  have  ceased  giving,  and  the  society 
having  no  money  to  continue  its  work,  fell  to  pieces,  so 
that  its  work  ceased  in  1763. 

The  whole  amount  that  seems  to  have  been  raised  was 
$11,000  given  by  the  king  at  different  times,  and  $6000 
given  by  the  Scotch  Church,  in  all,  with  the  gift  of  the 
Princess  of  Wales,  $17,100.  This,  with  other  smaller 
amounts  given  by  individuals  and  churches  may  have  run 
the  total  up  to  nearly  $20,000.  Of  this  about  $567  was 
paid  for  the  Franklin  press,  and  more  for  the  publication 
of  suitable  books  and  the  new  German  ncAvspaper.  Be- 
sides Schlatter's  salary  the  society  tried  to  send  $2500  a 
year  for  the  school-masters,  etc.,  and  seems  to  have  appro- 
priated about  $600  for  the  Reformed  ministers.  When 
the  society  disbanded  it  still  had  in  its  treasury  a  small 
balance,  which  Chandler  said  he  was  willing  should  be 
sent  to  Smith  for  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.* 

*  Some  of  its  money  was  also  used  to  educate  Presbyterian  students  for  the 
ministry.  The  support  of  the  Presbyterian  students  for  the  ministry  by  this 
society  reveals  an  interesting  bit  of  history      In  a  letter  to  Chandler  of  April, 


SCHLATTER   AND   THE   CHARITY  SCHOOLS.  457 

During  all  the  history  of  this  society  the  Reformed 
Church  of  Hollaud  sustained  the  most  cordial  relations  to  it. 
The  Dutch  and  English  encouraged  each  other  in  friendly 
rivalry  in  their  efforts  to  do  something  for  the  Pennsylvania 
Germans  and  the  Reformed.  When  the  grant  of  the  states 
of  Holland  and  Friesland  for  |800  a  year  was  about  to  run 
out  in  1756,  Chandler  wrote  from  England  urging  the  Dutch 
to  use  their  influence  to  secure  the  continuance  of  that 
grant,  as,  if  the  Dutch  lessened  their  gifts,  the  English 
would  lessen  theirs,  as  the  English  had  been  giving  on  the 
expectation  that  the  Dutch  would  aid  their  brethren  in  the 
Reformed  faith.  The  deputies,  when  they  appeal  to  the 
states  of  Holland  and  Friesland,  used  the  liberality  of  the 
English  as  an  argument  to  stir  them  up  to  do  something 
for  Pennsylvania  again.  As  a  result  the  states  of  Holland 
and  West  Friesland  continued  their  donations  of  |800  for 
three  years  more.  Thus  the  society  and  the  Dutch  labored 
in  harmony.  The  classis  of  Amsterdam  on  June  4,  1753, 
thanked  Chandler  for  so  greatly  aiding  Thomson  in  his 
work,  and  asked  their  prayers  for  guidance  in  the  under- 
taking. And  when  Stoy  wrote  to  the  Holland  fathers, 
somewhat  criticising  the  movement,   they    replied,  recom- 


1755,  I)r.  Smith  tells  the  story  of  the  woes  of  the  Presbyieiiaus,  who  we  e 
diviJed  between  Old  and  New  Lights  The  latter,  who  were  followers  of  White- 
field,  had  taken  their  college  and  theological  seminary  with  them,  so  the  Old 
Lights  or  Conservatives  had  none  nearer  than  New  Haven,  and  that  could  not 
supply  students  enough.  So  it  was  suggested  to  graft  a  theological  seminary 
OB  to  the  University  of  Philadelphia,  where  Smith  taught,  and  this  money  was 
to  aid  their  t^tudcnts. 


458        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

mending  it  most  higlily.  The  Charity  society  also  aided 
some  of  the  Reformed  ministers  on  their  way  to  America. 
Thus  when  the  deputies  sent  Muntz  to  America,  the 
society  bore  the  expenses  of  his  family.  And  when  the 
next  minister,  Alsentz,  was  sent  by  them,  they  bore  all  his 
expenses  to  America.  But  when  the  next  minister,  Stapcl, 
passed  through,  he  made  himself  obnoxious  to  Chandler 
and  was  not  helped.  The  society  also  recommended  Rev. 
Mr.  Kals  to  the  Philadelphia  congregation.  Here  they 
transcended  their  authority,  as  he  had  not  been  recom- 
mended to  them  by  the  Holland  Church.  And  the  Hol- 
land Church  remind  them  that  he  was  a  deposed  minister. 
During  all  this  movement  it  was  noticeable  that  in 
America  although  the  movement  included  work  among 
the  Lutherans  as  Germans,  yet  no  mention  seems  to  have 
been  made  of  Muhlenberg's  work,  or  of  any  money,  as  far 
as  we  have  yet  been  able  to  find  out,  given  to  the  Ijuth- 
eran  pastors  for  salaries  as  pastors,  as  there  was  to  the  Re- 
formed. Schlatter's  work,  in  all  the  publications  of  the 
society,  was  made  the  basis  of  the  movement.  As  he  was 
also  superintendent,  it  made  the  Reformed  prominent.  It 
was,  therefore,  much  more  intimately  connected  with  the 
Reformed  than  has  hitherto  been  supposed,  and  for  that 
reason  we  have  described  it  so  fully.  Thus  the  Re- 
formed had  the  honor  of  having  had  in  Schlatter  the 
first  superintendent  of  public  schools  in  Pennsylvania. 
For  this  society  was  really  a  system  of  j)ublic  sc-liools  like 


SCHLATTER    AND   THE    CHARITY   SCHOOLS.  459 

that  which  was  inaugurated  a  century  later  in  the  state. 
And  although  the  society  failed,  yet  it  set  in  motion  cer- 
tain movements  which  have  since  become  permanent,  as  in 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  public  school  sys- 
tem of  the  state. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  X. 

SCHLATTER'S  LIFE  AFTER  LEAVING  THE  COETUS. 

Schlatter  having  labored  for  the  Reformed  Church  in 
Pennsylvania  for  nine  years,  ceased  being  a  member  of  the 
coetus  in  1755.  And  during  the  remaining  twenty-five 
years  of  his  life  he  never  attended  any  of  the  meetings, 
although  he  might  easily  have  done  so  from  his  home  at 
Chestnut  Hill  near  Philadelphia.  He  started  the  coetus 
and  then  left  it  for  others  to  build  up.  The  greater  part 
of  his  life  in  America  was  spent  as  an  independent  Re- 
formed minister.  It  has  hitherto  been  a  mystery  why  he 
left  the  coetus.  Harbaugh  suggests  that  another  quarrel 
between  him  and  some  of  the  members  of  the  coetus  was 
the  cause.  He  bases  this  on  a  letter  of  Stoy  of  October, 
1755  (which  he  erroneously  places  in  1756),  where  Stoy, 
speaking  of  the  coetal  letter  of  Schlatter  of  the  previous 
year,  says  : 

"  Schlatter  added  a  letter  containing  many  things  of 
which  there  was  no  mention  in  the  proceedings  themselves. 
This  a])pears  to  be  not  unlike  frjuid.  And  what  is  not 
contained  in  the  proceedings  can  not  be  put  to  our  account. 
Let  Schlatter  be  responsible  for  that  himself" 

While  this  letter  may  liint  at  some  friction  between 
Stoy  and  Schlatter,  yet  it  does  not  give  the  real  cause  why 


schlattee's  later  life.  461 

Schlatter  left  the  coetiis.  The  true  reason  was  that  the 
deputies  in  Holland  ordered  him  to  leave.  At  the  depu- 
ties' meeting,  April  2,  1755,  after  they  had  expressed  great 
joy  at  learning  from  the  coetus  that  peace  existed  among 
the  brethren,  they,  however,  take  the  following  action  : 

"  The  deputies  are  very  much  surprised  that  the  min- 
isters had  called  Rev.  Mr.  Schlatter  in  to  their  delibera- 
tions after  he,  having  received  his  dismissal,  had  returned 
to  Pennsylvania,  and  had  not  only  made  him  moderator 
and  amanuensis,  but  had  also  charged  him  with  the  visitor- 
ship  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches,  and  thus  had  charged 
him  with  and  urged  upon  him  nearly  the  whole  rule,  and 
so  hindered  him  very  much  in  the  supervision  of  the 
schools.  Since  he  had  been  dismissed  that  he  might  give 
himself  wholly  to  the  benefit  of  the  schools,  the  deputies 
order  that  he  be  no  longer  troubled  with  the  affairs  of  the 
Pennsylvania  churches,  all  the  more  since  his  Honor, 
because  of  his  dismissal  from  the  churches,  neither  may 
nor  can  be  recognized  or  received  as  a  member  of  the 
coetus,  much  less  may  he  be  burdened  with  the  matters  of 
the  coetus  or  the  service  of  the  churches." 

This  is  further  proved  by  a  letter  of  the  classis  of 
Amsterdam  to  Schlatter  of  June  5,  1755,  ordering  him  to 
leave.  This  is  very  summary  action.  The  deputies  reit- 
erate their  action,  November  1755,  when  they  find  that 
Schlatter  had  been  a  member  of  the  coetus  of  1755  :  "Dep- 
uties would  overlook  several  actions  contrary  to  our  inten- 
tion, because  the  letter  was  not  received  in  time,  but  under- 
stand that  its  injunctions,  particularly  touching  the  dismis- 


462       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

sal  of  Dominie  Schlatter,  should  be  strictly  followed  up, 
and  in  regard  to  articles  20  and  23,  they  insist  that  Schlat- 
ter shall  remain  off  of  the  committee,"  From  the  time 
their  letter  was  received  in  Peunsylvania,  Schlatter  dis- 
appears from  the  minutes  of  the  coetus  here  and  of  the 
deputies  in  Holland. 

Schlatter  did  a  great  w^ork  in  connection  with  the 
coetus.  His  most  prominent  characteristic  was  his  tire- 
less industry.  The  extracts  of  his  journal  give  data  like 
these  :  On  September  27th,  1746,  he  preached  at  Lancas- 
ter and  returned  to  Philadelphia  on  the  28tli,  a  distance 
of  sixty-three  miles.  On  February  26th,  1747,  he  trav- 
eled thirty-six  miles  toHallmill  to  administer  communion. 
On  September  21st  he  again  rides  to  Lancaster  in  a  single 
day.  When  one  remembers  that  his  journeys  were  made 
not  over  fine  roads,  but  often  through  forests  on  mere 
paths,  and  over  rivers  sometimes  swollen  by  rains,  one 
can  understand  better  the  privations  of  such  journeys. 
Frequently  he  would  tire  out  the  other  ministers,  who 
would  have  to  stop  and  rest  while  he  pressed  on.  His 
journeys  of  8000  miles  in  over  four  years  show  his  amaz- 
ing activity.  His  industry  ought  to  be  electric  and 
enthuse  many  home  missionaries  in  our  Church  to-day. 
What  our  slow,  conservative  Church  needs  is  to  beSchlat- 
terized  with  his  tireless  industry  and  activity. 

He  was  a  man  too  of  considerable  executive  ability, 
which  he  used  to  bring  the  Church  to  its  climax  by  organ- 


Schlatter's  later  life.  463 

izing  the  coetus,  for  which  the  German  Reformed  churches 
must  ever  thank  him.  He  completed  what  Boehm  began. 
Boehm  organized  the  first  congregations.  Schlatter  organ- 
ized the  congregations  into  the  first  synod.  But  although 
we  are  greatly  indebted  to  him  for  the  organization  of  the 
coetus,  yet  historical  fairness  will  not  permit  us  to  canon- 
ize him  as  a  saint.  He  organized  the  coetus,  but  he  did 
not  perfectly  manage  it  after  it  was  organized.  This  was 
due  to  several  causes  : 

1.  It  was  due  to  the  complex  elements  of  which  the 
coetus  was  composed.  Before  he  came,  Boehm,  Weiss 
and  Rieger  had  not  been  in  sympathy  with  each  other. 
Boehm  openly  distrusted  Rieger  that  he  was  Reformed. 
Even  after  the  coetus  was  formed,  he  does  not  consider 
Rieger  thoroughly  Reformed,  because  he  did  not  sign 
the  Canons  of  Dort.  Now,  if  it  was  difficult  to  handle 
the  coetus  when  it  was  small,  this  difficulty  became  the 
greater  as  the  coetus  became  larger,  because  the  diversity 
between  its  members  was  greater.  And  Schlatter  proved 
himself  unable  to  keep  peace  between  the  diverse  elements. 

2.  It  was  due  to  the  Holland  fathers  to  some  extent. 
We  would  not  be  understood  as  criticising  them.  That 
would  be  unkind,  considering  the  very  kind  and  unsel- 
fish treatment  they  gave  to  our  early  Church.  But  they 
were  too  far  away.  They  were  not  always  able  to  suggest 
the  wisest  methods.  Thus  they  appointed  Schlatter  a 
sort  of  visitor  for  the  congregations  for  the  first  part  of 


464       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

his  ministry  here.  They  did  not  consider  that  that  office, 
when  held  too  long  by  him,  would  give  offence,  so  that  he 
was  charged  with  wanting  to  become  permanent  presi- 
dent and  superintendent.  Then  the  deputies  did  not 
order  him  to  close  up  the  Reiff  money  as  quickly  as  it 
would  have  been  best.  They  left  part  of  it  in  Schlatter's 
hands.  And  while  he  was  waiting  for  them  to  tell  him 
what  to  do  with  it,  his  enemies  took  advantage  of  this 
and  charged  him  with  irregularities  in  not  giving  it  to 
the  objects  for  which  it  was  collected.  Yet  the  depu- 
ties did  not  intend  to  put  him  in  a  false  position. 
Again,  the  deputies  continued  sending  to  him  the  Holland 
donations.  This  often  placed  him  in  a  very  awkward 
position,  as  with  Weiss  and  Leydich  in  1753.  These 
wanted  the  money,  and  yet  the  Holland  deputies  had  for- 
bidden him  to  pay  it  to  any  one  who  had  left  the  coetus, 
Schlatter  in  all  this  was  only  carrying  out  the  orders  of 
the  Holland  deputies,  but  it  did  not  save  him  from  bring- 
ing down  on  his  head  criticism  and  wrath. 

3.  It  was  partly  his  own  fault.  In  saying  this  we  do 
not  mean  to  criticise  him.  Every  man  has  his  weak 
points.  No  man  is  absolutely  perfect,  either  in  morality 
or  in  judgment.  He  made  mistakes,  who  does  not? 
And  to  fairly  judge  him,  we  must  understand  where  his 
weaknesses  lay,  as  well  as  where  his  strength.  Part  of 
his  trouble  lay  in  his  youth  and  inexperience.  He  was 
only  about  thirty  years  old  when  he  came  to  America. 


Schlatter's  later  life.  465 

He  never  had  had  charge  of  a  congregation  before  he 
came.  It  is  true,  he  acted  as  vicar  to  a  minister  for  a 
year  in  Thurgau,  but  a  vicar  is  only  a  substitute,  without 
any  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  pastor.  At  St.  Gall  he 
was  only  evening  preacher  of  a  small  church  on  the  sub- 
urbs. Of  the  many  varied  duties  and  responsibilities  that 
come  to  a  pastor,  he  had  no  experience.  And  of  the 
duties  of  a  superintendent  he  knew  nothing.  He  did 
well,  considering  his  meagre  previous  opportunities.  But 
the  Holland  deputies  placed  burdens  on  his  shoulders  too 
great  for  him  with  his  youth  and  inexperience  to  bear. 
His  position  needed  an  older  and  more  experienced  head. 
He  had  older  men  with  larger  experience  than  himself 
right  under  him  in  the  coetus,  as  Bojhm  and  Weiss.  One 
reason  why  Steiner  looked  down  on  him  was  because 
Schlatter  was  so  much  younger  than  he.  Of  course 
Schlatter  could  not  help  that  he  was  young.  That  was 
not  his  fault ;  nevertheless  it  proved  a  hindrance  to  his 
work. 

Then  too  the  peculiarities  of  his  temperament  did  to 
him  what  they  do  to  all  of  us, — led  him  into  mistakes. 
Our  mistakes  are  often  exaggerated  excellencies,  which 
prove  too  strong  when  there  is  no  counterbalancing  thing 
in  our  nature.  Sometimes  our  strongest  points  prove  to 
be  our  weakest.  Schlatter  was  ardent  and  active,  as  we 
have  seen.  They  were  excellent  elements,  and  made  him 
energetic  and  successful  in  organizing  the  Church.  But 
30 


466        THE   GERMAN   EEFOEMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

his  very  impulsiveness  led  him  astray  into  too  quick  judg- 
ments. He  was  charged  by  his  enemies  with  magnifying 
his  office  too  much, — so  much  that  he  wanted  to  be  superin- 
tendent over  the  Church.  He  denied  this,  and  his  friends 
denied  it.  And  yet  we  fear  that  sometimes  his  activity 
got  the  better  of  him,  so  that  they  could  charge  him 
with  this.  Again,  his  impulsiveness,  we  believe  (for  we 
can't  explain  it  in  any  other  way),  led  him  to  mistakes  in 
constitutional  questions.  Perhaps  Boehm  was  too  much 
of  a  parliamentarian  ;  if  so,  Schlatter  was  rather  too  little. 
Thus  his  action  in  confirming  the  wife  of  an  elder  in 
Boehm's  congregation  at  Falkner  Swamp  (Schlatter  calls 
him  an  elder)  is  indefensible  from  a  constitutional  stand- 
point. Boehm  mentions  a  worse  case  in  his  letter  of  1748. 
The  Philadelphia  congregation  had  been  under  Boehm's 
constitution  for  many  years  before  Schlatter  came,  and 
according  to  it  four  elders  and  two  deacons  composed  the 
consistory.  But  when  Schlatter  took  charge  of  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation,  what  did  he  do  but  overturn  things? 
He  at  once  fixed  the  number  of  church  officers  at  twelve, 
and  installed  them  when  Boehm  was  present.  At  the  in- 
stallation he  made  them  all  stand  in  a  row  and  ordained 
them  all,  some  of  them  having  been  ordained  before. 
Now  this  was  wrong  according  to  all  the  church  customs. 
An  officer  ordained  once  is  always  ordained,  and  a  second 
ordination  is  suj)erfluous.  Again,  Schlatter  at  once  tried 
to  introduce  the  St.  Gall  liturgy,  which  differed  from   the 


Schlatter's  later  life.  467 

Palatinate,  which  Boehm  had  been  using  on  some  points. 
This  caused,  says  Boehm,  confusion  and  criticism  at  mar- 
riages and  ordinations,  when  such  liturgies  were  used.  It 
was  ill-advised  on  Scidatter's  part  to  introduce  a  new 
Churcli  custom,  at  any  rate  so  soon.  And  afterward  the 
Holland  deputies  searchingly  inquire  what  sort  of  a  new 
Church  order  Schlatter  had  introduced,  because  they  said 
the  proper  one  was  that  of  the  Netherlands. 

And  yet,  while  Schlatter's  character,  like  all  of  ours, 
reveals  weak  points,  how  wonderfully  God  overrules  even 
our  weakness  for  His  glory.  God  can  use  and  sanctify 
our  peculiarities.  Thus  Schlatter  in  his  early  life  had  a 
roving  disposition.  God  utilized  it  to  send  him  to  this 
western  world  to  do  a  great  work  for  His  Church.  Like 
him,  God  has  turned  many  a  one  who  is  a  born  traveler 
into  a  missionary,  to  travel  for  His  kingdom.  Schlatter's 
impulsiveness  God  utilized  to  aggressive  work  in  America 
in  founding;  His  Church.  Well  is  it  for  us  to  allow  God 
to  use  us  as  He  sees  best — use  our  peculiar  bent  of  mind — 
use  our  ruling  trait  of  character — yes,  even  our  weak- 
nesses and  failings  for  His  glory  and  the  spread  of  His 
kingdom. 

Schlatter's  withdrawal  from  the  coetus  was  unfortu- 
nate, both  for  himself  and  for  the  Reformed.  It  was 
unfortunate  for  his  own  sake,  for  it  robbed  him  of  the 
continual  honor  that  he  would  have  had  in  the  coetus  as 
being  the  founder  of  that  body.     Had  he  been  able  tq 


\ 
468       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

remain  in  it,  his  whole  life  would  have  been  interwoven 
with  it  and  it  with  liim.  It  was  unfortunate  for  the 
Church  in  some  directions.  He  had,  as  we  see,  many 
years  of  activity  before  liim,  which  might  have  been  used 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Church.  All  this  was  lost  to  the 
Church,  because  he  was  outside  of  the  coetus.  Still,  his 
monument  remains  in  the  synodical  organization  of  the 
Eeformed  Church,  and  will  remain  as  long  as  it  exists. 
And  yet,  although  his  departure  was  a  loss,  it  was,  per- 
haps, best  that  it  occurred,  for  peace  came  to  the  coetus, 
and  good  men  rose  up  to  take  his  place. 

Schlatter  having  left  the  coetus  in  1755,  soon  found 
that  the  Charity  school  scheme  was  not  to  prove  a  great 
success.  So  he  accepted  a  position  as  chaplain  in  the 
British  army  in  the  Royal  American  regiment,  of  whose 
fourth  battalion  he  was  made  chaplain.  He  was  appointed 
to  this  position,  March  25,  1757,  by  the  commanding 
general,  on  "  account  of  his  ability  and  expertness  in  sev- 
eral languages,  and  in  the  meantime  he  exercised  supervi- 
sion over  the  schools."  This  regiment  was  composed 
largely  of  German  emigrant-e  and  officered  by  German 
officers.  On  May  5  the  English  fleet  sailed  from  New 
York  for  Halifax.  This  regiment  was  present  at  the 
siege  of  Halifax  and  Louisburg,  the  latter  being  captured, 
July  27,  1757.  Bancroft  thus  speaks  of  these  patriotic 
chaplains  there  :  "  There  were  the  cha})lains  who  preached 
to  the  regiments  of  citizen  soldiers,  a  renewal  of  the  da^s 


Schlatter's  later  life.  469 

when  Moses  with  the  rod  of  God  in  his  hand  sent  Jcthro 
against  Amelek."  On  his  way  to  Louisburg,  Schlatter 
passed  Cape  Breton,  off  which  he  liad  been  so  nearly 
wrecked  eleven  years  before.  After  the  war  had  closed 
with  the  siege  of  Quebec,  September,  1759,  he  must  have 
come  home  almost  immediately,  for  in  the  next  month  he 
brought  a  call  to  Muhlenberg  from  the  Germans  of  Lu- 
nenburg, Halifax,  offering  him  $450  for  his  services  as 
pastor  and  teacher  of  the  parochial  school.  The  Reformed 
of  Lunenburg  afterward  appealed  for  help  to  the  Re- 
formed coetus  of  Pennsylvania  in  1772. 

After  the  French  war  Schlatter  resided  at  Chestnut 
Hill,  near  Philadelphia,  on  a  piece  of  ground,  says  Har- 
baugh,  called  the  Cooms  farm,  about  ten  miles  from 
Philadelphia  and  four  from  Germantown,  near  the  Phila- 
delphia and  Reading  turnpike,  fronting  on  a  lane  which 
runs  from  the  pike.  He  gave  this  place  the  name  of 
Sweetland.  He  was  not  with  General  Forbes  in  his 
march  to  Pittsburg.  But  when  the  Bouquet  expedition 
went  to  Pittsburg,  he  went  along  as  chaplain  of  the  second 
battalion,  having  been  appointed  to  it,  July,  1764.  In 
the  fall  of  1776  he  disposed  of  his  plantation  at  Chestnut 
Hill  and  removed  to  a  small  -farm,  which  he  had  pnr- 
chased  fifteen  years  before  of  Anthony  Tnnis.  In  1776 
he  had  l)cen  assessed  for  owning  130  acres  of  ground,  two 
horses  and  five  cows. 

When  the  war  of  the  Revolution  broke  out,  he  strongly 
sided    with    the   patriots.      His   son,    Gerhard    Richard, 


470        THE   GERMAN   EEFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

became  adjutant  in  the  Flying  Camp,  and  was  in  the  bat> 
ties  of  German  town,  Princeton  and  Brandy  wine.  Another 
son  was  a  grenadier.  At  Germantown  he  had  two  horses 
shot  under  him.  When  the  British  captured  Philadel- 
phia, Schlatter  was  exposed  to  much  danger.  He  was 
imprisoned  in  Philadelphia  and  his  house  plundered  by 
the  British  soldiers.  While  this  was  taking  place,  his 
youngest  daughter,  Rachel,  only  fourteen  years  old,  at  the 
risk  of  her  life,  seized  his  portrait  hanging  on  the  wall, 
snatching  it  out  of  the  hands  of  the  soldier  who  reached  to 
take  it.  She  then  ran  with  the  swiftness  of  a  deer  and 
escaped  with  it.  The  soldiers  broke  up  his  furniture,  cut 
open  his  feather  beds,  scattering  the  feathers  to  the  winds. 
They  threw,  says  Harbaugh,  the  silverware  into  the  well, 
and  put  his  papers  on  a  pile  and  burned  them.  All  that 
his  family  rescued  were  his  coat  of  arms,  a  silver-handled 
knife  and  fork  and  silver  spoon  that  he  had  used  when  in 
the  army,  and  a  case  of  small  instruments,  such  as  com- 
pass, lancet,  pincers,  etc.*  While  he  was  in  prison,  his 
daughter,  Rachel,  would  often  ride  to  Philadelphia  on 
horseback,  bringing  him  provisions.  When  the  American 
army  lay  near  Germantown,  Rachel  used  to  plait  the  hair 
of  the  vVmerican  officers,  for  whicli  they  paid  her  pocket 
money. 

By  the  plundering  he  became  comparatively  i)oor.     In 
1778  he  bought  a  small  home  for  $1200  on   the  turnpike 

•  These  were  preserved  in  the  family  of  his  descenduuts,  who  now    live  sit 
Roxborough,  Pa. 


Schlatter's  later  life.  471 

from  Chestuut  Hill  to  Barren  Hill  and  half  a  mile  from 
his  former  residence,  on  the  great  road  between  Philadel- 
phia and  Plymouth.  It  was  on  the  east  side  of  the  turn- 
pike from  Chestnut  Hill  to  Barren  Hill.  There  he  lived 
in  quietness,  occasionally  preaching  and  performing  many 
marriages.*  He  preached  in  Philadelphia,  May  20, 1762. 
Muhlenberg  also  speaks  of  his  preaching  at  Barren  Hill  : 
"On  Easter  Monday,  April  12,  1762,  Mr.  Schlatter  also 
came  and  had  an  appointment  made,  after  my  sermon  to 
administer  the  holy  communion  to  some  Eeformed  mem- 
bers. After  my  sermon  Mr.  Schlatter  added  a  short 
exhortation,  still  further  impressing  upon  their  hearts 
what  they  had  heard.  After  this  he  went  with  his  church 
members  into  the  union  school  house,  where  he  adminis- 
tered the  Lord's  Supper."  Dr.  Harbaugh,  in  his  biogra- 
phy of  Schlatter,  tells  the  story  that  it  was  customary  for 
the  female  worshipers  at  Barren  Hill  to  wear  short  gowns 
and  neat  aprons.  When  Schlatter  would  walk  up  the 
aisle  to  preach,  he  would  always  do  so  in  a  hurried  man- 
ner. He  would  sometimes  stop  on  his  way,  seize  one  of 
these  clean  aprons  and  wipe  the  dust  of  his  glasses,  which 
he  was  carrying  in  his  hands.  This  Barren  Hill  congre- 
gation he  seems  to  have  supplied  with  services  for  the 
Reformed,  but  as  it  was  an  independent  congregation,  we 
find  no  record  of  it  in  the  coetus'  acts.     He  was  on  pleas- 


*  Mr.  Jonas  Detweiler  sajs  that  from  November  12,  1763,  to  November  7, 
1768,  he  bad  64  marriage  licenses;  from  December  23,  1768,  to  July  9,  1770, 
64,  for  which  he  received  the  sum  of  37  pounds  and  10  shillings.  On  April  10, 
1771,  he  returned  12  marriage  licenses,  for  which  he  returned  15  pounds. 


472        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

ant  social  terms  with  Muhlenberg.  On  March  10,  1762, 
Muhlenberg  and  the  Swedish  minister,  Wrangel,  visited 
Schlatter.  They  were  received  in  a  friendly  way  and 
entertained  for  the  night.  On  November  22,  1762,  Muh- 
lenberg says  he  visited  Schlatter,  where  he  with  others 
had  an  edifying  conversation  about  the  kingdom  of  the 
cross.  On  December  15  Schlatter  s})ent  the  night  with 
Muhlenberg.  When  Muhlenberg  was  buried  at  the 
Trappe,  October  10,  Schlatter  attended  the  funeral  of  his 
old  and  intimate  friend.  He  was  on  pleasant  social  terms 
with  many  other  leading  men,  as  General  Hiester,  after- 
wards governor. 

Schlatter  died,  November  1,  1790,  and  was  buried  on 
November  4  in  the  Reformed  burying  ground  at  Phila- 
delphia, which  was  located  where  Franklin  Square  now 
is.  Dr.  Harbaugh  says  :  "  Directly  east  of  the  sparkling 
jets,  a  few  feet  from  the  edge  of  the  circular  walk,  under 
the  green  sod  lie  Rev.  Messrs.  Steiner  and  AVinkhaus,  and 
Drs.  Weyberg  and  Hendcl,  the  elder.  Directly  north  of 
this  spot,  about  midway  between  it  and  Vine  street,  lies 
Rev.  Michael  Schlatter.  As  in  the  case  of  the  rest,  his 
tombstone  was  laid  upon  the  grave  and  covered  by  the 
grading."  His  will  bears  date  of  October  22,  1790,  and 
was  admitted  to  probate  on  November  23,  1790.  His 
daughters,  Hester,  Elizabeth  and  Rachel,  lived  at  Chest- 
nut Hill  and  were  communicant  members  of  the  Re- 
formed church  of  Germantown.  Rev.  Albert  Helffensteiu 
preached  their  funeral  sermon. 


/ 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  XI. 

THE  ATTEMPTED  UNION  OF  THE  REFORMED  WITH  THE 
PRESBYTERIANS  AND  THE  DUTCH  REFORMED. 

This  was  ODe  of  the  most  important  movements 
attempted  in  the  last  century.  It  is  true,  the  union  did 
not  take  place.  But  in  Church  union,  as  in  many  other 
things,  we  learn  as  much  by  failures  as  by  successes.  Rev. 
Dr.  Briggs*  thus  speaks  of  this  attempted  union  :  "  Divine 
providence  in  1744  aiforded  the  American  (Presbyterian) 
synod  a  magnificent  opportunity  for  combining  the  entire 
Presbyterian  and  Reformed  strength  in  the  colonies  into 
one  grand  organization,  etc,"  This  is  true.  It  forms  a 
very  interesting  subject  in  our  early  Church  history. 

The  subject  of  uniting  the  German  Reformed  with  the 
Presbyterians  came  up  first  in  Holland  in  1741.  After 
they  had  been  trying  for  ten  years  to  gain  sufficient 
information  to  intelligently  aid  the  German  Reformed, 
and  were  so  often  balked,  and  especially  when  Dorsius' 
account  of  the  outlook  was  rather  discouraging,  it  occurred 
to  them  that  as  Pennsylvania  was  an  English  colony  and 
they  had  heard  that  there  was  a  Presbyterian  synod 
formed  there,  it  might  be  well  to  turn  over  the  Germans 

*  [n  his  "American  Presbyterianism,"  page  284. 


474       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

to  their  care.  The  deputies,  November  13,  discussed  the 
matter,  that  as  Pennsylvania  was  a  Protestant  land,  it 
might  be  possible  to  obtain  better  results  if  the  German 
churches  were  united  with  the  Presbyterians,  and  thus  the 
Church  of  the  Netherlands  be  relieved  of  the  labor  and 
expense  of  their  care.  The  deputies  ordered  that  a  letter 
be  written  to  Rev.  Mr.  Dorsius  and  to  Rev.  Mr.  Freling- 
huysen,  of  New  Jersey,  for  information. 

No  reply  came  to  this  until  1743,  when  Dorsius  him- 
self visited  Holland  and  attended  the  meeting  of  the  depu- 
ties, September  17,  1743.  With  the  greatest  interest  they 
especially  ask  him  what  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  coetus 
(synod)  was ;  what  were  its  relations  to  the  Reformed,  and 
whether  the  Dutch  and  German  congregations  could  not 
be  united  with  it.  They  judged  this  very  necessary,  in 
order  to  prevent  their  disintegration.  On  September  20 
the  deputies  addressed  a  letter  to  the  officers  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania congregations,  asking  whether  it  would  not  be 
possible  for  the  Dutch  and  German  congregations  to  be 
united  with  the  Presbyterians.  This  letter  was  given  to 
Dorsius,  to  take  with  him  to  Pennsylvania,  to  be  given  to 
all  the  German  congregations,  and  especially  to  Boehm, 
their  leading  minister.  Dorsius,  very  soon  after  landing 
in  America,  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  instructions  of  the 
Holland  deputies.  He  went  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 
had  a  conference  with  tlie  two  Presbyterian  ministers  on 
the  proposed  union.      They  thought  it  could   be   easily 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  475 

arranged.  He  promised  to  have  the  request  of  the  depu- 
ties translated  into  English  and  submit  it  to  their  synod. 
He  laid  it  before  the  synod,  and  it  acted  on  the  letters, 
May  25,  1 744,  thus  : 

"  The  Rev.  Mr.  Dorsius,  pastor  of  the  Reformed  Dutch 
chundi  of  Bucks  county,  laid  a  letter  before  us  from  the 
deputies  of  North  and  South  Holland,  wherein  they  desire 
of  the  synod  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  High  German 
and  Dutch  churches  in  this  province,  and  also  of  the 
churches  belonging  to  the  Presbyterian  synod  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  whether  the  Dutch  churches  may  not  be 
joined  in  communion  with  said  synod,  or  if  this  cannot  be, 
that  they  form  themselves  into  a  regular  body  and  govern- 
ment among  themselves.  In  pursuance  of  which  letter 
the  synod  agree  that  letters  be  wrote  in  the  name  of  the 
synod  to  the  deputies  of  these  synods  in  Holland  in  Latin, 
and  to  the  Scotch  ministers  in  Rotterdam,  giving  them  an 
account  of  the  churches  here,  and  declaring  our  willing- 
ness to  join  with  the  Calvinist  Dutch  churches  here,  to 
assist  each  other  as  far  as  possible  in  promoting  the  com- 
mon interest  of  religion  among  us,  and  signifying  the 
present  great  want  of  ministers  among  the  High  and  Low 
Dutch  (Germans  and  Dutch),  with  the  desire  that  they 
may  help  in  educating  men  for  the  work  of  the  ministry." 

The  synod,  in  order  to  carry  this  out,  appointed  a 
committee  to  correspond  with  the  Church  of  Holland. 
This  committee  was  composed  of  the  president  of  the 
synod.  Rev.  Mr.  McHenry,  and  Rev.  Messrs.  Andrews, 
Cross  and  Evans,  Jr.  Mr.  McHenry  wrote,  June  14, 
1744.     In  his  letter  he  reciprocates  the  kindly  feeling  the 


476        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Church  of  Holland  had  shown  toward  the  Presbyterian 
synod.  He  speaks  of  the  respect  wliich  the  Presbyterians 
had  for  the  German  Reformed,  who  hold  to  the  doctrine 
of  Calvin.  He  says  that  there  are  a  great  number  of  Ger- 
man Reformed  in  the  colony,  but  they  have  only  one  or 
two  ministers  to  serve  them,  and  because  they  are  neg- 
lected, they  are  in  danger  of  being  led  astray  by  adven- 
turers, or  by  sects,  or  by  the  Moravians,  mIio  are  multi- 
plying. He  declares  that  the  Presbyterians  are  favorable 
to  union  ;  but  if  it  could  not  be  brought  about,  they  were 
ready  to  aid  the  German  Reformed  to  come  to  some  organi- 
zation among  themselves.  He  then  appeals  to  the  Church 
of  Holland,  so  well  known  for  its  liberality,  for  a  donation 
toward  a  high  school,  by  which  ministers  might  be  edu- 
cated for  the  ministry.  This  school  would  probably  also 
be  a  help  to  the  Dutch  and  German  churches,  for  their 
young  men  could  also  be  educated  there.*  In  addition  to 
this  letter  McHeury  also  wrote  a  letter  to  Rev.  JNIr.  Ken- 
nedy, the  pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  at  Rotterdam 
in  Holland,  June  26,  1744,  because  he  had  made  known 
to  Dorsius  in  Holland  that  he  would  be  glad  to  help  the 
movement.  Kennedy  ever  afterward  acted  as  the  media- 
tor between  the  Holland   synods   and   the   Presbyterian 

*  Through  the  division  of  the  Presbyterians  in  1741,  by  which  the  synod  of 
Philadelphia  had  cast  out  the  followers  of  Whitefield,  the  latter  had  taken  the 
college  with  them  and  the  synod  of  Philadelphia  had  no  institution  nearer 
than  New  Haven,  so  the  Philadelphia  synod  was  anxious  to  gain  aid  from  the 
Dutch.     They  had  established  one  the  previous  autumn  with  twelve  pupils. 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  477 

synod  at  Philadelphia.  The  letter  to  Kennedy  says  that 
"  it  was  the  unanimous  resolve  to  admit  the  Reformed  who 
held  to  the  doctrines  of  Calvin,  and  that  they  rejoiced  at  so 
fine  an  opportunity.  He  says  that  some  years  before  some 
of  the  Presbyterians  proposed  to  the  German  Reformed  to 
unite  with  them,  that  they  then  recognized  this  as  just  and 
good,  but  since  then  nothing  had  been  done." 

These  letters  were  not  brought  before  the  Holland 
synods  until  April  28,  1745,  when  they  had  come  into  the 
hands  of  the  deputies. 

But  as  the  matter  in  hand  was  so  important  they  post- 
poned action  until  the  meetings  of  the  synods.  The  synods 
listened  to  the  letter  with  great  pleasure,  but  did  nothing, 
simply  referring  it  back  to  the  deputies  again  for  more 
information.  They  said  they  did  not  as  yet  have  sufficient 
light  in  order  to  offer  satisfactory  advice  about  a  matter  of 
such  importance.  Besides  Dorsius  had  not  yet  been  heard 
from,  and  they  did  not  know  what  the  Dutch  of  New  York 
would  do.  The  Dutch  never  were  in  a  hurry.  The  dep- 
uties, however,  continued  the  work.  On  November  16 
deputy  DuYignon  reported  that  he  had  had  a  long  confer- 
ence at  Rotterdam  with  Rev.  Mr.  Kennedy,  who  said  that 
he  thought  there  would  be  no  trouble  about  union  with 
the  Presbyterians.  He  thought  the  Germans  would  be 
allowed  sufficient  freedom  within  the  union  so  that  they 
would  be  satisfied.  The  deputies  heard  with  gladness  the 
report  of  DuVignon,    thanked    Dominie    Kennedy,    and 


478        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

asked  the  former  to  fiud  out  from  the  latter  whether  the 
Presbyterian  synod  had  in  it  any  elements  of  Arminianism. 
DuVignon  reported  at  the  meeting  of  March  15,  174G, 
that  Kennedy  did  not  believe  that  the  Presbyterian  church 
in  Philadelphia  allowed  laxity  of  doctrine,  but  he  would 
find  out.  By  the  time  the  next  synod  met  in  the  sunmier 
of  1746  a  new  star  had  arisen  in  the  path  of  the  synod, 
namely,  Schlatter.  The  deputies  decided  to  wait  for  more 
information  from  him  about  the  Germans,  and  also  from 
Kennedy  in  regard  to  the  Presbyterians.  They,  however, 
expressed  a  wish  that  the  German  churches  might  be 
united  to  the  Presbyterian. 

But  though  everything  looked  so  auspicious,  and  both 
the  Dutch  in  Holland  and  the  Presbyterians  in  Pennsyl- 
vania were  favorable,  nevertheless  difficulties  began  to 
spring  up.  How  often  it  hajjpens  that  the  nearer  two 
denominations  are  together,  the  farther  they  are  aj)art. 
The  closer  toward  union  that  denominations  come,  the 
larger  become  the  few  remaining  diiferences.  Mole  hills 
are  exaggerated  into  mountains,  until  the  union  is  pre- 
vented, not  by  great  differences,  but  by  petty  divergences. 

The  first  difficulty  was  tlie  absolute  refusal  of  the  Ger- 
man Reformed  of  Pennsylvania  to  go  into  a  union  with 
the  Presbyterians.  Dorsius  and  his  Dutch  organization  in 
Bucks  county  were  favorable,  but  the  Germans,  who  were 
far  more  numerous,  were  led  by  Bcelnn  into  direct  oj)posi- 
tion  to  it,     Boehni   in    his   report   to    the    de|)uties,    1744, 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  479 

enumerates  the  following  reasons  against  uniting  with  the 
Presbyterians  : 

1.  The  attachment  of  the  German  Reformed  to  their 
Church  constitution,  which  he  had  drawn  up  and  which 
they  would  have  to  give  up  if  they  entered  the  Presby- 
terian synod. 

2.  The  ignorance  of  the  English  by  the  Germans  was 
an  insuperable  barrier.  Few  of  the  Germans  understood 
English.  How  could  they  get  along  with  each  other 
without  understanding  one  another  ? 

3.  The  giving  up  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  as  that 
catechism  was  not  accepted  by  the  Presbyterians.  The 
Germans  greatly  loved  the  Heidelberg  Catechism. 

4.  The  Germans  were  also  pledged  to  the  Canons  of 
Dort,  which  was  not  among  the  Presbyterian  creeds,  and 
they  did  not  wish  to  give  it  up. 

5.  Boehm  says  that  the  Germans  were  accustomed  to 
their  formulas  for  the  sacraments  and  marriage.  (The 
Germans  had  been  accustomed  to  a  simple  liturgical  ser- 
vice on  these  occasions,  but  not  at  the  regular  church  ser- 
vices.) These,  he  says,  they  did  not  wish  to  give  up, 
Avhich  they  would  have  to  do,  if  they  went  into  union  with 
the  Presbyterians. 

For  these  reasons  Boehm  declined  to  go  into  the  union. 

The  second  opposition  came  from  the  Dutch  Reformed 
of  New  York.  They  had  always  been  strongly  Calvin- 
istic,  and  they  looked  on  the  Presbyterians  as  containing 


480        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

elements  of  Arminianisra.  The  Presbyterians  around 
them  in  New  York  belonged  to  the  Whitefield  party,  upon 
which  they  looked  with  suspicion.  And  they  seemed  to 
have  judged  the  Philadelphia  synod  by  the  Presbyterians 
around  them,  although  the  Philadelphia  synod  had  sepa- 
rated from  the  New  York  synod,  because  it  stood  on  a 
higher  Calvinistic  position  than  the  latter.  The  Dutch 
ministers  wrote  to  Holland,  objecting  to  a  union  with  the 
Presbyterians,  lest  they  be  made  to  unite  with  Arminians. 
Thus  the  matter  was  held  in  abeyance  until  the  Holland 
Church  had  gained  more  information  about  the  Philadel- 
phia Presbyterians. 

Meanwhile  the  Presbyterians  did  not  let  the  matter 
rest.  They  felt  aggrieved  by  the  charges  made  against 
them  by  the  Holland  Church  for  their  departure  from  Cal- 
vinism. On  October  16,  1747,  Rev.  Mr.  Cross,  of  Phila- 
delphia, wrote  a  letter  to  INIr.  Kennedy,  of  Rotterdam, 
defending  the  Presbyterians.  He  said  that  they  favored  a 
union  with  the  Germans  and  Dutch  ;  that  the  objections  of 
the  Germans  on  the  ground  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  and 
the  Canons  of  Dort  were  of  little  importance.  They  would 
be  allowed  to  retain  these  creeds  and  still  be  in  the  same 
organization  as  the  Presbyterians.  Cross  said  the  Presby- 
terians of  Philadelphia  held  to  the  same  standards  and  for- 
mulae as  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland,  with  which 
the  Hollanders  considered  themselves  to  agree.  He  ])ro- 
poscd  a  federative  union,  in  which  tlu;  (icrnians  could  still 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  48] 

retain  their  catechism  and  their  formulas.  He  says  he  was 
especially  astonished  at  the  Dutch  ministers  of  New  York 
in  charging  them  with  heterodoxy.  He  said  the  White- 
field  movement  had  caused  the  schism,  and  the  liberals  in 
theology  had  been  driven  out.  He  denied  that  there  was 
any  Arminianism  or  Pelagianism  among  the  ministers  of 
the  Presbyterian  synod  of  Philadelphia.  On  the  contrary 
the  synod  had  been  careful  to  exclude  from  it  the  followers 
of  Whitefield.  He  closed  with  thanks  to  Mr.  Kennedy 
for  maintaining  their  cause  before  the  Holland  deputies. 

This  letter  for  some  reason  did  not  come  before  the 
deputies  till  March,  1750.  But  though  delayed  it  could 
not  have  come  at  a  more  fortunate  time  to  help  the  move- 
ment for  union.  For  the  Holland  deputies  were  just 
beginning  to  hear  of  the  unfortunate  quarrel  between  Stei- 
ner  and  Schlatter  in  Philadelphia.  And  the  more  they 
heard  of  this,  the  more  complicated  it  became  and  the  less 
the  deputies  felt  they  knew  how  to  bring  peace.  They 
became  weary  of  the  quarrel,  and  felt  it  would  be  a  good 
thing  to  turn  over  the  Germans  to  the  Presbyterians.  The 
latter  were  on  the  ground,  while  the  deputies  were  far 
away,  and  the  Presbyterians  would  therefore  be  able  to 
decide  matters  better.  Besides,  other  important  matters, 
as  the  ordination  of  Lischy  and  Tempelman,  were  await- 
ing decision,  and  the  deputies  could  not  decide.  And 
again,  Boehm,  the  great  opponent  to  union  with  the  Pres- 
byterians, had  died,  so  that  there  was  now  no  opposition 
31 


482        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

to  it  in  Pennsylvania,  especially  as  Schlatter  was  favor- 
able. (And  so  this  project  for  union  reasserted  itself  in 
1750,  and  came  very  nearly  being  accomplished  in  1751, 
as  the  Holland  synods  virtually  accepted  it.)  The  depu- 
ties, therefore,  took  this  action  :  "  Since  the  anxiety  of  the 
deputies  is  increased,  lest  our  pains  and  outlays  for  the 
Pennsylvania  affairs  may  come  to  naught,  when  they 
might  be  saved  by  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church,  there- 
fore deputy  Probsting  Avas  ordered  to  confer  with  Domi- 
nie Kennedy  on  the  subject."  When  the  South  Holland 
synod  met  in  the  summer  of  1750,  one  of  its  classes,  the 
classis  of  Leyden,  overtured  it  in  favor  of  the  union.  The 
South  Holland  synod  approved  of  the  union,  but  as  they 
found  that  some  of  the  communications  about  it  were  in 
English,  they  referred  it  to  the  deputies  for  further  delib- 
eration. The  deputies  reported  to  the  North  Holland 
synod  in  favor  of  it.  The  synod  was  pleased  with  this 
suggestion.  Thus  both  of  the  synods  that  had  the  special 
charge  of  the  work  in  Pennsylvania  acted  favorably  toward 
the  union.  Deputy  Binnevelt  then  wrote  to  DuBois, 
of  New  York,  January  1,  1751,  asking  whether  the  idea 
of  union  with  the  Presbyterians  would  be  a  >vise  move- 
ment to  the  Church  and  agreeable  to  him. 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  South  Holland  synod  in 
1751  four  of  its  classes.  Delft,  Schieland  (Rotterdam),  Bu- 
ren  and  Gouda,  overtured  it  in  favor  of  the  union.  They 
conferred   with   Mr.   Schlatter,  who   was   present  at  the 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  483 

synod,  about  the  matter.  He  had  reported  to  the  depu- 
ties, May,  1751,  thus  :  "The  reason  why  there  is  no  union 
of  the  German  Reformed  Avith  the  Presbyterians,  does  not 
touch  religion,  for  they  Hve  together  as  brethren,  yes,  even 
wish  to  be  united.  J3ut  the  ignorance  of  the  Germans, 
and  their  obstinacy  and  wonderful  misgivings  would  not 
permit  it,  because  they  looked  upon  it  as  a  change  of  reli- 
gion." This  is  rather  strong  language,  and  severe,  we 
think.  But  one  thing  it  reveals, — it  shows  the  tenacious 
love  of  the  Germans  for  their  Reformed  faith  and  their 
Heidelberg  Catechism.  Schlatter  was  ordered  to  make 
every  effort,  when  he  returned  to  Pennsylvania,  to  bring 
about  the  union. 

However,  at  the  meeting  of  the  North  Holland  synod 
of  1751,  which  occurred  later  than  that  of  the  South  Hol- 
land synod,  opposition  to  the  proposed  union  appeared. 
The  synod  said  it  had  learned  that  the  Presbyterian 
Church  of  Pennsylvania  was  not  the  same  as  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  whose  creed  and  cultus  agreed  with  the  Dutch, 
but  it  was  an  independent  denomination,  without  creed  or 
Church  government,  or  simple  liturgy,  such  as  the  Dutch 
used  at  their  services.  It  therefore  declined  to  go  any 
farther  toward  the  union,  until  DuBois,  of  New  York,  was 
heard,  but  it  urged  Schlatter  to  thoroughly  organize  the 
Germans  into  a  strong  coctus  of  their  own,  and  also  to  keep 
up  correspondence  with  the  Dutch  [^coetus  of  New  York. 


484        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

They  ordered  their  deputies  to  vrrite  to  DuBois  for  infor- 
mation.* 

As  a  result  of  this  action  of  the  North  Holland  synod, 
the  next  year,  1752,  the  South  Holland  synod,  which  the 
year  before  had  been  so  favorable  and  seemed  to  see  hope 
for  the  German  churches  in  Pennsylvania  only  in  such  a 
union,  now  decided  against  it  on  the  same  grounds  that 
the  North  Holland  synod  did  the  year  before,  and  the 
North  Holland  synod  in  1753  reaffirmed  its  decision. 
Thus  the  attempted  union  failed.  The  charge  of  Armin- 
iauism  in  the  Presbyterian  synod  stopped  it.  And  Schlat- 
ter's success  in  organizing  the  Germans  made  it  less 
necessary. 

So  ended  this  union  movement.  Had  it  been  accom- 
plished, it  would  have  been  one  of  the  most  important 
religious  movements  of  the  last  century.  Its  political 
eifect  would  have  been  very  far-reaching.  Calvinism 
would  have  gained  the  ascendency  in  the  colonics,  as  the 
Dutch,  German,  Scotch  and  French  Calvinists  became 
united.  As  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  when  viewed  reli- 
giously, was  a  union  of  all  who  were  Calvinists  in  doc- 

*  All  these  things  show  that  Rev.  Dr.  Briggs  is  wrong  in  his  "American 
Presbyterianisiu."  Ue  there  charges  the  conservative  High  Calvinists  that 
when  they  drove  out  the  Whitefield  party,  they  prevented  this  attempted 
union  of  Scotch,  Dutch  and  German  Presbyterians.  The  very  reverse  is  true. 
The  Dutch  had  such  a  horror  of  Moravianism,  which  they  considered  allied 
with  Whitefleldism,  that  they  never  would  have  allowed  the  Germans  to  unite 
with  any  synod  containing  the  followers  of  Whitefield.  Not  merely  this,  but 
they  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  synod  of  Philadelphia,  to  which 
they  once  belonged,  even  though  it  had  cast  them  out. 


ATTEMPTED   UNION.  485 

trine,  namely  Presbyterians,  Reformed,  Congregationalists 
and  Baptists,  against  Episcopacy  (the  only  Arminian 
denomination  favoring  the  American  cause  being  the  Lu- 
therans), it  would  have  greatly  strengthened  this  move- 
ment, if  they  had  united  in  1751  into  an  organic  whole  and 
moved  together. 

It  was  not  only  an  important  movement,  but  also  an 
interesting  study  in  the  new  science  of  irenics  or  Church 
union.  The  time  has  come  when  this  subject  of  Church 
union  should  be  lifted  up  out  of  the  mists  of  confusion, 
which  have  hitherto  surrounded  it,  and  be  elevated  into  a 
science.  The  principles  of  international  law  are  becoming 
clear  and  more  defined,  why  not  those  of  interdenomina- 
tional comity  and  union  ?  This  effort  of  union  reveals  one 
of  the  greatest  obstacles  that  has  always  stood  in  the  way 
of  union,  namely  ignorance  or  want  of  acquaintanceship. 
This  was  the  reason  why  the  Hollanders  broke  off  the 
union.  They  were  misinformed  about  the  Presbyterians 
of  Pennsylvania.  They  understood  that  they  were  a  reli- 
gious denomination  without  creed  or  church  government — 
a  sort  of  a  Congregationalist  body.  Where  they  could 
have  gotten  this  idea,  we  do  not  know.  The  letters  of 
DuBois,  of  New  York,  have  not  turned  up  as  yet,  but  we 
do  not  believe  he  would  charge  the  Presbyterians  \vith 
Congregationalism,  although  we  believe  he  would  have 
charged  them  with  heterodoxy,  because  he  thought  there 
were  some  Arminians  among  them,  for  the  Presbyterians 


486        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHTJRCH   IN   U.   S. 

of  New  York  were  of  the  Whitcfield  stamp.  And 
again,  the  objections  of  the  Pennsylvania  churches  would 
also  have  been  met  by  a  more  thorough  knowledge  of 
church  union  as  a  science.  This  science  had  not  been  for- 
mulated by  that  time.  It  was  an  age  of  polemics,  rather 
than  of  irenics,  Bnt  since  then  the  science  of  union  has 
crystallized  into  three  forms  :  fusion  (wdiere  the  denomi- 
nations melt  into  one),  federation  (where  the  denomina- 
tions remain  distinct,  but  are  united  in  some  higher  court, 
as  the  synod  or  alliance),  and  fellowship  (where  they 
remain  distinct,  but  work  together  in  the  practical  prob- 
lems that  confront  them).  These  may  have  many  phases, 
but  still  they  are  the  general  principles.  Now  if  Boehm 
had  been  aware  of  the  federative  form  of  union,  he  would 
not  have  raised  the  objections  he  did.  But  federative 
unions  were  unknown  in  those  days,  not  even  fellowship, 
to  which  the  churches  usually  come  first,  being  known  to 
any  extent.  It  has  remained  for  this  nineteenth  century 
to  develop  the  idea  of  federation  and  bring  it  into  })romi- 
nence,  and  it  seems  destined  to  be  one  of  the  most  popular 
forms  of  union  in  the  future. 

And  so  in  the  providence  of  God  these  three  denomi- 
nations, the  Presbyterians,  Dutch  Reformed  and  German 
Reformed,  were  permitted  to  remain  separate.  Each  was 
thus  left  to  develop  its  own  particular  phase  of  Calvinism. 
Had  the  union  occurred,  the  Dutch  and  German  elements 
would  doubtless  have  deen  absorbed  in  the  larger  and  con- 


ATTEMPTED   UNION.  487 

tinually  increasing  elements  of  the  English  Presbyterian- 
ism.  But  each  was  allowed  to  develop,  and  we  have 
to-day  the  conservatism  of  the  Dutch,  the  irenics  of  the 
German  and  the  breadth  of  the  Presbyterian.  Besides,  as 
denominations  have  now  grown  in  this  country  so  large  as 
to  become  unwieldly,  and  therefore  unable  to  give  sufficient 
representation  in  up})er  church  courts,  it  is  well  that  they 
remained  apart  and  thus  had  formed  smaller  denomina- 
tions. Even  the  small  ones  will  be  large  enough  for  all 
practical  purposes  by  and  by.  Finally,  even  if  the  pro- 
posed union  did  not  take  place,  it  was  a  prophecy  of  the 
last  century  of  what  did  take  place  in  this  century,  when 
the  Alliance  of  tlie  Reformed  Churches  holding  the  Pres- 
byterian system  was  founded.  Had  that  been  known  in 
1744  and  1751,  it  would  have  solved  the  union.  Let  us 
rejoice  that  in  our  day  we  have  what  they  did  not  then 
have,  an  Alliance  which  shows  the  essential  unity  of  his- 
toric Calvinism,  while  still  perpetuating  its  distinctive 
types. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  union,  we  must  not  for- 
get to  note  a  later  attempt  to  unite  the  coetus  with  the 
Dutch  Reformed  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  That 
Church  had  separated  in  1755  into  two  parts,  a  classis 
independent  of  the  Holland  Church  and  a  conferentie 
which  acknowledged  the  authority  of  Holland.  In  1767 
the  classis  sent  a  delegate  to  the  Pennsylvania  coetus.  Rev. 
John  Leydt.     He  described  the  new  college  started   by 


488        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

the  Dutch  in  New  Jersey,  aud  asked  the  aid  of  the  coetus. 
Coetus  in  reply  declared  itself  glad  to  accept  the  fellow- 
ship of  the  Dutch  brethren,  provided  their  relation  to  the 
Church  in  Holland  was  not  weakened  or  prejudiced.  It 
asked  the  Holland  deputies,  who  were  bitterly  opposed  to 
the  classis,  not  to  think  evil  of  them  for  approving  the 
college,  because  of  its  usefulness  in  raising  up  ministers. 
In  the  coetus  the  next  year  (1768)  three  members  of  the 
Dutch  classis  were  present,  Leydt,  Hardenberg  and  Van 
Harlingen.  They  made  overtures  to  the  coetus  for  a 
union.  This,  if  accepted,  would  compel  the  coetus  to 
declare  itself  independent  of  the  Church  in  Holland.  It 
produced  a  crisis  in  the  coetus.  They  spent  a  whole  day 
on  the  subject,  from  early  morning  till  midnight.  Never 
as  far  as  we  know  did  the  coetus  sit  up  so  late  on  any  sub- 
ject. Although  the  discussions  about  it  are  not  given,  yet 
it  is  evident  that  there  were  some  in  the  coetus  who  were 
friendly  to  union  with  the  Dutch,  and  to  independency  of 
Holland,  not  because  of  any  difference  of  doctrine,  but  for 
greater  liberty.  But  the  coetus  finally  decided,  in  view  of 
the  great  kindness  of  the  Holland  Church  to  them  in  the 
past,  not  to  give  up  submihsion  to  Hollaud.  They,  how- 
ever, opened  correspondence  with  the  Dutch  classis  and 
appointed  delegates  to  attend  it.  When  the  deputies  heard 
of  the  action  of  the  coetus,  they  express  themselves  very 
much  pleased  that  the  coetus  would  thus  remain  true  to 
them. 


ATTEMPTED    UNION.  489 

Thus  failed  the  attempt  to  unite  the  Dutch  and  German 
Reformed  in  America.  This  movement  begun  in  1738 
(when  Boehm  attended  the  preliminary  coetus  in  New 
York),  and  continued  through  1741-52,  and  again  1767-68, 
was  the  forerunner  of  later  movements  in  this  century — 
the  prophecy,  we  trust,  of  a  union  yet  to  come.  For  the 
close  relation  of  our  early  German  Church  to  the  Dutch  in 
Holland  sliould  make  it  easy  to  unite  with  the  Dutch  in 
America. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  XII. 

THE  NEW  MINISTERS. 


A.— Ministers  Sent  from  Holland. 
1748. 

John  Dominicus  Charles  Bartholomaeus, 

He  was  born  at  Heidelberg  and  baptized  there  Decem- 
ber 13,  1723,  in  the  Catholic  church.  He  attended  the 
university  there,  matriculating  January  15,  1743,  and 
afterward  going  to  Franeker  university  in  Holland.  He 
had  changed  from  Catholicism  to  Protestantism,  for  he 
became  a  candidate  for  the  Reformed  ministry  under  the 
classis  of  Franeker  in  Holland,  September  4,  1747.  He 
applied  to  the  deputies  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  October  9, 
1747,  bringing  with  him  excellent  testimonials  from  the 
professors  at  Franeker,  and  an  introduction  to  them  by  a 
recommendation  from  Kulenkamp  of  Amsterdam.  He 
was  ordained  and  commissioned  by  the  deputies,  Novem- 
ber 15,  1747.  He  went  to  America  by  way  of  Loudon, 
where  he  was  very  kindly  treated  by  the  Dutch  and  Ger- 
man Reformed  ministers,  who  took  up  a  collection  of 
ninety  guineas  for  him  and  his  companion,  Hochreutiner, 
in  their  churches.     It  seems  that  they  had  spent  all  their 


THE   NEW    MINISTERS.  491 

traveling  money  given  by  the  Holland  deputies  in  London 
waiting  for  a  ship,  they  having  been  deceived  by  the  skip- 
per who  brought  them  there.  They  evidently  remained 
in  London  over  the  winter  and  sailed  in  the  spring  of 
1748,  after  the  season  for  navigation  had  opened. 

In  July,  1748,  Schlatter  received  word  from  DoBois, 
of  New  York,  that  the  deputies  had  sent  over  two  minis- 
ters, Bartholomaeus  and  Hochreutiner.  On  August  13 
they  arrived  at  Schlatter's  house  in  Philadelphia.  Schlat- 
ter at  once  put  Bartholomaeus  to  work.  He  took  him 
with  him  to  preach  at  Lancaster,  Tulpehocken  and  Falk- 
ner  Swamp,  and  the  coetus  of  1748  assigned  him  to  Tul- 
pehocken. He  was  installed  there,  October  16,  1748. 
When  Hochreutiner  shot  himself  he  offered,  December  21, 
1748,  to  supply  Lancaster  one  Sunday  a  month  with 
preaching.  The  only  coetus  meeting  he  attended  was 
1748.  When  the  coetus  of  1749  was  held,  he  was  begin- 
ning to  be  sick.  This  sickness  increased  until  insanity  set 
in.  At  the  coetus  of  1 752,  before  he  had  become  fully 
insane,  a  request  of  his  was  brought,  that  he  be  sent  back 
to  the  Palatinate  in  the  hope  that  it  might  bring  him  back 
to  health  again.  But  the  coetus  had  no  money  to  do  this, 
although  some  of  the  members  agreed  to  raise  money  to 
aid  his  journey  to  his  native  land.  This  wish  of  his  was 
not  fulfilled.  He  became  violently  insane,  threatened  his 
wife,  and  was  brought  to  Philadelphia  to  one  of  the  hos- 
pitals for  treatment.     The  coetus   dissolved   his   pastoral 


492       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

relation  to  Tnlpehocken,  August  31,  1752.  He  was  com- 
mitted to  the  care  of  the  Reformed  pastor  in  Philadelpliia. 
The  coetus  appropriated  money  to  him  every  year  until 
his  death,  July  28,  1768,  and  afterwards  gave  repeated 
grants  of  money  to  his  widow. 

John  Jacob  Hochreutiner. 

He  was  born  at  St.  Gall,  April  27, 1721.  He  studied 
there  under  his  father  (who  was  a  minister  and  became 
rector  of  the  Latin  school  in  1729),  and  also  under  Profes- 
sor Bartholomew  Wegeliu.  On  December  16,  1743,  he 
was  examined  for  the  ministry.  He  decided  to  seek  ser- 
vice in  the  Lord's  vineyard  elsewhere.  Scheitlein*  says 
"  he  was  an  earnest  and  upright  youth,  but  not  strong  in 
ability,  who  recognized  his  weakness,  and  soon  after  his 
examination  sought  his  fortune  in  another  part  of  the 
world."  Tliis  statement  seems  to  be  hardly  correct,  for 
he  had  more  ability  than  that,  as  his  posthumous  sermon 
showed.  But  Scheitlein  is  right  in  saying  he  sought  ser- 
vice in  a  foreign  land.  On  May  18,  1747,  he  left  his 
native  town  to  go  to  Berbice,  in  British  Guiana  in  South 
America,  as  a  private  tutor  to  a  German.  He  remained 
for  a  time  in  London  and  never  got  any  further.  He 
seems  to  have  gone  back  to  Holland,  where  he  apjieared 
before  the  deputies,  September,  1747,  with  testimonials  of 
St.  Gall  and  a  recommendation  from  Kulenkamp.    He  told 

*  Memorials  of  J.  J,  and  G.  E.  Scherer. 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  493 

them  he  knew  Schlatter  well.  He  then  appeared  before 
the  classis  of  Amsterdam,  October  2,  1747,  and  before  the 
deputies,  October  9,  who  examined  him  very  carefully. 
They  wanted  to  see  if  he  was  thoroughly  Calviuistic,  closely 
questioned  him  against  the  Arminians,  and  decided  to  locate 
him  at  York,  They  ordained  him  the  same  day,  Novem- 
ber 15,  1747,  as  Bartholomaeus,  and  gave  him  money  for 
his  traveling  expenses.  Together  they  went  to  London  to 
come  to  Pennsylvania  in  1748. 

After  his  arrival  here  Schlatter  took  him  to  preach  at 
Lancaster,  Tulpehocken  and  Falkner  Swamp.  Thecoetus 
of  1748  at  Schlatter's  suggestion  assigned  him  to  Lancas- 
ter as  pastor.     His  untimely  death    has   been   previously 

given.* 

John  Philip  Leydich. 

He  was  born  at  Girkhausen  in  Westphalia,  Germany, 
April  28,  1715,  wliere  he  had  been  assistant  to  his  father. 
He  appeared  before  the  South  Holland  synod  at  its  meet- 
ing at  Briel,  July  9-19,  1748,  with  excellent  testimonials, 
and  a  proper  dismissal  from  his  congregation,  asking  that 
he  might  be  sent  to  Pennsylvania.  They  examined  him 
and  found  him  sound  in  doctrine,  an  entire  stranger  to  the 
Moravianism,  and  upright  in  life,  and  so  they  appointed 
him.  They  then  took  up  a  collection  for  his  traveling 
expenses,  which  amounted  to  about  forty-six  dollars  and 
thirty  cents.     With  his  wife  and  two  children  he  arrived 

*  See  Chapter  IV.,  Section  IV.,  page  359. 


494       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

at  Philadelphia,  September  15,  1748,  where  he  was  joy- 
fully received  by  Schlatter. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  1748,  Boehm,  with  an  elder 
of  his  congregation  at  Falkner  Swamp,  came  to  visit 
Schlatter,  aud  begged  that  Leydich  might  be  appointed  as 
regular  minister  at  the  above  named  place  and  in  Provi- 
dence. It  was,  however,  determined  to  leave  the  matter 
rest  until  the  next  meeting  ofcoetus,  Leydich  in  the  mean- 
while preaching  at  both  Falkner  Swamp  and  Providence 
with  great  acceptance.  The  coetus  approved  his  call  to 
these  congregations,  aud  Boehm  installed  him  over  them 
immediately  after  the  coetus,  October  9,  1748.  It  is  a 
family  tradition,  says  Dotterer,  that  when  Rev.  John 
Philip  Leydich,  with  his  wife  and  two  infant  children,  for 
the  first  time  threaded  his  way  through  the  forest,  over  the 
stony  road,  the  vehicle  which  held  them  was  jolted  so 
violently  here  that  the  young  wife,  accustomed  to  the  com- 
forts of  travel  in  Europe,  burst  into  tears  and  besought 
her  husband  to  forego  his  purpose  to  make  Falkner 
Swamp  his  future  homo  and  the  new  world  his  field  of 
labor.  The  good  dominie,  however,  did  not  falter,  and 
said  cheerily  to  his  helpmeet :  "  Ei,  mamma,  ist  dieses 
nicht  das  gelobte  Land  " — Dear  wife,  be  not  disheartened ; 
is  not  this  the  Promised  Land  ?  He  continued  serving 
this  charge  for  a  period  of  thirty-six  years.  He  is  the 
solitary  illustration  in  the  coetus  where  a  minister  had 
one  charge  during  his  whole  life.     He  had  for   his   col- 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  495 

league  and  neighbor  for  many  years  Muhlenberg  at  the 
Trappe,  the  organizer  of  the  Lutheran  Church.  During 
the  French  and  Indian  war  he  joined  on  July  15,  1757, 
with  other  ministers,  as  Otterbein  and  the  Lutherans,  in 
observing  a  fast  day  and  taking  up  a  collection  in  aid  of 
those  who  were  suffering  from  the  Indian  invasions.  He 
was  president  of  the  coetus,  1751  and  1760,  and  its  secre- 
tary, 1756  and  1768,  and  acted  as  visitor  for  the  coetus  in 
1760.  He  complained,  1750,  to  Holland  about  his  pov- 
erty, that  he  received  only  half  his  salary,  receiving  $72, 
The  deputies  gave  him  $40. 

Although  pastor  of  only  one  charge,  he  was  full  of  the 
missionary  spirit.  He  started  congregations  at  Salzburg 
and  Upper  Milford.  He  revived  the  congregation  at 
Skippack.  He  went  across  the  Schuylkill  river  and 
preached  to  the  Germans  in  Chester  county  at  Vincent 
and  Coventry.  He  continued  his  labors,  although  \vith 
increasing  infirmities,  until  his  death,  which  occurred  Jan- 
uary 4,  1784.  His  gravestone  in  Frederick  township 
bears  the  text  2  Timothy  2:3.  "  Leydich  was  a  good  sol- 
dier of  Jesus  Christ."  Dr.  Harbaugh  tells  a  beautiful  story 
about  him.  Mrs.  Margaret  Moser,  who  died  in  Mont- 
gomery county.  Pa.,  at  the  age  of  104  years,  was  baptized 
in  her  infancy  and  confirmed  when  fourteen  years  old  by 
Leydich.  Paying  a  visit  to  this  venerable  woman  on  June 
14, 1854,  a  short  time  before  her  death  we  asked  her  whether 
she  remembered  any  of  the  oldest  ministers  in  this  country. 


496        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

She  remained  silent  while  we  repeated  the  names  of  a  num- 
ber of  them  till  we  mentioned  the  name  of  Leydich.  Then 
she  threw  up  her  head,  her  eyes  brightened  and  smiles  cov- 
ered her  aged  face  while  she  said,  "  O  yes,  Leydich,  he 
was  a  good  man."  What  a  tribute  to  the  life  and  work  of 
a  faithful  pastor,  though  little  known  to  fame.  The 
thing  that  impressed  her  most  was  his  goodness.  He 
seems  to  have  been  a  spiritually  minded  minister  and  a 
faithful  though  quiet  laborer  in  God's  vineyard. 

1749. 

John  Conbad  Steiner. 

He  was  born,  January  2,  1707,  at  Wiuterthur,  in  the 
canton  of  Zurich,  where  his  father,  Jacob  Steiner,  was  a 
member  of  the  city  council.  He  entered  the  ministry 
when  only  nineteen  years  old.  He  was  first  vicar  at 
Mettmenstetten  in  the  canton  of  Zurich  for  two  years 
(1726-1728).  Then  he  returned  to  Winterthur.  He  wrote 
a  book  in  1738,  entitled  "  Tlie  Midnight  Cry,"  a  series  of 
sermons  on  Christ's  second  coming,  dedicated  to  the 
mayor  and  city  council  of  Winterthur.  He  was  pastor  at 
Hemberg  and  Peterzell  in  St.  Gall,  1728-1739.  In  1739 
he  became  afternoon  minister  at  St.  George,  near  Winter- 
thur. But  his  parish  was  too  small  and  his  position  sec- 
ondary. He  longed  for  a  larger  field  for  his  abilities  and 
usefulness.  He,  therefore,  determined  to  go  to  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  went  to  Holland,  where  he  first  met  the  depu- 
ties of  the  North   Holland  synod,   who  sent   him  to  the 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  497 

Hague  to  deputy  Pilaat.  Steiner  asked  to  be  sent  to 
America  in  Hochreutiner's  place.  As  he  brought  excel- 
lent testimonials,  and  as  a  ship  was  to  sail  for  America  in 
a  few  days,  the  deputies  were  hastily  called  together  at 
the  Hague,  June  13-14,  1749.  They  found  him  well 
fitted- for  the  service  of  God's  Church,  and  specially  averse 
to  the  Moravian  errors.  So  they  appointed  him,  and  he, 
with  his  wife  and  three  children,  sailed  for  America.  He 
arrived  at  Philadelphia,  September  25,  1749.  His  later 
life  is  described  elsewhere,*  so  that  we  simply  give  the 
outline  of  his  life  here.  He  was  pastor  at  Philadelphia, 
1749-1751,  at  Germantown,  1749-1756,  at  Frederick, 
Md.,  1756-1759,  and  at  Philadelphia,  1759-1762.     He 

died,  July  6,  1762.t 

1752. 

lu  1752  the  Holland  deputies  sent  over  six  ministers. 
We  begin  with  Otterbein,  who  was  the  most  prominent  of 
them,  having  been  a  teacher  already,  and  follow  with 
AVissler,  as  they  were  already  in  the  ministry  before  they 
came  to  America.  Otterbein  and  Stoy  were  the  strongest 
of  them,  Otterbein  emphasizing  the  spiritual,  Stoy  the 
intellectual. 

*  See  chapter  4,  section  6,  page  376,  and  chapter  5,  section  2. 

f  In  1752  he  published  a  poem  entitled,  "  The  Voice  of  the  Watchman  of 
the  Devastated  Reformed  Zion  in  Pennsylvania  to  the  Ministers  and  Watch- 
men of  that  Church."  It  is  the  longest  poem  yet  published  by  a  Reformed 
minister.  The  second  part  of  it  is  entitled.  "An  Awakening  Voice  to  the 
People  of  Zion  in  General  "  There  was  also  a  "  New  Year's  Wish"  in  rhyme 
addressed  to  him  by  John  Bemhard  Laufersweiler,  January  10,  1751, 


498       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.   S. 

Philip  William  Otterbein. 

Otterbeio  was  boru  June  3,  1726,  at  Dillenburg.  He 
had  a  twin  sister,  Anna  Margaret.  His  father  was  Rev. 
John  Daniel  Otterbein,  a  pious  and  learned  man,  teacher 
in  the  Latin  school  at  Dillenberg  up  to  1728,  when  he 
became  pastor  at  Frohuhausen  and  Wissenbach,  the  former 
about  three  miles  north  of  Dillenburg.  He  died  Novem- 
ber 14,  1742.  Philip  William  was  at  the  university  of 
Herborn  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  which  left  the 
family  without  means.  His  mother  removed  to  Herborn 
so  as  to  live  more  economically  and  also  educate  her  chil- 
dren. She  must  have  been  a  noble  mother,  for  she  reared 
a  family  of  ministers,  who  exerted  a  powerful  influence 
in  the  Reformed  Church  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  this 
country.  Six  of  her  sons  entered  the  ministry.  The  year 
after  her  husband's  death  (1743)  her  oldest  son  received  a 
position  as  vicar  at  Ockersdorf  and  four  years  later  a  pastor- 
ate at  Fliesbach.  So  too  Philip  William  later  received  an 
appointment  which  aided  to  support  the  family.  He  was 
matriculated,  says  Drury,*  in  1742.  Professor  Arnoldi 
felt  a  special  interest  in  him  because  he  had  been  a  pupil 
of  his  father  in  the  Latin  school  at  Dillenburg.  Philip 
William  first  became  a  private  tutor  in  the  county  of  Berg, 
and  then  teacher  (1748)  in  the  school  at  Herborn.  He 
was  examined  for  the  ministry,  May  6,  1748,  and  the  next 
year,  as  his  older  brother  left  the  vicariate  at  Ockersdorf, 

*  Life  of  Otterbein. 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  499 

he  was  appointed  to  it.  He  was  ordained  June  13,  1749. 
Here  he  preached  once  every  Sunday,  and  on  every  first 
Wednesday  of  the  month  and  on  festival  days  and  held  a 
weekly  prayer  meeting. 

It  was  his  mother  who  fed  the  missionary  spirit  within 
him.  She  was  often  heard  to  say,  "  My  William  will  have 
to  be  a  missionary,  he  is  so  frank,  so  open,  so  natural,  so 
like  a  prophet."  He  left  Herborn  with  his  mother's  bless- 
ing upon  him  as  she  said,  taking  him  by  the  hand  and 
pressing  tliat  hand  to  her  bosom,  "  Go.  The  Lord  bless 
thee  and  keep  thee."  His  younger  brother,  John  Charles, 
was  appointed  in  his  place  as  teacher  in  the  Herborn 
school  while  he  went  to  distant  America.  No  wonder 
that  Mr.  Otterbein  requested  as  early  as  March  31,  17§2, 
that  fifty  gulden  be  every  year  taken  from  his  share  of 
the  amount  sent  by  Holland  to  Pennsylvania,  and  that 
it  be  sent  to  his  mother.  He  was  as  good  a  son  as  she 
was  a  mother.  On  his  departure  he  was  given  a  beau- 
tiful academic  testimonial  by  Professor  Arnoldi,  Febru- 
ary 26,  1752,  and  by  Professor  Schramm  two  days  later. 
He  appeared  before  the  deputies  at  the  Hague,  March  9, 
1752,  and  was  solemnly  appointed,  March  14,  for  Penn- 
sylvania. He  arrived  at  New  York  with  Schlatter  the 
night  before  July  28,  1752,  and  entered  on  his  duties  as 
pastor  at  Lancaster,  August,  1752,  engaging  himself  to 
that  congregation  for  five  years.  At  once  his  congrega- 
tion, which  had  had  such  a  succession  of  reverses,  revived, 


500       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

and  the  next  year  they  replaced  the  log  church  built  1736 
with  a  uew  stone  church.  In  1755  coetus  made  him  sup- 
ply of  Reading,  also  of  Conewago.  During  his  ministry 
at  Lancaster  a  great  spiritual  change  took  place  in  him, 
which  led  to  a  higher  consecration  to  his  Savior.  One 
day  after  he  had  preaclied  an  earnest  sermon  on  repentance 
and  faith,  a  man  smitten  with  conviction  came  to  him  for 
advice.  He  knew  not  how  to  answer,  but  sought  his  closet 
and  wrestled  with  the  Lord  till  peace  came.  But  he  was 
not  satisfied  with  his  people,  and  said  he  would  never 
again  accept  a  call  for  a  stipulated  number  of  years.  He 
was  disheartened  at  the  lack  of  spirituality  and  carelessness 
of  church  discipline.  At  the  close  of  his  engagement  with 
them  in  1757  he  was  anxious  to  withdraw  from  their  pas- 
torate. But  his  congregation  was  unwilling.  They  were 
ready  to  promise  him  anything  so  as  to  keep  him.  They 
agreed  to  strict  church  discipline  as  he  asked.  The  coetus 
interceded  with  him  to  stay,  and  he  acceded  to  their  request 
with  the  privilege  of  resigning  at  any  time  he  saw  fit.  He 
remained  at  Lancaster  and  established  a  custom  that  the 
pastor  should  have  a  personal  interview  with  each  com- 
municant before  he  came  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  a  custom 
which  continued  there  for  three  quarters  of  a  century. 
This  custom  was  an  old  one  in  the  Reformed  districts 
along  the  Northern  Rhine,  as  the  diary  of  Prof.  F.  A. 
Lampe,  pastor  at  Duisburg,  abundantly  shows, 


THE   NEW    MINISTERS.  501 

Otterbein  remained  another  year  at  Lancaster,  and  then 
resigned  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Europe  to  visit 
his  relatives.  But  the  severe  winter  and  the  dangers  of 
sea  travel  during  the  war  with  France  led  him  to  tempor- 
arily give  up  his  trip,  and  he  accepted  as  a  supply  the 
Tulpehocken  charge,  which  he  served  for  two  years. 
While  there  he  began,  as  he  had  done  at  Lancaster,  to 
hold  prayer  meetings.  He  would  read  Scripture,  make 
remarks,  and  then  after  the  hymn  was  sung,  they  would 
all  kneel  and  have  prayer.  At  first  only  a  few  would  offer 
prayers,  so  he  often  had  to  do  it  alone,  but  the  number  of 
those  who  took  part  gradually  increased.  Drs.  Drury  and 
Spayth,  his  biographers  in  the  United  Brethren  Church, 
seem  to  think  that  he  was  introducing  a  new  custom,  but 
he  was  not.  He  was  only  reproducing  a  very  common 
custom  among  the  Reformed  of  the  Northern  Rhine.* 
But  he  was  perhaps  the  first  to  introduce  such  prayer 
meetings  as  a  regular  service  of  the  church  into  America. 
In  other  places  they  had  been  held  perhaps  in  times  of 
revival  or  calamity,  but  his  were  held  regularly. 

In  17(30  he  accepted  a  call  to  the  congregation  at  Fred- 
erick, Maryland.  Here  the  Lord  again  greatly  blessed 
him,  and  he  built  a  stone  church  in  1763.  It  seems  that 
some  of  the  congregation  objected  to  his  earnest  methods 
and  locked  the  church.  So  he  mounted  one  of  the  tomb- 
stones in  the  cemetery  and  preached  with  such  great  power 

*  See  my  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Germany. 


502       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

that  the  person  who  had  the  key  could  stand  it  no  longer 
and  delivered  up  the  key.  He  not  merely  preached  at 
Frederick,  but  all  through  Maryland  and  down  into  Vir- 
ginia. Coetus  says  he  almost  worked  himself  to  death. 
He  published  "  The  Incarnation  which  brings  salvation 
and  the  glorious  victory  of  Jesus  Christ  over  the  devil  and 
death,"  a  sermon  preached  in  the  Reformed  church  of  Ger- 
mantown  in  the  year  1760.  In  1763  the  Philadelphia 
congregation  made  overtures  to  him  to  call  him,  while 
they  were  still  having  their  controversy  with  Rothenbuh- 
ler,  and  they  finally  did  call  him.  But  he  felt  he  could 
not  leave  Frederick  just  then,  so  they  called  Weyberg. 
He  remained  at  Frederick  five  years,  during  which  time 
he  was  called  to  Reading,  1761,  but  refused,  and  also  to 
Goshenhoppen,  1762.  In  1765  he  accepted  a  call  to  York, 
although  the  elder  from  Frederick  declared  to  coetus  that 
there  was  great  need  for  a  minister  at  Frederick  on  account 
of  the  great  number  of  convicted  and  awakened  sinners — 
the  eflPect  of  his  earnest  preaching.  After  he  left  Freder- 
ick the  congregation  kept  up  their  own  services,  even 
though  they  had  no  pastor,  for  he  had  trained  the  spiritu- 
ally minded  ones  to  hold  prayer  meetings.  His  successor, 
Lange,  was  a  man  of  a  very  different  type,  who  derided 
prayer  meetings,  but  coetus  in  1767  decided  against  him 
and  for  Otterbein. 

While  he  was  pastor  at  York  he  took  iiis  long  intended 
trip  to   Europe.     He   left   York    in   April,    1770.     He 


THE   NEW   MINISTERS.  503 

appeared  before  the  commissioners  of  the  classis  of  Am- 
sterdam, August,  1770,  on  his  way  to  his  former  home  at 
Herborn.  Great  must  have  been  the  joy  of  his  aged 
mother  and  of  his  five  brothers  in  the  Reformed  ministry 
to  see  him  again.  His  most  ^prominent  brother,  George 
Godfrey,  the  author  of  an  excellent  commentary  on  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism,  1803,  and  the  standard  bearer  of 
the  Reformed  against  the  oncoming  tide  of  rationalism  in 
Germany,  was  pastor  at  Duisburg.  When  they  met  Wil- 
liam detailed  the  story  of  his  spiritual  awakening  at  Lan- 
caster. George  Godfrey  listened  v/ith  deepest  emotion, 
and  rising  from  his  chair,  embraced  his  brother  as  tears 
streamed  down  his  cheeks,  saying,  "  My  brother,  dear 
William,  we  are  now,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord, 
not  only  brothers  after  the  flesh,  but  also  after  the  Spirit. 
I  have  also  experienced  the  same  blessing."  He  left  Her- 
born in  February,  1771,  on  his  return  to  Pennsylvania, 
and  arrived  safely  at  York,  October,  1771.  He  continued 
pastor  at  York  till  1774,  when  he  accepted  a  call  to  Balti- 
more, which  will  be  described  later.  But  Otterbein  all 
through  his  ministry  emphasized  the  spiritual.  He  seems 
to  have  been  the  most  sought  for  as  pastor  by  the  congre- 
gations, and  liis  influence  in  the  coetus  was  very  great. 
He  was  president  of  the  coetus  in  1757  and  also  in  1766. 
Stahlschmidt  says  of  him :  "  He  is  a  very  gentle  and 
friendly  man,  and  because  of  his  pious,  godly  manner  of 
life  was  highly  esteemed  throughout  the  land." 


504      the  german  reformed  church  in  u.  s. 

John  Jacob  Wissler. 

He  was  born  at  Dillenburg,  February  23,  1727.  He 
was  the  son  of  Earnest  Wissler,  the  chamber  servant  of 
the  commander  of  Spina.  He  was  baptized,  March  3, 
1727.  He  attended  Herbofn  University,  and  had  been 
ordained  before  Schlatter  visited  Herborn.  He  was  the 
only  one  of  the  six  young  men  who  came  with  Schlatter 
who  was  married.  He  was  appointed  to  the  Egypt 
charge,  near  Allentown.  He  made  his  first  entry  in  the 
church  record  on  September  24,  1752.  In  the  Schlatter- 
Weiss  controversy  he  sympathized  from  the  beginning 
strongly  with  Weiss  and  against  Schlatter,  to  whom  he 
took  an  aversion  on  his  way  over  the  ocean.  He  did  not, 
however,  live  very  long.  He  died  between  Easter,  1754, 
when  he  confirmed  his  last  class  of  catechumens,  and  Oct. 
30,  1754,  when  the  coetus  speaks  of  him  as  dead,  and 
gives  10  pounds  to  his  widow. 

Theodore  Frankenfeld. 

He  was  born  at  Herborn,  November  25,  1727,  and 
was  the  son  of  Nicolas  Herbert  Frankenfeld,  treasurer  of 
the  town  of  Herborn.  He  studied  at  Herborn,  where  he 
entered  the  fifth  class  of  the  Latin  school,  April  26, 1736, 
and,  April  27,  1741,  the  second  class.  After  his  arrival 
in  America  he  was  assigned  to  the  Frederick,  Maryland, 
charge.  But  although  he  arrived  in  Pennsylvania  in  the 
fall  of  1752,  he  did  not  arrive  at  Frederick   until   May, 


THE   NEW   MINISTERS.  505 

1753,  on  account  of  high  water.  Schlatter  then  accom- 
panied him  and  installed  him  there.  He  was  present 
each  year  at  the  coetus  up  to  June  15,  1756,  when  his 
name  disappears.  His  records  in  the  baptismal  book  at 
Frederick  also  stop  about  that  date,  October,  1756,  so 
that  he  was  probably  too  ill  to  attend  the  coetus,  and  he 
died  that  year.  Lischy  praises  him  in  a  letter  to  Hol- 
land, "  that  he  was  ever  ready  for  good  counsel,  and  had 
won  all  hearts  in  his  congregation  by  his  peaceful  dispo- 
sition. Steubing,  one  of  the  historians  of  the  Keformed 
Church  of  Nassau  in  Germany,  tells  the  story  that  Frank- 
enfeld  sent  for  his  mother  to  come  to  America.  She 
started  with  her  children,  one  of  whom  was  a  student,  but 
the  ship  on  which  they  sailed  was  shipwrecked,  and  they 

all  were  lost. 

John  Casper  Rubel. 

He  was  born  at  Wald,  in  the  county  of  Berg,  in  the 
region  of  the  northern  Rhine,  and  matriculated  May  20, 
1737,  at  Marburg  University.  Stoy  says  Rubel  had  also 
been  educated  at  Herborn.  His  attention  was  called  to 
Pennsylvania  by  the  Appeal  published  by  Schlatter. 
When  he  applied  to  the  deputies,  he  was  a  member  of  the 
classis  of  Solingen,  along  the  northern  Rhine,  and  his 
church  membership  was  given  as  at  Friemersheim.  He 
was  examined,  April  6,  1752,  and  gave  evidences  of  abil- 
ity and  of  Reformed  orthodoxy,  and,  like  the  other  young 
men  who  came  with  Schlatter,  he  subscribed  the  Holland 


506       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

creeds.     His  later  controversy  with  Schlatter  has  already 
been  given.* 

Henry  William  Stoy. 

He  was  born  on  March  14,  1726,  at  Herborn,  the 
youngest  son  of  John  George  Stoy,  a  tailor  at  Herborn. 
He  studied  at  Herborn,  1741,  and  became  a  candidate  of 
theology,  September  15,  1749.  With  the  other  four 
young  men  from  Nassau  he  went  with  Schlatter  to  Hol- 
land, where,  with  Waldschmidt  and  Frankenfeld,  he  was 
examined  by  the  deputies  and  excelled  in  the  examina- 
tion. He  was  ordained  for  the  work  in  Pennsylvania, 
March  14,  1752.  After  his  arrival  in  America  he  was 
assigned  to  Tulpehocken.  During  his  stay  at  Tulpe- 
hocken  he  was  not  well,  being  aifected  by  the  fevers  inci- 
dent to  new  settlements,  and  he  seriously  thought  of 
returning  to  Europe  again.  But  the  coetus  of  1756 
assigned  him  to  Philadelphia  as  a  supply,  and  his  health 
improved,  so  he  wrote  to  the  Holland  deputies,  Septem- 
ber 30,  1757,  that  he  had  finally  decided  to  remain  in 
Pennsylvania.  He  would  have  been  well  able  to  sustain 
himself  in  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  for  he  had  suffi- 
cient ability.  But  his  unfortunate  marriage  with  "  a 
stocking  weaver's  daughter,"  the  daughter  of  Frederick 
Mans,  one  of  his  members,  caused  a  good  deal  of  dissatis- 
faction in  the  congregation,  although  his  elders  stood  by 

*  See  Chapter  IV.,  Section  VIII.,  page  412. 


THE    NEAV    MINISTERS.  507 

him.  The  deputies  requested  him  in  1757  to  remain  until 
they  could  send  some  one  to  fill  his  place  at  Philadelphia. 
He  resigned  and  went  to  Lancaster  in  October,  1758. 
During  these  years  he  acted  as  clerk  of  coetus  and  wrote 
long;  Latin  letters  to  the  Holland  fathers.  In  them  he 
was  very  severe  against  Steiner  and  his  acceptance  of  the 
Philadelphia  congregation  after  Stoy  left.  Indeed,  the 
Holland  deputies  think  he  was  rather  too  severe  in  his 
language  against  Steiner.  He  resigned  at  Lancaster  in 
January,  1763.  At  Lancaster  he  revealed  a  good  deal  of 
activity,  thus  in  seven  months  up  to  May,  1760,  he  had 
baptized  one  hundred  and  received  forty  into  the  Church 
by  profession  of  faith.  He  also  preached  at  Pequea  once 
a  month. 

He  resigned  from  Lancaster  in  January,  1763,  and 
went  back  to  Europe.  He  arrived  in  Holland  before  May 
19,  1763,  when  he  came  into  contact  with  the  commission- 
ers of  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  He  went  to  Herborn  and 
studied  medicine  privately  under  Professor  John  Adam 
Hoffman.  The  classis  of  Amsterdam  reported  that  he 
attended  their  meeting.  May  3,  1763.  It  has  been  stated 
that  he  studied  at  Leyden,  but  the  matriculation  books  do 
not  reveal  his  presence  there.  On  November  5,  1767,  he 
wrote  to  Holland  that  he  had  returned  to  Pennsylvania, 
that  he  had  several  calls,  but  concluded  to  accept  Tulpe- 
hockcn  (the  present  Host  church).  He,  however  com- 
plained that  the  coetus  would  not  recognize  him  as  a  mem- 


508       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

ber,  and  appeals  to  the  deputies  and  the  classis  to  compel 
them  to  do  so.  The  deputies  inquired  in  1 770  of  the  coetus 
why  Stoy  was  not  reported  as  a  member  of  the  coetus.  In 
their  minutes  of  the  coetus,  October,  1771,  they  reply  that 
they  might  wish  to  have  him  a  member,  but  they  were  not 
able  to  do  so,  and  they  think  his  membership  would  cause 
more  injury  than  good  among  them.  Indeed  they  charge 
him  with  having  been  a  stirrer  up  of  strife  before.  (We 
suppose  they  refer  to  his  quarrel  with  Steiner.)  The  depu- 
ties were,  however,  not  satisfied  with  this  explanation,  and 
again  wrote  to  the  coetus,  expressing  their  desire  that  he 
be  received  as  a  member.  The  coetus  replied  to  this  as 
before,  but  added  that  he  had  been  a  cause  of  strife  among 
them  before,  and  that  that  year,  just  before  a  meeting  of 
the  coetus,  he  had  attacked  the  coetus  in  a  public  paper  in 
an  article,  and  he  had  sent  a  circular  to  all  the  ministers 
filled  with  sharp  thrusts.  (He  seems,  however,  to  have  left 
the  Host  church  by  1773,  for  that  congregation  applies  to 
coetus  for  a  minister.)  He  accused  coetus  of  conspiring 
against  the  liberty  of  the  members,  and  thus  he  fostered  an 
independent  spirit  iu  the  church.*  "  It  is  said,"  says 
Rev.  Dr.  Dubbs,  "  that  he  preached  iu  white  clothes  for 
fear  of  being  mistaken  for  the  blackcoats  (ministers)."  He 
was  an  independent  Reformed  minister  the  rest  of  his  life. 
After  he  left  the  coetus  he   seems   to   have  gone  into 

*  He  did  not  origiiuite  this  independent  spirit,    as    Ilarbaugh   says,  for  it 
was  in  the  Church  long  before,  as  in  the  case  of  Goetschi  and  his  successors. 


THE  :new  ministers.  509 

politics  in  addition  to  his  practise  of  medicine.  In  1779, 
dnring  the  Revolution,  be  published  a  letter  addressed  to 
Joseph  Reed,  president  of  the  supreme  executive  council 
of  Pennsylvania,  on  "  The  Present  Mode  of  Taxation." 
It  was  dated  December  17,  1779.*  Stoy  has  the  honor  of 
being  the  first  single  tax  man  in  this  country,  although  he 
meant  by  single  tax  something  different  from  what  is 
meant  now.  Still  he  gave  great  prominence  to  land  in  his 
system.  Stoy,  however,  thought  himself  to  be  a  states- 
man, and  allowed  himself  to  be  elected  a  member  of  the 
Pennsylvania  legislature  in  1784.  He  wrote  frequently 
on  political  subjects  for  the  newspapers. 

But  he  was  most  prominent  as  a  physician,  and  was 
everywhere  known  as  Dr.  Stoy.  He  discovered  a  famous 
cure  for  hydrophobia,  still  known  by  his  name.  He  also 
prepared  a  popular  medicine  known  as  Stoy's  drops.  He 
also  was  active  in  introducing  the  system  of  inoculation 

*  He  prefaced  this  by  objecting  very  strenuously  to  a  man  taking  an 
oa,th,  which  was  really  against  himself,  and  thus  raising  the  tax.  His  plan 
was  to  have  all  the  property,  whether  real  estate,  houses  or  factories,  put  into 
different  classes.  (Young  men  should  not  be  taxed,  but  instead  should  attend 
to  militia  duty.)  The  taxation  should  be  divided  into  different  classes.  The 
single  tax  was  what  the  state  would  ordinarily  need  for  its  expenses.  When, 
however,  there  was  an  unusual  expense,  the  double  tax  could  be  assessed,  or, 
if  necessary,  the  triple.  But  every  man  would  be  assessed  according  to  the 
valuation  of  his  properties  above  made,  which  would  always  be  the  same. 
This,  he  said,  would  save  the  use  of  assessors,  an  office  always  likely  to  be 
abused.  It  would  have  the  advantage  of  an  eternal  law  of  taxation.  Each 
man  could  then  go,  of  his  own  accord,  yearly  and  pay  his  taxes,  as  he  always 
knew  what  they  were.  This  is  a  very  beautiful  theory,  but  not  practicable, 
because  the  values  of  properties  are  continually  changing. 


510       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

for  small  pox,  although  there  was  a  great  deal  ofprejiuliee 
against  this  as  an  effort  to  thwart  providence.  He  was 
very  fond  of  hunting,  and  when  he  would  cross  the  Blue 
Mountains  to  preach,  he  would  go  on  a  Friday  so  as  to 
spend  Saturday  in  shooting.  As  he  was  a  fine  marksman 
he  had  much  success.  He  strongly  sympathized  with  the 
patriots  in  the  Revolution,  was  greatly  interested  in  natural 
sciences,  and  spent  much  of  his  time  in  preaching  against 
the  Deists.  We  fear  it  was  more  apologetical  tlian  evan- 
gelistic. He  tried  to  train  one  of  his  sons  to  be  a  Nazar- 
ite, — to  let  his  hair  grow,  to  abstain  from  drink,  and  not 
to  attend  a  funeral  or  go  where  there  was  a  corpse.  He 
thought  that  thereby  the  son  would  grow  up  as  strong  as  a 
Samson.  But  he  did  not  succeed  in  this.  He  died  at 
Lebanon,  September  14,  1801,  and  was  buried  at  the  Host 
church.  A  good  criticism  of  his  preaching  was  made  by 
the  Moravians  in  the  diary  of  the  Hebron  church  near 
Lebanon  :  "  In  his  sermons  he  is  very  philosophical,  deep 
and  expatiating,  which  obscures  and  taints  even  the  evan- 
gelical doctrines,  which  he  at  times  propounds."  He  was 
a  kind  son,  as  he  ordered  the  deputies  repeatedly  to  send 
part  of  his  salary  to  his  parents,  1754.  He  was  probably 
the  first  member  of  the  coetus  to  begin  the  instruction 
privately  of  young  men  for  the  ministry,  apian  afterwards 
pursued  by  Hendel,  Weyberg  and  others  with  great  suc- 
cess. In  1756  he  began  giving  lessons  to  a  young  man 
named  Bonner,  and  the  coetus  acts  of  1757  say  Bonner  is 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  511 

still  "  courting  the  Muses"  under  Stoy.  The  deputies  grant 
their  permission  to  this  provided  it  does  not  interfere  with 
his  pastoral  work. 

John  Waldsciimidt. 

He  was  born  at  Dillenburg,  August  6,  1724,  a  son  of 
John  Henry  Waldschmidt.  He  studied  at  Herborn  Uni- 
versity. His  opportunities  for  an  education  were  limited, 
he  having  obtained  a  chance  for  it  only  after  being  twenty 
years  of  age.  Hence  he  was  perhaps  less  well  educated 
than  the  rest  who  came  over  with  him.  He  went  with 
Schlatter  to  Holland,  where  he  was  examined  and  ordained 
by  the  deputies,  March  14,  1752.  On  his  arrival  in  Penn- 
sylvania Schlatter,  who  had  decided  to  remain  in  the 
Philadelphia  congregation,  expected  to  keep  Waldschmidt 
with  him  as  his  assistant,  but  the  opposition  of  that  con- 
gregation to  Schlatter's  return  as  pastor  prevented  this 
from  being  carried  out.  So  he  was  assigned  to  the  Muddy 
Creek  charge.  At  the  coetus  of  October  18,  1752,  he 
asked  what  he  was  to  do  about  the  independent  Reformed 
minister,  Frederick  Casimir  Miller,  who  disturbed  his 
charge.  Coetus  told  him  to  go  on  preaching,  as  nothing 
else  could  be  done  until  the  Lord  took  this  hindrance  out 
of  the  way.  After  Stoy  left  Tulpehocken,  he  was  appointed 
to  supply  his  charge  and  also  Reading.  He  wrote  to  the 
deputies,  November  22,  1752,  very  bitterly  warning  them 
against  the  coetus  for  ordaining  uneducated  men  (he  prob- 
ably referred  to  the  case  of  his  neighbor,  Tempelman,  whp 


512        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

had  preached  at  Muddy  Creek  before  him).  In  1756, 
September  13,  he  ordered  the  deputies  to  pay  100  gulden 
of  the  money  sent  to  Pennsylvania  to  his  mother  for  his 
education.  But  by  1760  some  complaints  begin  to  come 
in  to  coetus  against  him  that  he  was  not  diligent  in  house 
visitation.  In  1763  he  preached  at  Berne  and  Cacusi. 
He  seems  to  have  left  Muddy  Creek  by  1770,  and  in  1771 
Heidelberg  church,  Berks  county,  brought  complaints 
against  his  ministry  for  slowness  and  negligence,  and  so 
the  love  of  the  congregations  had  grown  cold,  and  he  left. 
He  continued  to  serve  some  congregations  in  eastern  Lan- 
caster county,  as  Swamp,  and  in  western  Berks  county 
until  his  death,  September  14,  1786.  A  curious  incident 
occurred  several  years  later.  On  Sunday,  June  2,  1793, 
while  a  large  congregation  at  the  Swamp  church,  Lancas- 
ter county,  where  he  was  buried,  was  engaged  in  worship, 
suddenly  the  tombstone  of  Waldschmidt  broke  off  at  the 
top  of  the  ground  and  fell  flat  on  his  tomb.  The  wonder 
was  increased  because  his  widow,  who  had  become  insane 
long  before  and  had  not  spoken  a  word  for  years,  began  to 
speak  on  that  day. 

B.— Ministers  Raised  up  by  the  Coetus. 

John  Conrad  Tempelman. 

He  was  not  really  a  new  minister,  as  he  was  one  of  the 
first  preachers  in  Pennsylvania,  still,  as  he  was  not  received 
into  the  coetus  till  1752,  we  place  him  here.     His  earlier 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  513 

ministry  lias  been  previously  given.*  He  attended  the 
coetus  of  1749  as  a  candidate  for  the  ministiy.  The  depu- 
ties, while  Schlatter  was  in  Holland,  ordered  his  ordina- 
tion. And  when  Schlatter  returned  to  Pennsylvania, 
Terapelman  was  examined  by  the  coetus  of  1752,  passing 
an  unusually  good  examination  in  the  sciences.  He  was 
ordained  by  Schlatter  at  that  meeting  of  coetus,  October 
21,  1752.  He  enlarged  his  field,  preaching  at  Swatara. 
He  was  present  at  the  coetus  of  1753,  1754  and  1755.  In 
1757  he  is  absent  because  of  defective  eyesight,  on  account 
of  which  he  is  no  longer  able  to  serve  his  congregations. 
In  1760  he  is  reported  stone-blind,  and  preaching  seldom, 
and  in  his  own  house.  Some  of  the  aged  members  of  the 
Swamp  church  remember  seeing  him  led  up  into  the  pulpit 
to  preach  after  he  was  blind.  It  is  said  he  spent  his  last 
years  with  his  sister,  Mrs.  Brunner,  and  died  about  1761. 
He  was  buried  about  four  miles  southeast  of  Lebanon  at  a 
place  called  Tempelman's  Hill,  near  which  he  used  to  live. 
He  was  a  pious  man  and  did  excellent  work  for  the  Church, 
and  he  still  lives  in  blessed  memory  in  the  churches  around 

Lebanon. 

Jonathan  DuBois. 

We  know  nothing  of  his  early  life  except  that  he  was 
educated  for  the  ministry  under  Dorsius  and  two  Presby- 
terian ministers.  When  a  young  man  he  together  with 
David  Marinus  (who  afterwards  went  into  the  Dutch   Re- 

*  See  page  108. 

33 


514        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

formed  Church  as  pastor  at  Aquackanonck  and  Pompton 
Plains)  appeared  before  Schlatter,  October  28,  1748,  and 
asked  whether  he  could  be  examined  by  coetus  for  the 
ministry.  Unfortunately  the  coetus  for  that  year  had  just 
closed  its  session,  and  so  he  had  to  wait  till  the  next  year. 
In  1752  the  deputies  decided  favorably,  and  when  the 
coetus  of  1752  met,  he  with  Tempelman  was  examined, 
and  he  excelled  in  the  languages.  He  was  ordained,  Oc- 
tober 21,  by  Schlatter  as  president.  He  had  before  this 
acted  as  Schlatter's  amanuensis,  and  in  copying  his  early 
journal,  assisted  him  as  much  as  seven  times.  It  is  also 
likely  that  during  the  meantime  he  acted  as  a  supply  of 
Dorsius'  vacant  congregation,  to  which  he  was  afterward 
called  as  pastor.  In  the  controversies  which  afterward 
followed  in  the  coetus,  he  was  ever  the  devoted  friend  of 
Schlatter.  He  suggested  at  the  coetus  of  1756  that,  like 
the  Presbyterians,  four  days  be  kept  as  days  of  fasting  and 
prayer  in  view  of  the  Indian  wars. 

In  1758  he  asked  to  be  dismissed  to  the  coetus  of  New 
York,  giving  as  a  reason  that  he  could  not  understand  the 
German  language,  and  that  especially  his  elders  found  it 
difficult  to  understand  it  at  th^  coetus.  He  seems  to  have 
changed  his  mind,  for  he  remained  in  the  coetus  until  his 
death.  In  1762  he  was  made  president  of  the  coetus.  At 
the  coetus  of  1772  he  presented  the  claims  of  the  new  col- 
lege in  New  Jersey  started  by  the  Dutch  Reformed,  and 
asked   that   it  be    recommended    to    the    congregations, 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  515 

which  was  done.  He  died  before  the  coetus  held  October 
27,  1773,  as  it  speaks  of  his  death.  His  congregation 
afterwards  called  a  pastor  for  the  Dutch  coetus  of  New 
York  and  left  the  Pennsylvania  coetus,  and  has  ever  since 
been  a  part  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church  of  America. 


CHAPTER  IV.— SECTION  XIII. 

THE  INDEPENDENTS. 

.  Frederick  Casimir  Miller. 

He  was  from  Stetichein,  near  Mayeuce,  where  he  had 
been  school-teacher.  He  came  to  America  before  1744. 
Schlatter  found  him  as  a  school-teacher  at  Gosheuhoppen, 
where  he  had  been  teaching  and  preaching  before  Weiss 
returned  from  New  York  state,  and  he  gave  Weiss  a  great 
deal  of  trouble  in  his  field.  Schlatter  says  he  was  the  only 
one  of  the  independent  ministers  who  had  not  expressed  a 
wish  to  submit  himself  to  the  Holland  Church.  Indeed 
he  antagonized  the  Holland  Church.  He  had  about  ten  or 
a  dozen  small  congregations  in  and  around  Oley.  And  in 
New  Goshenhoppen  about  eighteen  heads  of  families  were 
with  him,  while  Weiss  had  thirty.  Miller  traveled  around 
during  the  week  trying  to  prejudice  the  German  people 
against  Schlatter  and  the  Church  of  Holland  by  saying 
that  if  they  submitted  to  it  they  would  give  up  their  free- 
dom and  come  into  intolerable  bondage.  Schlatter  had 
him  come  to  him,  September  23,  1746,  at  Oley,  and  in  the 
presence  of  Weiss  proposed  that  he  allow  the  Holland 
synods  to  have  him  ordained  if  he  would  submit  to  them, 
and  then  be  regularly  installed  as  pastor  of  a  charge.    The 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  517 

condition  was  that  he  no  longer  administer  the  sacraments 
or  perform  marriages  nntil  Schlatter  had  gained  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Holland  deputies.  Miller  seems  to  have  agreed 
to  this,  but  the  next  Sunday  he  broke  the  agreement  by 
baptizing,  and  by  announcing  that  in  four  weeks  he  would 
administer  the  Lord's  Supper.  On  October  19,  1746, 
Schlatter  tried  to  induce  his  adherents  at  New  Goshenhop- 
pen  to  come  over  to  Weiss,  but  in  vain.  Schlatter  reported 
Miller's  continued  opposition  to  the  Holland  deputies,  who 
praised  him  for  his  perseverance  in  holding  "  the  obstrep- 
erous Miller"  in  check.  When  Miller,  however,  found 
that  the  coetus  had  split  into  two  sections  in  1753,  he  made 
application  to  the  party,  which  favored  more  independence 
in  the  Church,  and  was  led  by  Weiss  and  Steiner,  to  be 
received  as  a  member  of  the  coetus.  It  is  to  the  credit  of 
this  coetus  of  1753  that  they  refused  to  grant  his  request, 
because  he  was  uuordained  and  led  an  offensive  life.  He, 
therefore,  never  became  a  member  of  the  coetus.  He  ded- 
icated the  Longswamp  Reformed  church  in  September, 
1748.     He  was  in  Oley,  according   to   Lutheran   records, 

in  1764.* 

Philip  Jacob  Michael. 

He  was  a  different  sort  of  a  man   from  the   preceding. 
He  was  born  1716,  and  was  a  weaver  by  trade.     He  began 

*  There  was  a  Frederick  Miller  preaching  at  Lebanon,  who  is  mentioned 
in  the  diary  of  the  Moravian  church  as  a  pious  man.  Hs  could  hardly  have 
been  Frederick  Casimir  Miller,  whose  offensive  life  caused  coetus  to  refuse 
him. 


518        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

preaching  without  ordination.  On  July  29,  1750,  he 
became  pastor  of  Ziegel's  congregation,  Lehigh  county,  and 
dedicated  their  church  at  that  time.  His  records  on  the 
church  book  reveal  him  to  be  a  man  of  very  ordinary  edu- 
cation. Still  he  had  a  good  character,  and  })lain  country 
people  said  of  him,  "  He  preaches  well."  He  became 
pastor  of  Heidelberg  congregation  in  1744,  when  he  dedi- 
cated the  first  church  for  the  Keformed,  and  the  Reformed 
made  a  contract  with  the  Lutherans,  March  28,  1745, 
which  he  signed  for  the  Reformed.  His  predecessor  there 
had  been  Andrew  Steiger,  the  school-master  of  Lynntown, 
who  used  to  come  and  hold  religious  services  in  the  houses. 
He  succeeded  Frederick  Casimir  Miller  at  Longswamp, 
and  was  pastor  there  till  1753.  He  again  became  pastor 
there  from  1763  to  the  end  of  1774,  and,  when  Helffrich 
left,  again  in  1780.  He  was  pastor  of  the  Ebcnezer  con- 
gregation, 1760-1770.  (This  congregation  was  also  called 
the  Organ  congregation,  because  it  had  a  small  organ.) 
He  was  pastor  of  Weissenberg,  1761-1770,  after  Kidcn- 
weiler  had  left.  He  preached  at  Lowhill,  September  3, 
1769-1772,  though  he  never  was  pastor  of  the  church, 
only  preaching  occasionally.  He  founded  the  Jacobs  con- 
gregation. 

It  seems  he  appealed  to  Schlatter  to  be  examined  and 
received  into  the  coetus,  but  Schlatter  not  only  refused, 
but  made  no  report  of  it  to  Holland,  or  gave  his  reasons 
for  it.     After  Schlatter  had  left  the  coetus,  he  again  applies 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  519 

to  them  in  1764,  asking  that  he  be  admitted  and  stating 
tliat  he  had  been  pastor  for  fourteen  years  of  the  congre- 
gations in  Maxatawny,  and  that  he  served  twelve  congre- 
gations. Coetus  communicated  his  request  to  Holland  and 
urged  that  he  be  received,  but  the  deputies  refused.  The 
classis  decided  that  he  be  compelled  to  come  to  Holland 
for  ordination,  as  did  the  deputies,  which  of  course  was 
impossible.  As  he  was  becoming  aged  he  did  not  press 
his  application  to  coetus,  and  his  congregations  were  satis- 
fied that  he  should  continue  preaching  without  ordination. 
He  became  chaplain  of  the  American  Army  in  the  Rev- 
olution, being  appointed  May  17,  1777.  He  did  a  quiet 
but  good  work  and  did  not  antagonize  the  coetus.  How- 
ever, in  his  later  years  he  injured  the  church  by  ordaining 
with  his  own  hand  and  alone  Cyriacus  Spangenberg,  the 
adventurer,  to  whom  coetus  had  refused  ordination.  The 
St.  Michael's  church  in  upper  Berks  county  is  said  to  be 
named  after  him,  says  Rev.  Dr.  Helffrich  in  his  "  History 
of  the  Congregations  in  Lehigh  and  Berks  Counties," 
from  whom  many  of  the  facts  concerning  Michael  and  the 
other  independents  here  named  are  taken.  Michael  lived 
between  Longswarap  and  DcLong's  church  on  a  knob  still 
called  "  Michael's  Knob." 

John  Rudolph  Kidenweiler  (Kittweiler). 

Unlike  the  last  two  named  he  was  a  regularly  ordained 
Reformed  minister,  and  evidently  was  an  acceptable 
preacher.     He  was  born,  January  2,   1717.     He  came  to 


520        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Pennsylvania  from  Basle,  and,  like  Lischy,  was  known 
among  the  people  as  the  Swiss  preacher.  He  qualified  in 
Philadelphia,  September  28,  1749.  He  went  with  the 
Swiss  colony  to  Swiss  Erick,  at  the  upper  end  of  Lehigh 
county,  and  preached  to  his  countrymen  for  a  time  in  the 
houses,  and  then,  in  1750,  he  founded  the  Weissenburg 
congregation.  He  also  served  the  Little  Lehigh  congre- 
gation after  1754,  but  left  both  of  them,  November,  1761, 
because  of  a  controversy  between  him  and  the  cougreg-a- 
tion,  with,  however,  nothing  dishonorable  to  himself.  He 
had  been  called  by  middle  of  May,  1756,  to  the  Long- 
swamp  congregation.  In  1759  he  built  the  Salzburg 
church,  with  George  Weber,  Christian  Liess  and  Conrad 
Jacobi  as  Reformed  elders.  He  preached  at  Longswamp 
for  seven  years  and  six  months.  He  was  called  in  1763 
to  Great  Swamp  and  preached  there  for  about  one  year, 
when  he  died  there,  October  2,  1764. 

John  Henry  Decker. 

John  Henry  Decker  became  pastor  of  the  Cacusi 
church  in  Berks  county  in  1751.  There  is  a  John  Henry 
Decker,  who  (pialified  at  Philadelpliia,  Scj)tember  14, 
1751.  He  was  pastor  at  Cacusi  a  second  time,  1753-1755, 
and  in  1759  was  taxed  six  pounds. 

John  Egidius  Hecker. 

John  Egidius  Hecker  was  born  at  Dillenburg,  January 
26,  1726,  the  son  of  the  ducal  attendant,  John  Wigand 
Hecker.     He    (qualified    at    Philad('lj)liia,   September    23, 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  521 

1751,  and  preached  without  ordination.     He  applied  to 

the  coetus  of  1752,  recommended  by  Waldschmidt,  but  the 

coetus  replied  that  it  had  not  authority  to  ordain  hira,  and 

admonished    him    not   to    preach,    as    he    had    not    been 

ordained.     As  he   came  from  Nassau,  he   had    probably 

been  acquainted  with  Nassau  young  men  who  (!ame  over 

with  Schlatter  in   1752.     He  preached  at  Tohickon  and 

Lower  Saucon.     In  1758  he  opened  the  church   record  at 

Upper  Milford,  where  he  continued  until   1706,  when  he 

retired. 

Jacob  Reiss. 

Jacob  Reiss  was  born  on  April   10,  1706.     He  was 
pastor  at  Indian  Field,  1749-1753,  and  pastor  at  Goshen- 
hoppen  after  Weiss'  death  up  to  1766.     He  died,  Decem- 
ber 23,  1774,  and  was  buried  at  Tohickon. 
John  Casper  Lapp. 

He  was  born  at  Windecken,  a  little  town  a  few  miles 
north  of  Hanau,  where  his  father,  Francis  Lapp,  was  a 
physician.  He  was  educated  at  Hanau,  Offenbach  and 
Marburg.  He  matriculated  at  Hanau  gymnasium,  July 
27,  1740,  and  closed  his  course  by  going  to  Marburg, 
where  he  matriculated,  April  16,  1744.  He  was  ordained 
to  the  office  of  teacher  (preacher)  by  order  of  the  king  of 
Sweden  (who  then  ruled  Hanau)  at  Marburg,  December 
20,  1744.  He  then  served  the  charge  at  Neukirchen  up 
to  January  10,  1746,  faithfully  and  well  they  say  in  their 
dismissal  of  him.     He  was  then  assistant  to  an  old  minis- 


522        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHTJRCn   IN   U.    S. 

ter  named  Daniel  Seel,  in  the  county  of  Sayn  Hachenburg, 
and  after  his  death  served  five  villages.  Bnt  the  position 
was  sold  through  simony  to  another  man,  and  so  he  had 
to  leave.  He  became  assistant  minister  at  Rabenschied, 
where  he  labored  four  years,  during  which  time  he  vicari- 
ated a  year  and  a  half  at  the  court  of  the  countess'  mother 
of  Dillenburg  during  the  vacancies  of  the  court  preachers. 
He  was  then  called  to  a  charge  in  the  district  of  Solms 
Hohenzollern  for  four  years,  where  he  became  mixed  up 
in  a  disturbance  so  that  his  life  was  threatened.  He  then 
became  pastor  at  Niederweissel,  in  the  Wetterau  district. 
Their  letter  of  April  29,  1753,  says  that  they  were  well 
satisfied  with  him  and  wanted  him  to  remain,  but  the  salary 
was  too  small. 

He  was  led  to  tliink  of  Pennsvlvania  through  the  five 
young  ministers  whom  Schlatter  took  from  that  district. 
So  he  started  for  Rotterdam  with  his  wife  and  two  chil- 
dren. He  arrived  there,  June  19,  1753,  intending  to  pre- 
sent himself  to  the  deputies  to  be  sent  to  America.  But 
as  he  found  a  vessel  just  about  sailing  on  tlie  21st,  without 
waiting  to  meet  them  he  sailed.  He  lauded  sick  at  Pliila- 
delphia,  October  2,  1753,  with  a  wife  and  boy  three  years 
of  age,  evidently  having  lost  a  child  on  the  way.  He  then 
discovered  the  mistake  he  had  made  in  not  appearing  before 
the  deputies,  and  being  properly  sent  to  Pennsylvania. 
However,  Rubel  welcomed  him  and  succeeded  in  getting 
him  into  the  charge  at  Amwell,  N.  J.     He  had  been  called 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  523 

before  to  Rhinebeck,  N.  Y.,  but  had  refused,  as  he  did  uot 
think  the  place  suitable.  He  says  he  was  the  first  to  give 
Am  well  regular  preaching,  as  before  it  had  been  served 
only  a  few  times  a  year  by  ministers  from  Philadelphia. 
In  the  Rubel  controversy  he  wrote  to  Holland  in  favor  of 
Rubel  and  against  Schlatter.  He  seems  to  think  that 
Schlatter  had  probably  not  mentioned  this  congregation  to 
Holland.  In  this  he  is  mistaken.  But  he  tells  the  story 
about  Schlatter,  that  on  one  occasion  for  trivial  causes  he 
ran  out  of  the  pulpit,  declaring  he  would  not  preach  any 
more.  But  after  a  half  or  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he  came 
back  again  and  preached.  But  the  majority  had  left  the 
church.  Lapp  says  he  was  installed  over  his  congregation 
by  Frelinghuysen,  of  the  Raritan.  He  wrote  a  very  earnest 
appeal  to  the  deputies  in  April  1,  1756,  asking  for  financial 
aid,  as  his  salary  was  small.  They  replied  to  him  that  as 
they  had  no  money  they  would  not  be  able  to  help  him, 
although  they  sympathized  with  him.  He  was  one  upon 
whom  Rubel  relied  to  build  a  new  coetus. 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  COETUS  UP  TO  THE  REVOLUTION. 


SECTION  I. 

THE  REFORMED  IN  CIVIL  AFFAIRS. 

The  Reformed  played  an  important  part  in  the  making 
of  America,  althongli  their  share  in  it  has  been  forgotten, 
as  they  have  not  blown  their  trnmpets  as  londly  as  sonie 
other  denominations.  Nevertheless  their  work  is  becoming 
more  generally  recognized.  Although  fears  were  expressed 
by  the  British  about  the  Germans  of  Pennsylvania,  lest 
they  might  join  the  French  in  case  of  a  war  between  Eng- 
land and  France,  yet  the  Germans  never  thought  of  such 
a  thing.  They  were  too  thankful  to  England  for  offering 
an  asylum  to  them  from  their  persecutions,  and  they  had 
been  foes  of  France  too  long  to  join  them.  When  they 
arrived  at  Pennsylvania  they  qualified  or  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  king  of  England.  When  Morris  was 
appointed  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Reformed  minis- 
ters of  the  coetus  presented  him,  November  2,  1754,  a 
memorial,  assuring  him  of  their  adherence  to  the  king.  It 
was  signed  by  Waldschmidt,  Frankenfeld,  DuBois,  Tem- 
pelman,  Steiner,  Schlatter,  Rieger,  Weiss,  Leydich,  Lischy, 


THE   REFORMED   IN   CIVIL   AFFAIRS.  525 

Otterbein  and  Stoy.  On  November  they  with  all  the  Ger- 
mans presented  a  memorial  to  him,  among  whose  signers 
were  a  number  of  Reformed.  Morris  replied  to  this  that 
he  would  try  to  stop  the  rumors  afloat  about  their  defection 
to  France,  and  promised  to  protect  them  to  the  best  of  his 
ability. 

When  the  French  and  Indian  war  broke  out  the  Ger- 
mans were  a  most  important  element  in  Pennsylvania  for 
the  British.  For  the  Quakers  opposed  war,  and  the  bnmt 
of  it  fell  on  the  Germans,  who  were  settled  largely  along 
the  borders.  They  sprang  to  arms.  During  the  war  the 
border  congregations  suffered  a  good  deal,  as  the  charges 
at  Easton,  on  the  Lehigh,  Lynn,  Tulpehocken,  Frederick, 
Md.,  and  Winchester,  Va.  Steiner  in  his  letter  of  1757 
says  he  visited  the  Reformed  around  AVinchester  and  noted 
how  they  were  afraid  to  attend  religious  services,  and  had 
deserted  their  homes  and  lived  in  miserable  forts  for  pro- 
tection. He  preached  at  a  certain  place  where  a  month 
before  seven  had  been  killed  by  Indians  and  fourteen  car- 
ried away  captive.  Stoy  in  his  letter  of  September  30, 
1757,  says  that  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Tulpehocken 
district  had  either  fled  or  been  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 
The  Indians,  he  says,  were  more  savage  than  wolves,  tigers 
or  lions.  He  says  we  have  lost  some  of  our  congregations 
partly  or  wdiolly.  The  place  where  Wissleif  labored  along 
the  Lehigh  was  pillaged  and  robbed  of  its  inhabitants. 
The  Ebenezer  congregation  in  Lehigh  county  suffered  very 


526        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

much  because  the  Indian  trail  passed  the  mountains  near 
it.  Some  there  in  fleeing,  like  the  Zeissloif  family,  were 
murdered.  Often  the  men  of  the  house  went  to  bed  ^vith 
a  loaded  gun  and  an  axe  by  their  bedside  to  defend  them- 
selves if  necessary,  says  Helifrich.  On  July  15,  1757, 
there  appeared  an  appeal  in  the  Philadelphia  Zeitung  for 
funds  for  the  people  along  the  borders  who  were  impover 
ished  by  war.  Among  the  signers  ready  to  receive  dona- 
tions were  Leydich  and  Otterbein.  The  Reformed  con- 
gregation at  Providence  held  a  day  of  confession  of  sin  and 
of  fasting  because  of  the  war,  and  took  up  a  collection  for 
the  sufferers.  The  coetus  of  1757,  at  the  suggestion  of 
DuBois,  following  the  example  of  the  Presbyterians, 
appointed  four  days  that  year  as  days  of  fasting  and  prayer 
in  view  of  the  war. 

But  the  most  interesting  public  character  among  the 
Reformed  of  this  period  was  Colonel  Henry  Lewis  Bou- 
quet. He  was  the  most  prominent  Reformed  officer  before 
the  Revolution — the  ^yashington  of  the  age  before  Wash- 
ington. He  was  born  at  Rolle,  in  southern  Switzerland, 
in  1719,  and  educated  at  Lausanne.  He  united  with  the 
Reformed  churcli  of  his  native  place,  March  25,  1735. 
The  next  year,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  he  entered  the 
Dutch  service  as  a  cadet  of  the  regiment  of  Constant,  and 
in  two  years  rose  to  the  rank  of  ensign.  He  then  entered 
the  service  of  the  king  of  Sardinia,  where  he  distinguished 
himself  as  lieutenant  and  adjutant.     His  reports,  so  clear, 


THE    REFORMED    IN    CIVIL    AFFAIRS.  527 

scientific  and  truthful,  attracted  the  attention  of  the  prince 
of  Orange,  who  won  him  back  to  the  Dutch  service  and 
made  him  (1748)  lieutenant  colonel  in  a  regiment  of  the 
Swiss  guards  at  the  Hague.  But  peace  having  been 
declared,  he  a  few  months  later  in  company  with  an  Eng- 
lish nobleman.  Lord  Middleton,  made  a  tour  through 
France  and  Italy.  Returning  to  the  Hague  he  continued 
his  mathematical  and  military  studies  with  great  success. 
When  the  French  and  Indian  war  broke  out  in  America, 
England  decided  to  raise  a  corps  called  the  royal  Americans 
(of  four  battalions  having  each  a  thousand  soldiers),  com- 
posed of  the  foreign  settlers.  Bouquet  was  appointed  lieu- 
tenant colonel,  and  sailed  for  America  in  1756. 

Here  Bouquet  took  part  in  two  expeditions  against  the 
Indians,  both  in  Pennsylvania  against  Fort  Pitt  or  Pitts- 
burg. The  first  was  the  expedition  under  General  Forbes, 
sent  out  in  1758.  Bouquet  commanded  the  first  division 
and  Washington  the  second.  Washington  wanted  to  go 
by  the  old  Braddock  route,  so  as  to  favor  Virginia  land 
interests.  Bouquet,  looking  at  it  from  a  strategic  stand- 
point, wanted  a  new  and  direct  route.  Forbes  decided  for 
Bouquet's  plan.  Forbes  was  carried  on  a  litter  through 
the  campaign  and  died  soon  after.  The  French  abandoned 
Fort  Pitt. 

In  1763  Bouquet  was  again  sent  in  command  of  an 
expedition  to  relieve  Fort  Pitt,  surrounded  by  Indians. 
It  was  generally  expected  that  this  expedition  would  meet 


528        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

the  fate  of  Braddock.  If  he  had  been  defeated,  it  would 
have  left  Pennsylvania  at  the  mercy  of  the  Indians.  He 
started  out  with  about  five  hundred  British  soldiers, 
many  of  them  sick,  so  that  sixty  had  to  be  carried  in 
wagons.  By  July  25  he  had  reached  Fort  Bedford  on  the 
frontier.  Then  he  pushed  westward,  and  at  the  defile  of 
the  Turtle  Creek  he  was  (August  5)  most  fiercely  attacked 
by  the  enemy.  His  soldiers  were  wearied  by  a  seventeen 
mile  march.  But  they  quickly  formed  a  hollow  square,  in 
which  they  placed  their  wagons  and  horses.  A  running 
fire  was  kept  up  the  rest  of  the  day.  The  next  morning 
with  a  thousand  yells  the  Indians  rushed  in  on  all  sides  on 
them.  The  soldiers  were  suffering  terribly  from  thirst, 
but  fought  bravely.  A  desperate  effort  had  to  be  made  to 
save  the  army.  Bouquet  then  pretended  to  retreat,  and 
thus  drew  the  Indians  into  an  ambuscade,  in  which  they 
received  so  deadly  a  charge  from  the  regulars  that  they 
fled  in  haste.  Thus  what  threatened  to  be  a  Braddock's 
defeat  became  a  Bouquet's  victory.  For  this  victory  at 
Bushy  Run  he  was  publicly  thanked  by  the  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  king  promoted  him  to  be  a  brigadier 
general.  Bouquet  having  captured  Fort  Pitt,  carried  the 
campaign  into  Ohio,  where  he  broke  up  the  dangerous 
Pontiac  conspiracy.  He  became  the  idol  of  the  foreign 
population  of  Pennsylvania.  An  officer  wrote  to  him  that 
the  peo})le  rejoiced  more  at  his  promotion  than  if  the  gov- 


THE    REFORMED    IN    CIVIL    AFFAIRS.  529 

erument  had  repealed  the  stamp  act.*  No  name  was  more 
fondly  cherished  by  the  Germans  of  that  time  than  his,  for 
by  his  victory  he  had  saved  many  of  them  from  the  toma- 
hawk of  the  Indians.  Perhaps  his  most  delightful  duty 
was  to  gather  back  from  the  Indians  those  who  had  been 
taken  captive.  A^ery  touching  were  the  scenes  at  Carlisle, 
where  the  parents  and  friends  came  to  seek  for  the  lost. 
One  of  these,  Regina  Hartman,  was  led  to  recognize  her 
mother  by  the  latter's  singing  the  familiar  German  hymn 
"Alone,  yet  not  alone  am  I/'  which  she  had  heard  in  her 
girlhood  before  captivity. 

Bouquet  bought  a  tract  of  400  acres  near  Hagerstown, 

Md.,    intending  to  colonize  it  with    Swiss   and   Germans, 

when  he  was  sent  to  Pensacola  by  the  British  government 

to  defend  it  against  the  Indians.     He  arrived  there,  August 

23,  1765,  but  soon  fell  a  victim  of  yellow  fever   and  died, 

September  2,  1765.     Had   he   lived   Washington   would 

have  had  to  look  out  for  his  laurels.     It  has  been  suggested 

:  that  the  British  government  sent  him  south  because    with 

'  his  military  fame  and  republican  antecedents  in   Switzer- 

I  land,  he  might  become  a  leader  of  the  discontented  in  the 

colonies.     But  this  is  not  likely,  as  he  died  so  long  before 

the  Revolution.     But  there  is  no  question  Avhere  he  would 

have  stood  had  he  lived.     Swiss  love  of  freedom  prepared 

I  for  American  battle  for  freedom.     And  as  he  would  have 

*  Dr.  William  Smith  published  A  historical  Account  of  his  Expedition 
against  the  Ohio  Indians  in  1761,  which  gained  him  great  popularity  in  Eng- 
land. 

34 


530        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

been  an  officer  senior  to  Washington,  with  larger  fame  and 
experience,  he  might  proba|)ly  have  been  elected  general  of 
the  armies  of  the  Revolution,  and  thus  have  become  the 
hero  of  the  Revolution  and  the  father  of  his  country.* 

*  See  the  excellent  monographs  by  Rev.  C.  Cort,  D.  D.,  "  The  Enoch 
Brown  Monument  Dedication,"  Lancaster,  188(),  and  "Colonel  Henry  Bou- 
quet and  his  Campaigns,"  Lancaster,  1883.  Also  his  articles  in  the  Reformed 
Church  Magazine  for  June  and  July,  1894. 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  II. 
THE  PHILADELPHIA  CONGREGATION. 

Schlatter  and  liubel  liaviug  both  left  the  Philadelphia 
congregation,  it  was  hoped  that  peace  would  come.  But 
now  the  congregation  began  to  experience  a  difficulty  in 
finding  a  suitable  pastor.  Steiner  supplied  the  congrega- 
tion with  preaching  for  some  time.  Meanwhile  the  depu- 
ties in  Holland  tried  to  find  a  minister  for  this  important 
church.  They  thought  they  had  found  a  suitable  person 
in  Rev.  Christopher  Muntz.*  He  was  appointed  by  the 
deputies,  October  29,  1754,  to  go  to  Pennsylvania.  It 
seems,  however,  that  contrary  to  the  deputies'  expectations 
he  did  not  start  for  America  till  April,  1755,  because  he 
had  been  sick.  Then  he  went  to  London,  where  he  was 
aided  by  the  Charity  society  for  the  Germans.  He  then 
sailed,  but  died  on  the  voyage  to  America,  so  that  the 
hopes  of  the  congregation  for  him  as  pastor  were  dis- 
appointed. 

Since  the  deputies  had  failed  to  supply  the  pulpit  in 
Philadelphia  with  a  pastor,  the  coetus  of  1756  felt  itself 
called  upon  to  do  so,  and  requested  Stoy  to  act  as  supply, 

*  He  had  been  licensed  in  1729  and  appointed  chaplain  of  a  Westerwald 
regiment,  July  1,  1734-     He  bad  been  pastor  at  Neukirchen,  1750-1754. 


532        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

as  he  was  inclined  to  leave  Tulpehocken,  because  he  had 
been  ill,  and  also  because  of  the  Indian  incursions  in  that 
district.  The  congregation  accepted  him  by  the  year. 
He  had  the  ability  to  sustain  himself  there,  but  his  unfor- 
tunate marriage  caused  quite  a  strong  party  to  be  formed 
in  the  congregation  against  him,  although  the  elders  of  the 
congregation  desired  to  retain  him.  He  left  and  went  to 
Lancaster,  October,  1758,  and  the  congregation  was  again 
without  a  pastor.  Many  of  them  had  desired  to  have  Al- 
sentz,  who  had  lately  arrived  from  Europe,  and  who  was 
pastor  at  Germantown,  but  he  declined  because  of  the  dis- 
sensions among  them.  It  happened  that  a  Dutch  minister, 
John  William  Kals,  had  arrived  at  Philadelphia  with  let- 
ters of  recommendation  from  the  Charity  society  of  London. 
At  first  it  was  rumored  that  the  congregation  had  called 
him,  but  it  was  afterwards  denied.  He  stayed  with  them 
for  about  six  weeks,  and  then  left,  taking  the  congregation 
at  Amwell,  N.  J.  Many  in  the  congregation  were  opposed 
to  him  because  he  had  no  recommendations  from  the 
deputies. 

The  congregation  then  began  making  overtures  to 
Steiner  again.  There  had  all  along  been  a  strong  party  in 
the  congregation  who  were  friendly  to  him.  He  had  left 
Germantown  in  1756  and  had  gone  to  Frederick.  But 
this  charge  was  on  the  frontier,  and  besides  was  of  very 
large  extent.  It  covered  with  all  its  preaching  points  a 
territory,  it  is  said,  160   miles  long  by  60  miles   wide. 


THE   PHILADELPHIA   CONGREGATION.  533 

Steluer  claimed  that  iu  order  to  go  around  it  he  had  to 
travel  300  miles,  and  that  during  his  pastorate  he  had 
traveled  5000  miles.  He  desired  to  get  away,  as  he  was  in 
middle  life,  and  the  work  was  too  hard  for  him.  He 
arranged  with  the  elders  of  the  Philadelphia  congregation 
that  when  he  came  to  Philadelphia  to  release  his  son  from 
military  service  .in  the  winter  of  February,  1759,  he 
should  preach  for  them  two  Sundays.  They  elected  him 
as  pastor.  May  1,  1759,  oifering  him  $96  a  year.  He 
began  his  pastorate.  May  20,  1759.  But  for  this  act  he 
was  severely  criticised  by  the  members  of  the  coetus. 
Otterbein  wrote  him  on  August  18,  1759,  a  very  severe 
letter,  stating  that  he  did  not  think  providence  had  called 
him  to  Philadelphia,  and  moreover  he  should  have  waited 
to  get  permission  from  coetus.  Steiuer  replied  that  he  had 
done  just  what  others  had  done  before — accepted  a  charge 
without  waiting  for  coetus  to  decide  on  it.  Steiner  went 
to  the  coetus  of  1759  at  Goshenhoppen,  but  was  so  severely 
attacked  there  by  Stoy  that  he  left.  Indeed,  Stoy's  report 
of  that  coetus  to  the  Holland  deputies  is  little  more  than  a 
philippic  against  Steiner  for  going  to  Philadelphia  and  the 
deputies  wrote  back  that  he  was  too  severe.  Steiuer  and 
his  congregation  therefore  withdrew  from  the  coetus, 
although  he  appealed  to  Holland,  September  28,  1759,  to 
confirm  the  call,  as  the  congregation  did  not  desire  to  leave 
the  Holland  fathers.  They  decided  against  him,  that  as 
he  had  withdrawn  from  the  coetus,  he  must  lose  his  share 


534        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

iu  the  Holland  donations,  but  required  him  to  be  paid  out 
of  them  up  to  the  date  of  his  departure  from  Frederick. 
His  ministry  at  Philadelphia  seems  to  have  been  quite 
successful,  for  he  claimed  that  his  audiences  had  increased 
so  much  that  a  hundred  more  seats  had  to  be  placed  in  the 
church,  and  the  congregation  had  paid  off  $750  of  its  debt. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  he  published  a  sermon  on  the  death 
of  King  George  II.  of  England,  which  he  preached,  Octo- 
ber 25,  1760,  on  Deuteronomy  34 :  5,  7-8,  and  published, 
February  1,  1761,  entitled  "A  proper  Monument  of  Love 
and  Honor  to  the  all-gracious  King  worthy  of  Glory."  It 
is  an  elaborate  eulogy,  comparing  the  king  to  Moses,  and 
reveals  Steiner  as  a  very  careful  thinker  and  fine  preacher. 
During  his  pastorate  he  drew  up  a  set  of  resolutions  for 
the  parochial  school  at  Philadelphia.*  But  although  his 
ministry  was  successful,  yet  he  complains  of  little  fruit,  for 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  minority  iu  the  congregation 
against  him  composed  of  Stoy's  friends.  He  seems  to  have 
overworked  himself,  preaching  generally  three  times  a 
Sunday.  He  suddenly  died  on  Tuesday,  July  6,  1 762. 
On  the  Sunday  before  his  death  he  had  preached  on  the 
text,  "  O  God,  thou  art  my  God,  early  will  I  seek  thee,  my 
soul  thirsteth  for  thee,  my  flesh  longeth  for  thee  in  a  dry 
and  thirsty  land  where  no  water  is."  Psalm  63:  1. 
Muhlenberg  preached  his  funeral  sermon  on  Acts  20  :  25 

*  See  "  History  of  the  First  Reformed  Church  of  Philadelphia"  by  Rev. 
D.  Van  Ilorne,  D,  D.,  page  32. 


THE    PHILADELPHIA   CONGREGATION.  535 

-38.  The  day  of  the  funeral  was  insufferably  hot,  and  a 
thunder  storm  came  up  as  they  were  proceeding  to  the 
grave.  He  was  buried  in  the  Reformed  graveyard  at 
Franklin  Square. 

At  the  time  of  his  death  he  was  busy  at  the  publication 
of  a  series  of  sermons.  He  intended  to  publish  four  vol- 
umes of  them  for  circulation  among  the  Germans,  only  one 
of  which  appeared  after  his  death,  entitled  "  The  Glorious 
Appearing  of  the  Lord  to  the  General  Judgment  of  the 
World."  It  contained  eighteen  sermons,  followed  by 
Muhlenberg's  funeral  sermon,  and  closing  with  a  brief 
sketch  of  his  life.  His  sermons  reveal  him  a  careful  writer 
and  an  earnest  preacher.  Doubtless  he  was  a  fine  pulpit 
orator.  Unfortunately  his  tendencies  to  independency  and 
polemics,  and  liis  lack  of  executive  ability  in  the  manage- 
ment of  his  finances  interfered  with  his  usefulness. 

The  congregation  being  independent  of  the  coetus,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  an  independent  minister.  Rev.  Frederick 
Rotheubuhler.  He  had  been  born  and  educated  at  Berne, 
where  he  had  been  ordained,  February  28, 1752.  He  seems 
to  have  left  Berne  with  a  letter  dated  December  16,  1759, 
recommending  him  to  the  Holland  Church.  In  1761  he 
was  in  London,  which  he  left  after  September  16,  1761. 
He  had  been  preaching  to  a  Reformed  congregation  in 
New  York  when  the  Philadelphia  congregation  called  him, 
July  30,  1762.  But  by  the  time  the  coetus  of  1763  met 
on  May  5,  a  large  part  of  his  congregation   had   already 


536        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

learned  his  unworthy  character.  They  had  before  this 
wanted  to  be  rid  of  the  coetus,  but  now  they  were  glad  to 
invoke  its  authority  to  enable  them  to  get  rid  of  Rothen- 
buhler.  Two  elders  of  the  congregation  appeared  before 
the  coetus,  asking  that  the  congregation  be  taken  back 
under  its  care,  so  that  it  might  decide  for  the  consistory 
against  Rothenbuhler.  Rothenbuhler  also  appeared  and 
asked  to  be  received  into  the  coetus.  The  coetus  decided 
that  although  the  congregation  did  not  belong  to  it,  yet  as 
it  appealed  to  it,  it  would  give  a  decision.  The  congrega- 
tion appealed  to  coetus  to  decide  for  them  on  a  constitu- 
tional point,  namely,  whether  according  to  their  call  their 
congregation  had  a  right  to  dismiss  him  when  they  wanted. 
This  he  denied.  It  was  the  very  point  Schlatter  and  the 
coetus  denied  years  before,  and  the  consistory  stood  against 
him.  Coetus,  however,  now  declared  against  their  former 
position,  and  decided  from  the  wording  of  the  call  to  him 
that  the  congregation  had  the  right  to  dismiss  him  at  will. 
Indeed  to  this  he  had  agreed  when  he  accepted  by  signing 
his  name  to  the  call.  The  coetus  refused  to  accept  him  as 
a  member,  as  they  had  been  warned  against  him  by  the 
Holland  fathers.  As  they  published  their  action,  Rothen- 
buhler  on  June  30,  1763,  published  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Gazette  a  protest  against  it,  asking  all  readers  to  suspend 
judgment  till  he  could  reply.  As  they  declare  that  tliey 
had  refused  him  because  of  rumors  against  him  abroad,  he 
on  August  4  published  his  testimonials  which  he   had  re- 


THE    PHILADELPHIA    CONGREGATION.  537 

ceived  from  the  miuisters  of  Berue,  his  birthplace,  and  also 
the  testimonials  from  the  Reformed  ministers  of  London, 
among  them  Planta.  The  coetus  replied  to  him  in  the 
same  paper,  Augnst  18,  defending  them  by  his  conduct 
abroad  and  also  his  conduct  in  Philadelphia.  Rothenbuh- 
ler,  therefore,  separated  from  the  Philadelphia  congrega- 
tion, taking  with  him  his  adherents.  They  organized  an 
independent  Reformed  congregation,  calling  it  St.  George's, 
and  took  a  lot  on  Fourth  street  near  New.  There  they 
began  building  a  costly  new  church,  far  beyond  their 
means.  As  some  of  the  members  were  personally  respon- 
sible for  it,  they  were  thrown  in  prison  for  del>t.  When 
their  acquaintances,  as  they  looked  in  on  them,  asked  of 
them  why  they  were  there,  they  replied  that  they  had  been 
put  in  jail  for  building  a  church.  Rothenbuhler  tried  to 
raise  some  money  for  the  building,  and  went  to  Boston  for 
that  purpose,  having  a  letter  of  introduction  from  Frank- 
lin, May  24,  1764.  The  congregation  then  appealed  to 
the  Episcopal  Church  to  save  them.  A  petition  was  sent 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Archbishop  of  York 
and  the  Bishop  of  London,  dated  October  21, 1764.  In  it 
they  agreed  that  after  Easter,  1766,  none  but  Episcopal 
miuisters  should  officiate  in  their  church,  and  nothing  be 
used  but  the  Episcopal  prayer  book,  and  they  reconmiend 
Rothenbuhler  to  be  their  pastor  after  he  had  been  ordained 
by  the  bishop.  They  state  that  their  debt  is  over  $5000, 
for  which  the  houses  of  many  of  the  petitioners  were  heavily 


538        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

mortgaged.  This  petition  was  signed  by  twenty  of  the  mem- 
bers. Nothing  seems  to  have  come  out  of  this  petition,  and 
the  building  was  sold,  June  12,  1770,  to  a  Mr.  Hockley  for 
$3500,  and  by  him  sold  to  the  Methodists  for  $2500.  It  is 
now  the  oldest  Methodist  church  building  in  America.  Roth- 
enbuhler  meanwhile  died  of  the  fever  and  was  buried  in  the 
Reformed  cemetery  in  Franklin  Square,  August  9,  1766. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place,  the  old  congre- 
gation began  looking  around  for  a  pastor.  Otterbein  soon 
came  into  their  mind.  They  began  corresponding  with 
him  as  soon  as  coetus  decided  against  Rothenbuhler,  and 
wrote  to  him,  May  24.  He  replied  that  he  would  preach 
for  them,  June  26.  But  although  located  in  a  weak  charge 
at  Frederick  on  the  frontier,  he  was  unwilling  to  leave, 
especially  as  he  was  about  building  a  church.  He  hoped 
Leydich  might  be  gotten  to  Frederick ;  if  not,  he  would 
ask  them  to  wait  until  the  next  year  (1764).  Meanwhile, 
the  members  felt  they  were  losing  ground  by  being  with- 
out a  pastor,  especially  as  Rothenbuhler  had  built  a  fine 
new  church  and  drew  away  adherents  of  the  old  church. 
So  they  said  they  could  not  wait  for  him. 

A  committee  of  coetus,  consisting  of  Stapel,  Alsentz 
and  DuBois,  met  at  Philadelphia,  October  24,  1763,  and 
considered  the  matter.  They  proposed  three  alternatives 
to  the  congregation.  They  could  either  wait  for  Otterbein 
or  extend  a  call  to  a  Swiss  ]mHtor  at  Arnheim,  Holland, 
named  Anosi  (of  whom  the  deputies  had  spoken  as  being 


THE    PHILADELPHIA    CONGREGATION.  539 

willing  to  come  to  America),  or  they  could  choose  a  minis- 
ter from  among  those  in  the  coetus,  and  recommended  them 
to  choose  between  Leydich,  Waldschmidt  and  Weyberg, 
the  latter  having  just  arrived  the  previous  year.  The 
congregation  decided  on  the  latter  method.  So  a  meeting 
of  the  congregation  was  held  on  October  25,  at  which 
Weyberg  was  elected.  He  entered  on  his  duties,  Novem- 
ber 13,  1763.  It  was  a  wise  choice.  He  proved  to  be  the 
man  to  bring  this  sorely  afflicted  congregation,  divided  for 
so  many  years,  out  of  their  troubles,  and  make  them  one  of 
the  strongest  congregations  in  Philadelphia,  as  well  as  the 
most  influential  in  the  coetus.  After  their  quarrels  of 
fourteen  years,  the  congregation  entered  on  an  era  of  peace 
and  prosperity  that  lasted  for  about  a  half  a  century. 
Under  his  pastorate  they  built  a  new  church  building. 
The  corner-stone  was  laid,  April  10,  1772,  and  it  was 
dedicated.  May  1,  1774,  in  the  presence  of  the  governor 
and  the  coetus.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  congregation  that 
they  built  this  building  when  they  did.  For  had-  they 
waited  a  year  later,  the  Revolutionary  troubles  would  have 
prevented  its  being  built.  But  by  building  what  was  per- 
haps the  largest  church  building  in  Philadelphia  (for  Wey- 
berg reports  2000  seats  in  it),  its  size  gave  the  Reformed  a 
prominence  in  Philadelphia  during  the  Revolution  second 
to  no  other  denomination.  The  troubles  and  struggles 
of  this  congregation  in  the  first  half  century  of  its  existence 
were  forgotten  in  the  prosperity  and  prominence  of  its 
second  half  century. 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  III. 

THE  MEMBERS  OF  THE  COETUS. 

The  additions  to  the  ministry  of  the  coetus  came  from 
two  sources : 

1.  The  ministers  sent  from  Holland  by  the  deputies. 

2.  The  ministers  raised  up  by  the  coetus  from  its  own 
congregations  in  America. 

A.— The  Ministers  Sent  From  Holland. 

The  deputies  and  also  the  classis  of  Amsterdam  earn- 
estly sought,  as  their  funds  allowed,  for  ministers  to  go  to 
Pennsylvania.  They  repeatedly  wrote  to  the  universities 
of  Heidelberg  and  Herborn  and  elsewhere  for  candidates. 
The  ministers  they  sent  over  were  as  follows  : 

1755. 
Christopher  Muntz.* 

1757. 

John  George  Alsentz. 
He  was  licensed  at  Heidelberg  by  the  Reformed  con- 
sistory. May  10,  1756,  and  ordained,  June  1,  1756.     He 
was  in  Amsterdam  in  the  early  part  of  1757  for  quite  a 
time,  for  by  his  many   excellent  sermons  and  fine  social 

*  See  the  previous  section,  pnge  5H1.   ■ 


THE   MEMBERS   OF   THE    COETUS.  541 

qualities  he  endeared  himself  to  quite  a  number  of  the 
ministers  there,  and  preached  very  acceptably  for  Rev. 
Mr.  Kessler.  They,  therefore,  urged  him  to  go  to  Penn- 
sylvania. He  appeared  before  the  classis,  April  21,  1757. 
They  sent  him  to  the  deputies  with  a  recommendation 
from  Rev.  Mr.  Kulenkamp.  He  appeared  before  the 
deputies  for  examination.  May  24,  1757.  There  seems  to 
have  been  some  friction  between  the  classis  and  deputies 
as  to  the  right  of  examination  and  ordination,  but  the 
classis  gave  way  to  the  deputies,  who  ever  after  attended 
to  the  appointment  of  ministers  to  Pennsylvania.  He  was 
then  sent  by  the  deputies,  leaving  after  June  17.  He  was 
in  London,  August  13,  where  he  was  very  kindly  received 
by  the  Charity  society  and  Rev.  Dr.  Chandler,  who  paid 
his  passage  to  America.  After  he  started  from  England, 
his  vessel  was  compelled  to  put  back  because  of  a  storm. 
He  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  December  3,  1757.  A  short 
time  after  his  arrival  he  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  con- 
gregation at  Germautown.  He  might  have  had  the  Phila- 
delphia congregation,  but  he  was  afraid  of  its  divisions. 
He  soon  rose  to  prominence  in  the  coetus.  He  was 
appointed  its  clerk  in  1759,  1760,  1763  and  1765,  and 
was  its  president  in  1761  and  1764.  In  1761  he  went 
back  to  Europe  on  account  of  family  affairs.  He  appeared 
before  the  classis  at  Amsterdam,  February  4,  1762,  on  his 
way  to  his  native  Palatinate,  and  promised  them  to  look 
up  young  ministers  to  go  to  Pennsylvania.     He  recom^ 


542       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

mended  to  them  three  young  men,  who,  however,  did  not 
come.  He  found  when  he  arrived  at  his  former  home 
that  his  father  had  died,  and  he  was  detained  in  order  to 
settle  up  the  estate.  He  returned  to  Pennsylvania  in  1 762, 
arriving  at  Germantown,  September  27.  In  that  year  the 
German  town  congregation  spent  $1200  in  rebuilding  its 
church.  In  his  report  to  the  Holland  deputies  he  com- 
plained about  the  lowncss  of  his  salary,  but  said  he  pre- 
ferred suffering  to  complaining.  He  was  a  very  active 
man.  Together  with  Leydich  he  revived  the  Skippack 
congregation,  and  dedicated  their  church,  November  13, 
1763.  He  supplied  Amwell  in  1760.  He  dedicated  the 
Tohickon  church.  May  8,  1766.  In  September,  1763,  he 
made  a  trip  to  Virginia  to  preach  for  the  pastorless  Re- 
formed there,  which  took  three  weeks,  and  in  which  he 
covered  200  miles.  He  returned  just  in  time  for  the 
coetus  of  that  year.  In  1767  he  is  reported  to  the  coetus 
as  sick.  He  died,  October  28,  1767.  He  was  a  man  of 
fine  ability  and  earnest  consecration.  He  published  a 
small  book  entitled,  "  Why  am  I  Reformed."  His  son 
was  after  his  death  sent  by  the  Charity  society  to  the 
Academy,  now  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

1761. 

Casper  Michael  Stapel. 

He   had  been   a  Lutheran   minister  in  the  county  of 

Mecklenberg,  Germany.     He  left  the  Ijutheran   ministry 

jind  studied  at  Herborn  University,  from  which  he  appeals 


THE    MEMBEIiS    OF   THE   COETUS.  543 

to  the  Holland  deputies  for  aid,  June  21,  1758.  He  was 
recommended  to  them  by  Rev.  Mr.  Engels,  of  the  Hague. 
The  classis  of  Amsterdam  asked  for  delay  in  his  appoint- 
ment, because  of  some  fears  lest  the  fact  that  his  wife  was 
a  Lutheran  and  he  had  been  a  Lutheran  would  militate 
against  his  success  among  the  Reformed.  His  wife  abso- 
lutely refused  to  become  Reformed  or  to  go  with  him  to 
America.     He  was  examined  by    the  deputies,  July  10, 

1761,  especially  on  the  doctrinal  differences  between  the 
Lutherans  and  the  Reformed,  and  was  appointed  to 
Pennsylvania.  He  went  by  way  of  London.  There  he 
demanded  money  of  Chandler,  as  he  said  he  had  lost  his 
baggage  on  ship.  Chandler  was  offended  at  his  demand, 
and  refused.  Stapel  wrote  back  to  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam about  the  unkind  treatment  by  the  Charity  society. 
Chandler  also  wrote,  explaining  the  matter.  And  classis 
replied  that  they  had  not  given  Stapel  any  authority  to 
demand  money  of  the  Charity  society.  He  came  to 
America  by  way  of  Maryland.  When  he  arrived  he  went 
at  once  to  the  congregation  at  Amwell,  N.  J.,  which  had 
called  him  when  in  Europe.  He  at  once  took  an  active 
part  in  the  coetus,  and  was  its  clerk  (1762).  Indeed,  he 
took  almost  too  active  a  part  for  -so  new  a  man,  for  he 
managed  the  case  against  Rieger  at  the    next   coetus  of 

1762.  He  was  made  president,  1763.  His  ministry  at 
first  was  quite  successful.  He  had  large  ingatherings.  In 
1762  he  received  eighty-four  into  the  clun-ch,  and  baptized 


544        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

sixty-four  children.  But  there  is  a  tone  of  boastfulness  in 
his  letters  hardly  borne  out  by  the  facts.  Thus  he  wrote 
to  the  deputies  that  he  hoped  to  make  New  Jersey  Ger- 
man Reformed,  although  there  was  at  that  time  only  one 
charge  in  it.  But  the  most  of  his  correspondence  with 
Holland  was  about  his  wife,  who  refused  to  come  to 
Pennsylvania.  He  wrote  to  them  to  compel  her  to  come. 
They  wrote  to  her,  and  he  sends  a  power  of  attorney  to 
compel  her  to  come.  But  still  she  refused.  He  wanted 
to  know  whether  as  she  had  been  separated  so  long  he 
could  not  marry  again.  The  classis  replied  (1764),  not 
until  he  had  been  legally  divorced.  Meanwhile  com- 
plaints began  to  come  in  against  him  in  his  congregation. 
The  coetus  of  1765  says  he  had  withdrawn  from  its  mem- 
bership and  begun  the  practice  of  medicine,  for  he  was,  it 
is  said,  a  fine  chemist.  But  he  did  not  live  long.  He 
died,  March,  1766,  of  consumption.  While  at  Amwell, 
he  published  Lampe's  catechism,  "  The  Milk  of  Truth," 
with  the  approval  of  the  coetus.  As  a  student  of  Her- 
born,  he  was  naturally  friendly  to  Lampe's  federal  Cal- 
vinistic  predestinarianism.     Pie  had  the  degree  of  doctor 

of  philosophy. 

1762. 

Casper  Diedkicii  Weyberg. 

Casper  Diedrich  Weyberg  was  not  from  Switzerland, 
as  Ilarbaugh  says.  He  was  born  at  A\  estofen,  in  the 
county  of  Mark,  in  Westphalia,  Germany.     He  matricu- 


THE    MEMBERS    OF   THE    COETUS.  545 

lated  at  the  Reformed  UDiversity  at  Duisburg,  October  15, 
1756.  lu  1761  he  made  application  to  the  deputies  to  be 
sent  to  America,  as  he  wanted  to  leave  his  congregation  on 
account  of  lack  of  financial  support.  On  July  20  Deputy 
De  Rhoer  stated  that  Weyberg  had  called  on  him  at  Am- 
sterdam. He  was  appointed  by  the  deputies,  September 
8,  1761,  but  he  delayed  his  going.  It  seems  he  returned 
to  his  native  country,  and  his  wife  refused  to  go  with  him. 
He  also  seems  to  have  had  financial  difficulties.  But  on 
April  1,  1762,  the  deputies  get  out  of  patience  and  require 
him  to  be  in  Holland  within  six  weeks.  He  started  out 
with  his  wife  and  child  and  went  as  far  as  London,  ^vhen 
his  wife  turned  back.  He,  however,  went  on  and  arrived 
at  Philadelphia  either  the  latter  part  of  1762  or  early  in 
1763.  He  began  his  ministry  at  Easton,  March  7,  1763, 
wnere  he  preached  with  great  acceptance,  so  that  the 
neighboring  Lehigh  charge  wanted  him  to  supply  them 
also.  The  Easton  charge  was  greatly  disappointed  that  he 
resigned,  October  8,  1763,  to  accept  the  call  to  Philadel- 
phia, and  protested  against  it.  They  claimed  that  they 
had  paid  toward  his  traveling  expenses  forty-one  pounds, 
had  bought  a  parsonage,  and  had  raised  his  salary  from  fifty 
to  seventy-five  pounds,  and  now  he  was  torn  away  from 
them  by  the  coetus  for  Philadelphia.  His  wife  did  not 
come  to  Pennsylvania  till  somewhere  in  1764,  after  he 
had  become  pastor  in  Philadelphia.  His  pastorate  there 
was  very  successfid.  He  brought  the  congregation  to  a 
35 


546        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

prosperity  never  known  there  before.  The  college  ot 
New  Jersey  gave  him  the  title  of  Doctor  of  Divinity.  He 
died,  August  21,  1790,  and  was  buried  iu  the  Reformed 
cemetery  in  Franklin  Square.  The  funeral  sermon  was 
preached  by  his  friend.  Rev.  Dr.  Helmuth,  of  the  Luth- 
eran Church,  who  also  composed  a  hymn  sung  at  a  ser- 
vice, September  26,  1790.  Dr.  Van  Home  says  he  was 
a  tall,  slim  man  with  a  powerful  voice,  always  carrying 
his  Bible  under  his  arm  when  going  to  church.  He  also 
educated  a  number  of  young  men  for  the  ministry.  He 
became  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  coetus,  was  its  clerk  in 
1764  and  1781,  and  its  president  in  1765  and  1782. 

1764. 

John  William  Hendel. 

We  come  now  to  the  most  beautiful  spiritual  character 
in  the  early  Church,  John  William  Hendel.  He  has  been 
called  the  John  of  the  early  Church.  He  was  born  at 
Durckheim,  in  the  Palatinate,  and  matriculated  at  Heid- 
elberg university.  May  10,  1759.  He  was  recommended 
to  the  deputies  by  Kalbfus,  the  pastor  at  Durckheim.  He 
passed  an  excellent  examination  before  the  deputies  at  the 
Hague,  June  27,  1764,  and  was  to  sail  August  14,  1764. 
On  his  arrival  the  coetus  recommended  him  to  Lancaster. 
He  entered  on  his  duties  there  in  January,  1765,  and  re- 
mained pastor  there  till  1769.  In  1768  some  of  the  mem- 
bers brought  charges  against  him  to  the  coetus  that  he  did 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  547 

not  care  sufficiently  for  the  parochial  school  or  catechize 
every  Sunday.  He  replied  that  his  appointment  to  preach 
at  Piquae  every  fourth  Sunday  prevented  catechization 
every  Sunday,  They  complained  that  he  kept  many  chil- 
dren from  joining  the  church.  He  replied  it  was  done 
only  for  the  weightiest  reasons.  He  evidently  insisted  on 
good  church  discipline.  The  coetus  sustained  him  against 
his  opponents.  But  as  the  opposition  in  the  congregation 
continued,  it  recommended  him  the  next  year  to  leave 
Lancaster  and  go  to  Tulpehocken.  In  1771  he  began  the 
instruction  of  students  for  the  ministry.  In  1773  the 
coetus  urged  him  to  go  to  Baltimore  so  as  to  unite  the  rival 
congregations,  but  he  declined.  In  1782  he  returned  to 
Lancaster  as  pastor,  remaining  until  1794,  when  he  ac- 
cepted Philadelphia.  He  died  there  of  yellow  fever,  Sep- 
tember 29,  1798.  His  intimate  friend,  Rev.  Dr.  Helmuth, 
of  the  Lutheran  Church,  preached  the  funeral  sermon  on 
2  Samuel  1  :  26,  "  I  am  distressed  for  thee,  my  brother 
Jonathan."  The  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity  was  given 
him  by  Princeton  in  the  fall  of  1787.  He  was  a  remark- 
ably well  rounded  out  character,  scholarly,  yet  practical, 
and  above  all  spiritual.  He  was  a  tower  of  strength  for 
the  Reformed.  Stahlschmidt  says  of  him  that  he  was  one 
of  the  best  preachers  he  had  heard  in  America  ;  that  he 
possessed  much  science  and  knowledge,  and  in  heart  was 
consecrated  to  true  godliness.  At  Lancaster  he  held  a 
prayer  meeting  every  Thursday  evening  from  1  782  to  1794. 


548        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

1765. 

In  this  year  the  Holland  deputies,  after  writing  in 
various  directions  for  ministers  for  Pennsylvania,  were 
able  to  send  four,  Nicolas  Pomp,  Frederick  Lewis  Henop, 
John  Jacob  Zufall  and  Frederick  Julius  Berger.  These 
^Yere  recommended  by  Prof.  Wundt,  of  Heidelberg,  who 
presented  their  request  for  ministers  to  Pennsylvania  to 
the  Palatinate  consistory.  It  directed  all  inspectors  of  the 
Church  to  let  Holland  know  if  they  knew  of  any  candi- 
dates.    The  last  two  will  be  described  in  the  next  section. 

Nicolas  Pomp. 

Nicolas  Pomp  was  born  January  20,  1774.  He  was 
from  Maubuechel,  near  Kusel,  in  the  province  of  Zwei- 
brucken.  Wundt  says  that  both  Pomp  and  Berger  had  to 
suffer  considerable  persecution  because  they  determined  to 
go  to  America.  They  had  to  give  up  one-tenth  of  their  pos- 
sessions to  the  county  and  all  chance  of  getting  a  pastorate  if 
they  ever  came  back.  He  appeared  before  the  classical 
commissioners  at  Amsterdam,  March  14,  1765,  and  before 
the  deputies  at  the  Hague.  He  was  examined,  March  27, 
1765,  together  with  the  other  three  candidates  sent  that  year. 
On  his  arrival  in  Pennsylvania  he  accepted  part  of  Ley- 
dich's  charge,  which  had  become  too  large  for  the 
latter,  and  took  the  Falkner  Swamp  congregation.  In 
November  17,  1771,  he  asked  the  Holland  fathers  to  send 
fifty  or  sixty  gulden  to  his  father  in  Germany,  as  he  was 
poor.     In  1774  he  published  a  book  against  the  Univer- 


THE    MEMBERS    OP   THE    COETUS.  549 

salists  in  answer  to  a  German  work  by  Siegvolck,  entitled 
"  The  Eternal  Gospel,"  two  editions  of  which  had  been 
published  in  Pennsylvariia.  Pomp  answered  this  in  a 
book  entitled  "  Brief  Proofs  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  Eternal 
Gospel,  by  which  it  is  clearly  shown  that  the  Restoration 
of  all  things  is  vainly  sought  in  Holy  Scripture.  At 
the  request  of  many  friends  published  by  N.  Pomp,  V.  D.  M., 
Philadelphia,  printed  by  Henry  Miller,  1774."  The  Uni- 
versalists  had  started  in  Oley,  Berks  county,  and  this  was 
an  answer  to  them.  He  says  he  published  it  after  it  had 
lain  for  four  years  in  his  study.  It  consisted  of  two  parts. 
1.  Of  God's  Love.  2.  Of  God's  Righteous  Punishments. 
In  September,  1783,  he  began  the  pastorate  of  the  old 
Reformed  congregation  at  Baltimore.  Here  he  came  into 
conflict  with  the  new  congregation  under  Otterbein.  He 
found  it  a  difficult  field  and  preached  his  farewell  sermon, 
November  15,  1789,  because  of  opposition  caused  mainly 
by  two  members  about  the  new  church  building.  He  sup- 
plied Goshenhoppen  from  1789  to  1791,  until  J.  Theo- 
bald Faber,  Jr.,  was  ready  to  take  the  pastorate.  Pomp 
then  went  to  Indian  Field.  He  was  at  Witpen  from 
1794  to  1797.  He  died  at  Easton,  September  1,  1819. 
He  was  clerk  of  coetus,  1769,  1782,  1790,  and  president, 
1770  and  1783. 

Frederick  Lewis  Henop. 

Frederick  Lewis  Henop  was  born  at  Kaiserslautern  in 
the  Palatinate,  the  son  of  the  rector  there.     He    matricu- 


550       THE   GERMAX    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

latod  at  Heidelberg  university,  Xovember  29,  1758.  He 
appeared  before  the  deputies,  March  27,  1  765,  and  came 
with  Pomp  and  the  others  to  America.  He  was  at  once 
assigned  to  Easton,  which  had  so  complained  about  Wey- 
berg's  departure.  He  remained  there  till  1770,  when  he 
removed  to  Frederick,  Maryland.  His  field  was  quite 
large,  as  it  is  said  he  also  preached  at  Lovcttsville,  Va. 
On  May,  1784,  he  was  called  to  Reading  and  accepted  the 
call.  He  was  about  removing:  to  Readino^  when  he  sud- 
denly  died.  He  was  clerk  of  coetus  in  1770  and  presi- 
dent in  1771. 

1767. 

In  this  year  three  ministers  sent  by  the  deputies,  Charles 

Lange,  John  George  Witner  and   John  Theobald    Faber, 

joined  the  coetus.     Charles  Lange  will  be   considered  in 

the  next  section. 

John  George  Witner. 

John  George  Witner  was  born  at  Bellheim  in  the 
Palatinate,  August  13,  1735.  His  father  was  pastor  there 
and  afterward  became  a  member  of  the  consistory  at  Heid- 
elberg. .  He  matriculated  at  Heidelberg  university,  De- 
cember 12,  1755.  He  was  examined  by  the  deputies  in 
Holland,  May  27,  176G,  and  a|)peared  before  the  classical 
commissioners  at  Amsterdam,  June  5.  He  sailed  on  the 
ship  Catharine  for  New  York.  After  his  arrival  in  Amer- 
ica he  was  placed  over  the  Muddy  Creek  charge,  consisting 
of  the  Muddy  Creek,  Zeltenreich,  Cocalico   and    Reyer's 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  551 

churches.  Id  1768  his  cliarge  brought  complaints  against 
him,  but  he  replied  that  two  of  them  had  not  paid  his  sal- 
ary. Insufficiency  of  salary  reduced  him  to  poverty, 
which  produced  great  gloominess  of  disposition.  He  left 
there  and  was  without  a  charge  for  a  time,  but  became 
pastor,  1772,  at  Milford,  Kestenberg  and  Saltzburg,  where 
he  w^as  successful  and  prosperous.  He  was  clerk  of  coetus 
in  1777,  and  had  there  been  a  meeting  the  next  year  he  would 
(according  to  the  usual  custom  which  advanced  the  clerk 
to  be  president)  have  been  president,  but  his  absence 
prevented.     He  died  in  his  charge,  December  25,  1779. 

John  Theobald  Fabek. 

He  was  born  at  Zozenheim,  (or  Hohenheim)  in  the 
Palatinate  south  of  Bingen  (and  not  near  Zurich,  as 
Weiser  had  said),  February  13,  1739.  He  matriculated 
at  Heidelberg  university,  February  5, 1760.  He  was  ex- 
amined and  ordained  at  Heidelberg,  April  20,  1763.  His 
credentials  to  Holland  were  dated  April  28,  1766,  so  that 
he  must  have  left  the  Palatinate  about  that  time.  He  was 
examined  ]>y  the  deputies.  May  27,  1766,  and  was  with 
the  classical  commissioners  in  Amsterdam,  June  5.  He 
arrived  at  Philadelphia,  October  24,  1766,  and  began  his 
pastorate  at  Old  and  New  Goshenhoppen  and  Great 
Swamp.  He  married  Barbara  Rose,  with  whose  father 
he  stayed  at  Reading  during  one  of  the  meetings  of  the 
coetus.     He  proved  a  worthy  successor  of  Weiss  in  the 


552        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Goshenhoppen  charge.  lu  1769  Lancaster  called  him, 
but  after  considering  it  for  four  weeks  he  declined.  In 
1775  Lancaster  again  called  him,  and  two  elders  appeared 
at  the  coetus  to  press  the  call,  but  still  he  did  not  accept. 
In  1779  the  congregation  called  him  a  third  time.  He 
accepted  and  went  to  Lancaster  in  October,  1779, 

But  he  did  not  long  remain  satisfied  there.  He  longed 
to  get  back  to  his  old  charge.  A  fter  three  years  he  ac- 
cepted a  call  to  the  Indian  Field  charge,  and  in  1786  he 
returned  as  pastor  of  the  Goshenhoppen  charge.  His 
former  parishioners  gathered  in  a  large  crowd  at  the 
church  to  welcome  him.  As  he  approached  the  church 
he  said,  "  You  people  of  Goshenhoppen,  I  will  never  leave 
you.  Here  will  I  live  and  here  will  I  die."  On  Novem- 
ber 2,  1788,  he  attended  a  funeral  service  at  the  New 
Goshenhoppen  church.  He  urged  his  wife  to  go  with  him. 
Strange  to  say,  that  morning  he  had  his  wife  conduct 
family  prayers.  He  was  accustomed  to  wear  a  white  cap  of 
silk  on  account  of  baldness.  Without  removing  it  he 
ascended  the  pulpit  to  the  amazement  of  the  congregation. 
He  began  preaching  on  Matthew  9:  18-26.  When  he 
had  closed  the  sermon  with  an  amen  he  suddenly  laid  the 
palm  of  his  right  hand  to  his  head  and  slowly  sinking  to 
the  floor  uttered  the  words,  "Come  and  help  me."  He 
was  carried  to  the  schoolhouse.  His  wife  approached  him 
to  whom  he  simply  said,  "  My  head."  In  a  few  mo- 
ments he  breathed  his  last.     Rev.  Mr.  Blumer  preached 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE   COETUS.  553 

his  funeral  sermon  on  Hebrews  13  :  17.  He  was  buried 
in  the  New  Goshenhoppen  church.  Out  of  respect  to  him, 
his  wife  was  permitted  to  live  in  the  parsonage  for  sev- 
eral years,  and  his  oldest  son  was  educated  by  the  congre- 
gation for  the  ministry,  and  afterwards  became  his  succes- 
sor.    He  was  clerk  of  the  coetus,  1771,  and  president  the 

next  year. 

1768. 

Frederick  Dallicker. 

Frederick  Dallicker  came  from  an  old  Zurich  family. 
His  father  was  a  prominent  painter  there.  He  was  born 
February  2,  1738.  In  1757  he  was  ordained  to  the  min- 
istry. The  next  year  he  became  the  assistant  to  the  Ger- 
man minister  at  Geneva,  In  1760  he  became  chaplain  in 
the  French  service.  It  seems  that  he  had  became  involved 
in  debt  by  going  security  for  some  one,  although  his  father 
paid  the  debt  before  he  went  to  Pennsylvania.  He  ar- 
rived at  Amsterdam,  December,  1766,  appeared  before  the 
classical  commissioners,  April  17, 1767.  He  appeared  be- 
fore the  deputies  at  the  Hague,  June  25,  for  examination. 
On  his  arrival  in  America  he  became  pastor  of  the  charge  at 
Amwell,  N.  J.  Germantown  called  him  in  1768,  but  he 
declined.  In  1769  charges  were  brought  against  him  at 
Amwell,  and  a  committee  sent  to  investigate  them.  As  a 
result  he  left  Amwell,  but  retained  the  rest  of  the  charge, 
preaching  at  Rockaway,  Fox  Hill  and  Alexandria.  After 
Pomp  left  Falkner  Swamp,  he  went  there,  1782.    He  sup- 


554       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX   U.    S. 

plied  the  Goshenhoppen  charge,  1781-1784.  On  October 
10,  1787,  he  was  present  with  Schlatter  at  the  funeral  of 
Muhlenberg.  He  died  at  Falkuer  Swamp,  January  15, 
1799,  and  his  funeral  sermon  was  preached  by  J.  Theo- 
bald Faber,  Jr.  He  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  coe- 
tus,  being  its  clerk  1774,  1783,  1786,  1788,  1789,  and 
president  of  it,  1775,  1787  and  1790. 

1771. 

In  this  year  two  excellent  vouug;  men,  Charles  Lewis 
Boehme  and  Abraham  Blumer,  joined  the  coetus. 

Charles  Lewis  Bcehme. 

Charles  Lewis  Boehme  was  born  at  Muhlbach,  in  the 
Palatinate  south  of  Eppingen,  and  matriculated  at  Heidel- 
berg university,  November  22,  1755.  He  had  been  a 
vicar  to  a  congregation  and  officiated  at  Bacharach,  on  the 
Rhine,  and  Hedesheim,  near  Creutznach.  He  was  at 
Amsterdam,  August  2,  and  preached  in  Rev.  Mr.  Kess- 
ler's  church  with  credit.  He  appeared  before  the  deputies 
at  the  Hague,  August  22,  1770,  and  before  the  classical 
commissioners,  August  27.  After  his  arrival  in  Pennsyl- 
vania he  was  sent  to  Lancaster,  where  if  no  complaint 
<3ame  in  against  him,  he  would  be  permitted  to  preach. 
At  the  next  coetus  no  reports  against  him  having  come  in, 
he  was  permitted  to  become  their  minister,  remaining 
there  till  July,  1775.  He  was  then  called  to  McCallis- 
ter's  (Hanover)  where  he  remained  till  1779.     Then  he 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  555 

accepted  a  call  to  the  old  congregation  at  Baltimore,  where 
his  first  marriage  is  recorded,  July  28,   1779.     But  he 
soon  sickened  of  gout  and  epilepsy,  and  was  compelled  to 
resign.     In  his  sickness  he  became  very  poor.     The  Bal- 
timore congregation,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  coetus,  sup- 
ported him  for  a  year.     The  coetus   appealed  to  Holland 
for  aid,  which  was  granted.     In  1783  the  deputies  gave 
him  .^40,  as  the  Baltimore  congregation  was  not  able  to 
support  him  because  of  the  calamities  of  the  war.     Boehme 
seems  to  have  been  an  excellent,  talented  man.     The  coetus 
of  1785  speaks  of  him  as  just  having  died.     He  was  clerk 
of  coetus  in  1772,  and  president  the  next  year. 
Abeaham  Blumer. 
Abraham  Blumer  was  born  December  14,  1736,  O.  S., 
at  Graps,  formerly  in  the  canton  of  Glarus,  Switzerland. 
His  father,  John  Jacob   Blumer,  died  when  he  was  only 
ten  years  old.     He  matriculated  at  Basle,  August  1, 1754. 
He  was  ordained,  June  8,  1756.     He  became  chaplain   of 
a  Swiss  regiment  in  the  Sardinian  service,  July  11,   1757, 
remaining  in  it  up  to   1766,  when  he  left  it   to  enter  the 
teaching  profession  in  his  canton.     He  became  vicar  to  a 
sickly  minister,  and  also  private  tutor.     Rev.  Mr.  Planta, 
the  pastor  of  the  German  Reformed  church  at  London, 
wrote  a  letter,  June  26, 1770,  to  the  deputies  strongly  urg- 
ing his  appointment.     He  appeared   before  the  deputies, 
Aujjust  22,  together  with  Boehrao,  and  also  before  the  <tlas- 
sieal  committee,  August  27,  1770.     He  left  Amsterdam, 


556        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

September  6,  1770.  He  arrived  at  New  York  the  latter 
part  of  January,  1771.  He  was  called  to  the  congrega- 
tions near  Allentown,  as  Egypt,  Jordan,  Sciilossers  and 
Erlentown.  He  labored  there  ov^er  30  years,  till  Mav, 
1801,  old  age  compelled  him  to  resign.  He  died,  April 
23,  1822,  and  was  buried  in  the  Egypt  church.  During 
his  pastorate  he  baptized  2517  children  and  confirmed 
1137.  He  was  a  man  of  considerable  ability  and  scholar- 
ship, and  occupied  prominent  positions  in  the  coetus.  He 
was  clerk  in  1773,  1784,  and  president  in  1774  and  1785. 

1772. 

This  year  brought  three  important  ministers  into  the 
coetus,  the  half  brothers  John  Henry  Helffrich  and  Al- 
bert Conrad  Helifenstein,  aud  also  John  Gabriel  Geb- 
hard.  Before  taking  them  up,  one  cannot  help  referring  to 
Rev.  Peter  HelfFenstein,  the  inspector  of  the  Reformed  con- 
gregations of  the  classis  of  Sinsheim  in  the  Palatinate. 
The  classis  of  Amsterdam  (April  3,  1771)  says  he  offered 
himself,  his  two  sons  and  his  step-son  Helffrich,  all  for 
Pennsylvania.  (Long  before,  on  November  1,  1742,  Dr. 
Diemer  had  written  to  the  classis  that  a  minister  named 
Helffenstein  would  pass  through  Holland  on  his  way  to 
Pennsylvania.)  Later,  June  16,  1771,  the  deputies 
receive  a  letter  that  he  cannot  live  separated  from  his 
sons,  aud  greatly  desired  to  go.  He  also  gives  a  sad 
account  of  his  struggle  with  unbelief  and  simony  in  the 
Palatinate    Church.      But   his   longing   was    unfulfilled, 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  557 

because  of  lack  of  means  ou  the  part  of  the  deputies.  He 
later  wrote  pathetic  letters  to  his  son.  His  heart  was  ou 
this  side  of  the  ocean,  although  never  permitted  by  provi- 
dence to  come. 

John  Henry  Helffrich. 

He  was  born  at  Mosbach  in  the  Palatinate,  October 
22,  1739.  He  matriculated  at  Heidelberg  university, 
February  2,  1758,  and  entered  the  ministry  in  Septem- 
ber, 1761.  He  preached  for  three  years  and  a  half  at 
Sinsheim  and  Rohrbach  under  his  step-father.  He  v/as 
for  seven  years  vicar  at  Reyen,  Kirchhard  and  Steinfurth. 
He  left  Sinsheim,  June,  1771,  for  Holland,  together  with 
his  half-brother,  Albert  Courad  Helffenstein.  At  Man- 
heim  they  took  the  boat  down  the  Rhine  to  Dusseldorf. 
He  appeared  before  the  deputies,  July  14,  having  been 
before  the  classical  commissioners,  July  5.  He  sailed  for 
America,  September  6,  1771.  The  voyage  was  a  long 
and  very  perilous  one.  On  shipboard  they  were  often  in 
great  want,  because  their  prolonged  stay  iu  Holland  had 
been  expensive,  while  the  traveling  money  given  by  the 
deputies  was  unusually  small.  Hardly  had  tliey  left 
Amsterdam,  than  they  ran  on  a  sandbank,  from  which 
they  had  to  be  pulled  off  by  a  larger  ship.  On  Septem- 
ber 16  they  arrived  at  Newcastle,  England,  where  their 
vessel  remained  twenty  days.  They  left  October  6. 
They  had  a  tremendous  storm  for  two  days,  and  were 
driven  by  the  storm  out  of  their  course,  backward  toward 


558        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

Hamburg.  On  the  21st  England  and  France  again  came 
into  sight.  On  the  25th  they  were  driven  into  the  har- 
bor of  Caen  for  satety.  On  October  21  they  went  out 
again  to  sea.  The  voyage  was  pleasant  until  November 
9,  when  a  terrible  storm  came  up.  The  voyage  proved 
so  long  that  there  was  danger  of  starvation.  On  Decem- 
ber 25  the  passengers  had  water  dealt  out  because  of  its 
scarcity.  On  January  14  they  arrived  at  New  York  after 
a  voyage  of  four  months  and  eight  days.  In  all  they 
passed  through  seven  storms  and  two  water  spouts,  which 
broke  the  masts,  tore  the  sails  and  threatened  destruction. 
At  New  York  they  called  on  Rev.  Dr.  Livingston,  of  the 
Dutch  Church,  who  directed  them  to  Pennsylvania.  He 
was  called  as  pastor  of  the  Maxatawny  charge  by  the 
coetus  of  1772.  He  continued  pastor  of  this  charge  till 
his  death.  His  first  act  was  to  thoroughly  organize  the 
congregations  which  before  had  been  under  the  indepen- 
dent ministers,  like  Michael.  Some  of  them  objected, 
and  he  left  them,  but  most  of  them  accepted  and  became 
thoroughly  organized  under  the  coetus.  He  was  quite 
active  in  the  coetus,  never  missing  a  meeting  of  it,  except 
one  in  1784.  He  was  its  clerk  in  1776  and  1785,  and  its 
president  in  1777  and  1786.  He  died  on  December  5, 
1810.  During  his  ministry  he  baptized  5830  and  con- 
firmed 4000.  He  was  just  about  mounting  his  horse  to 
visit  the  widow  of  a  deceased  friend,  when  he  was  stricken 
with  apoplexy.     As  he  was  carried  to   his  bed,   he  said,. 


THE   MEA[BERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  55& 

"  O  how  well  I  lie  here."  He  was  a  fine  scholar  and  an 
able  preacher.  He  left  a  system  of  dogmatics  in  Latin, 
which  is  interesting  in  revealing  what  the  early  fathers  of 
our  Church  in  this  country  believed. 

Albert  Conrad  Helffenstein. 

He  was  of  old  Reformed  stock.  We  have  already 
referred  to  his  father.  (His  great-grandfather  narrowly 
escaped  being  killed  during  the  Thirty  Years'  War  because 
of  his  attachment  to  the  Reformed  faith.  He  was  hotly 
pursued  by  the  enemy,  but  took  refuge  in  a  hole  or  open- 
ing of  the  earth.  Before  his  pursuers  could  come  up,  a 
spider  diligently  went  to  work  and  spun  a  web  over  the 
hole  at  the  entrance.  The  enemy,  as  they  passed  by, 
concluded  from  this  that  no  one  could  have  gone  in  there.) 
He  was  born  at  Mosbach,  February  16,  1748,  and  was 
therefore  about  nine  years  younger  than  his  half-brother, 
Heltfrich.  He  matriculated  at  Heidelberg,  May  7,  1764. 
AVith  Helflfrich  he  appeared  before  the  deputies,  July  14, 
1771.  During  the  voyage  over  they  encountered  very 
severe  storms,  and  he  and  Gebhard  were  very  nearly 
washed  overboard  by  a  wave,  January  7,  1772.  They 
arrived  at  New  York,  January  14.  There  he  met  Dr. 
Livingston,  of  the  Dutch  Church,  who  afterwards  men- 
tioned with  pleasure  the  meeting.  During  the  storms  he 
more  thoroughly  consecrated  himself  to  God.  He  at  once 
became  pastor  at  Germantown.  In  1776  he  was  called  to 
Lancaster,  although  his  Germantown  congregation  bitterly 


560       THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

opposed  it.  He  remained  at  Lancaster  till  July,  1779, 
when  be  was  again  recalled  to  Gennantown.  He  labored 
tbere  for  ten  years,  and  then  died,  May  17,  1790,  when 
the  church  was  in  tiie  midst  of  a  revival.  Dallicker 
preached  his  funeral  sermon  in  the  church  on  John  14  : 
13,  and  Rev.  Dr.  Helmuth  preached  on  2  Kings  1  :  26 
at  the  grave.  He  was  prominent  in  the  coetus,  being 
clerk  in  1779  and  1787,  and  president  in  1781  and  1788. 
He  was  one  of  the  most  eloquent  preachers  of  the  early 
Reformed  Church.  Harbaugh  related  the  following  :  "  It 
was  his  custom  to  have  two  introductions,  one  before  a 
prayer  and  the  other  after.  The  former  was  based  on  a 
Scripture  text,  as  well  as  the  latter."  Harbaugh  says  that 
on  one  occasion  at  Whitemarsh,  after  singing  the  hymn, 
he  stood  up  and  commenced,  "  Lord,  save,  or  I  perish." 
He  then  closed  his  eyes,  bowed  his  head  and  folded  his 
hands.  In  a  few  seconds  he  opened  his  eyes  and  pro- 
ceeded, "  Thus  it  was  that  Peter  cried  out  when  on  the 
sea  he  saw  himself  in  danger  of  sinking."  Some  in  (he 
congregation  had  been  alarmed  by  his  act,  supposing  that 
Helifenstein  had  been  sinking  in  the  pulpit.  He  was 
very  careful  in  the  analysis  of  a  sermon  and  impressive  in 
its  delivery.  A  volume  of  his  sermons  was  published 
after  his  death,  and  had  a  large  circulation  among  the 
Germans.  It  was  entitled,  "  Eine  Sammlung  auserlcsener 
Predigten.  Carlisle,  1810."  They  were  republished  in 
1818,  1835  and  1839.     An  English  translation  was  pub- 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  561 

lished,  entitled,  "A  Collection  of  Choice  Sermons.     Car- 
lisle, 1832." 

John  Gabriel  Gebhard. 

He  was  the  brother  of  the  colleague  of  the  elder  Hel- 
ffenstein  at  Mosbach.  He  was  born  at  Walldorf,  south  of 
Heidelberg,  February  2, 1750.  He  matriculated  at  Heid- 
elberg, January,  1768.  He  appeared  before  the  classical 
commissioners,  July  5,  1771.  He  was  refused  by  the 
deputies  and  so  went  to  Utrecht,  where  he  was  examined, 
August  13,  by  the  classis  of  Utrecht.  He  came  before 
the  deputies,  August  20-22,  and  was  examined  and  accept- 
ed.    He  left  with  Helffrich  and   Helffenstein,    September 

6,  1771,  and  was  almost  washed  overboard  at  sea,  January 

7,  but  arrived  with  them,  January  14,  at  New  York.    On 

his  arrival  he  was  called  to  the  congregation  at    Witpen, 

but  did  not  remain  long.     He  was   called    in    November, 

1774,  to  the  German  Reformed  congregation  in  New  York, 

where  he  remained  until  driven  out  by  the  British.     His 

later   ministry   was  at  Claverack,    1776-1826.     He   was 

quite  a  linguist,  mastering   the    Dutch    language   within 

three  months.     He  founded  the   Washington    institute  at 

Claverack,  and  was  its  principal.     He  died    August    16, 

1826. 

1774. 

John  William  Ingold. 

He  was  born  at  Simmern  in  the  Palatinate  and  matric- 
ulated at  Heidelberg  university,  1754.     He  was  ordained 
36 


562        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IX   U.    S. 

at  Heidelberg,  May  10,  1 762.  He  was  not  one  of  the  Squat- 
ter imposter  order,  as  Weiser  suggests  in  his  monograph 
on  Goshenhoppen,  but  a  regularly  ordained  minister  sent 
by  the  Holland  deputies.  He  appeared  before  the  depu- 
ties, June  1,  1774,  having  a  testimonial  from  Hospital, 
consistorialrath  of  Heidelberg,  dated  May  23,  1773.  He 
also  had  a  recommendation  from  the  German  Reformed 
church  of  London,  of  which  he  had  been  minister  for  more 
than  four  months,  dated  February  20,  1774.  He  was 
appointed  to  Pennsylvania.  On  his  arrival  in  Pennsyl- 
vania he  took  charge  of  Witpen.  A  controversy  arose 
between  the  congregation  and  himself  about  his  salary, 
which  they  refused  to  pay,  and  he  left.  He  went  to  Sau- 
con  for  a  short  time  and  then  to  Easton  in  1776.  Here 
he  again  failed  in  his  ministry.  Then  he  went  to  Gosh- 
enhoppen in  1780,  offering  to  remain  on  whatever  salary 
they  chose  to  give.  New  Goshenhoppen  refused  to  accept 
him.  Coetus  tried  to  pacify  matters  through  a  committee, 
but  was  unsuccessful.  He  then  returned  to  Easton  in 
1781,  where  he  labored  for  five  years.  He  left  Easton, 
November,  1780,  and  came  to  Reading.  He  left  Reading, 
April,  1788,  on  the  eve  of  a  coetus  meeting  there  and  went 
to  Indian  Field,  Tohickou  and  Trumbauer's.  The  coetus' 
minutes  of  1790  say  Ingold,  who  has  not  attended  coetus 
for  three  years  last,  is  again  absent,  and  on  account  of  his 
evil  conduct  has  been  rejected  by   his  congregations.     As 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  563 

long  as  the  coetus  existed  he  was  a  member  of  it,  although 
the  synod  later  in  1801  excluded  him. 

B.— The  Ministers  who  Joined  the  Coetus  in 
America.* 

1765. 
John  Daniel  Geos. 
John  Daniel  Gros  was  born  at  Webenheim  in  the  county 
of  Zweibrucken.  He  matriculated  at  the  university  of 
Marburg,  April  20,  1758,  and  at  Heidelberg  April  21, 
1761.  He  went  to  Holland  to  arrange  to  be  sent  by  the 
deputies,  but  he  says  that  when  he  got  there  he  found  the 
ship  was  about  to  sail,  and  so  came  over  without  waiting 
for  them  to  accept  him.  He  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
at  Philadelphia,  December  4,  1764.  When  the  coetus  of 
1765  met  they  examined  and  ordained  him.  They  ex- 
plained their  unusual  act  in  not  waiting  for  proper  author- 
ity from  Holland  to  ordain  him  by  saying  that  when  he 
arrived  there  was  danger  that  independent  congregations 
would  lay  hold  of  him  even  on  the  ship.  So  to  prevent 
him  from  becoming  an  independent  minister  they  thus 
ordained  him,  relying  on  Hendel's  testimony  about  him, 
who  testified  to  his  good  conduct  and  diligence  at  Heidel- 
elberg  university.  He  was  called  to  the  Whitehall  charge 
near  Allentown.     The  deputies  were  very  much  displeased 

*  We  arrange  them  according  to  the  year  in  which  they  were  received  into 
the  coetus.  Some  of  them,  as  Eucher,  had  been  labeling  in  the  ministry  some 
time  before  thus  received. 


564        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

that  the  coetiis  ordaiued  him,  and  for  a  time  delayed  their 
approval  of  it,  but  finally  granted  it.  His  charge  was 
very  poor,  yet  he  labored  most  successfully  in  it,  and  they 
became  greatly  attached  to  him.  In  1769  he  was  called 
to  Saucon,  but  so  great  was  his  attachment  to  his  former 
charge  that  he  w^ould  not  give  them  up  until  they  had  a 
pastor.  And  for  a  time  he  served  both  charges,  although 
quite  a  distance  apart  He  would  preach  in  his  old  charge 
three  Sundays  and  the  fourth  Sunday  in  Saucon  and  Spring- 
field. But  in  1770  he  left  his  old  charge,  giving  his  entire 
time  to  Saucon.  He  soon  became  prominent  in  coetus, 
being  placed  on  committees  requiring  delicate  work,  as  on 
the  committee  to  harmonize  the  Baltimore  congregation. 
He  was  clerk  of  coetus  in  1768,  and  president  the  next 
year.  In  1772  he  complained  to  coetus  that  his  congre- 
gations did  not  pay  his  salary.  Because  of  their  want  of 
love,  stubbornness,  neglect  of  church  worship  and  failure 
to  pay  his  salary,  he  therefore  accepted  the  next  year  a  call 
to  Kingston,  N.  Y.  But  although  he  was  in  New  York, 
he  still  felt  great  interest  in  the  German  churches,  and 
attended  one  or  two  coetus  meetings  afterward.  He  was 
pastor  at  Kingston,  177o-17<S3.  He  was  pastor  of  the 
German  Reformed  congregation  in  New  York  cityj  1783- 
1795.  He  became  professor  of  German  languages  at  Col- 
un)bia  college,  1784-95,  of  moral  philosophy  tliere,  1787- 
1795,  regent  of  the  university  of  New  York,  1784-1787. 
Columbia  College  gave  him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divin- 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  565 

ity  iu  1789.  He  died,  May  27,  1812.  He  published  the 
first  great  book  published  iu  America  on  moral  philosophy, 
entitled  "  Natural  Principles  of  Rectitude,  a  systematic 
treatise  on  Moral  Philosophy,"  Philadelphia,  1795. 

1767. 
John  Conrad  Bucher. 
He  was  a  native  of  Schaffhausen,  to  which  his  ances- 
tors came  as  early  as  1545  from  Lindau.  He  was  born 
there,  June  13,*  1730,  son  of  Jacob  and  Anna  Dorothea 
Burgauwer.  His  father  became  prominent  as  magistrate 
at  Neukirch  in  1745,  and  in  1752  as  assistant  clerk  ot 
Schaffhausen.  He  studied  in  his  native  town,  complet- 
ing his  course  with  honor  in  1750,  Then  he  went  to  St. 
Gall  to  study  under  Casper  Wegelin,  Schlatter's  teacher. 
He  may  have  been  there  when  Schlatter  visited  St.  Gall 
for  candidates  for  Pennsylvania.  On  June,  1752,  he 
went  to  Marburg  university,  where  he  matriculated  on 
July  14  and  remained  till  April,  1755,  although  in  June, 
1753,  he  made  a  brief  visit  to  Gottingen,  where  the  great 
historian  Mosheim  wrote  in  his  autograph  album. f  He 
had  been  studying  theology,  but  seems  to  have  preferred 
the  military  service.  So  he  entered  the  Dutch  service, 
and  after  that  the  English  for  the  French  and  Indian  war 
in  America.  He  was  placed  near  Carlisle.  He  was 
appointed  lieutenant,  April  19,  17G0,  reappointed  lieuten- 

•  Not  10,  as  Harbaugh  has  it. 

f  This  album  is  in  the  possession  ol  Rev.  Prof.  J.  H.  Dubbs,  D.  D. 


566        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IX    U.    S. 

ant,  July  15,  1763,  adjutant,  September  7,  1763.  He 
was  appointed  captain,  July  31,  1764.  At  the  close  of 
1765  he  resigned  his  commission,  and  went  to  preaching. 
Rupp  says  the  Carlisle  congregation  had  been  organized 
in  1765,  and  he  was  its  first  minister.  He  is  no  doubt 
the  person  referred  to  in  the  coetus  minutes  of  1765  as 
the  independent  minister  who  performed  ministerial  func- 
tions at  Carlisle,  for  it  is  said  that  he  began  performing 
ministerial  acts  at  Carlisle  as  early  as  1763.  He  began 
preaching  at  Bedford,  1764,  at  Middletown,  Hummels- 
town  and  Falling  Spring  in  1765.  Indeed  it  is  said  that 
he  preached  at  Fort  Pitt,  which  he  must  have  done  dur- 
ing the  Bouquet  expedition.  Tradition  has  it  that  he 
acted  as  a  chaplain  in  the  army.  In  1768  he  also  preached 
at  Big  Crossings  of  Yoghegeny,  Redstone  and  near  Fort 
Cumberland.  He  removed  to  Lebanon  about  the  begin- 
ning of  1768,  and  became  pastor  of  that  charge,  which 
consisted  of  Quittopahilla,  Heidelberg,  White  Oaks  and 
Rapho  or  Roffo.  In  1770  he  supplied  Reading,  and  was 
called  there,  but  out  of  love  to  his  congregation  at  Leba- 
non he  declined.  Stahlschmidt  speaks  of  him  as  a  minis- 
ter who  made  merely  a  trade  of  preaching,  but  judged  by 
his  work  at  Lebanon,  he  had  a  higher  aim  than  that.  He 
was  clerk  of  coetus,  1775.  He  preached  at  Lebanon  till 
his  death,  August  15,  1780,  when  at  a  wedding  at  Anu- 
ville  he  suddenly  died  of  heart  disease.  So  great  was  the 
affection  of  his  congregation  for  him  that  they  reverently 


THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE    COETUS.  567 

carried  his  body  to  Lebanon  for  burial.     He  was  buried 
at  Lebanon  at  9  a.  m.,  August  17,  1780. 

John  Christopher  Gobrecht. 
John  Christopher  Gobrecht  was  born  at  Angerstein, 
near  Gottingen,  October  11,  1733.  He  was  a  weaver  by 
trade,  and  came  to  Phikidelphia  in  1753.  He  qualified, 
September  11,  1753,  with  his  father.  After  being  in  this 
country  for  ten  years  he  was  led  by  God's  Spirit  to  study 
for  the  ministry.  He  studied  two  years  under  Alsentz. 
He  was  examined  and  ordained  in  the  Tohickon  church, 
says  Harbaugh,  September  28,  1766,  and  took  charge  of 
the  Tohickon,  Indian  Fiekl  and  Great  Swamp  congrega- 
tions. In  1770  he  was  called  to  the  Muddy  Creek  charge. 
He  preached  his  farewell  sermon  at  Tohickon,  December  9, 
and  entered  on  his  labors  in  the  new  charge,  December  15, 
1770.  In  1779  he  became  pastor  at  Hanover,  Christ 
church,  Abbottstown  and  Bermudian,  where  he  labored  27 
years.  He  died  at  Hanover,  November  6,  1815.  He 
lacked  the  excellent  preparation  of  a  university  course,  but 
proved  a  plain,  effective  preacher,  and  left  a  blessed  influ- 
ence behind.  He  was  president  of  the  coetus  in  1776,  and 
must  have  been  a  man  of  good  judgment,  for  they  put  him 
on  the  committee  to  try  and  harmonize  the  Baltimore  con- 
gregation. 

1769. 

Frederick  Faehring. 
He  was  born  in  1736.     He  lost  his  father  in  his  earlier 
years.     He  studied  at  Princeton  College,  and  then  three 


568         THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

years  under  Alsentz,  Weyberg  and  Pomp,  who  reported  to 
coetus  in  his  favor.  He  was,  however,  postponed  for  another 
examination,  which  took  place  in  the  spring  of  1769,  be- 
fore Weyberg,  Dubois  and  Faber.  They  at  once  ordained 
him,  and  until  the  next  coetus  assigned  him  to  German- 
town  and  Witpen.  The  coetus  of  1770  endorsed  the  call 
of  the  Germantown  charge  to  him.  In  1770  he  was  charged 
with  a  clandestine  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  an  elder  in 
his  congregation.  He  confessed  his  sin  and  asked  forgive- 
ness of  coetus.  But  in  1772  he  accepted  a  call  to  the  Ger- 
man Reformed  congregation  in  New  York.  His  ministry 
was  afterward  spent  in  the  Dutch  Church.  He  was  pastor 
in  New  York,  1772-1774.  His  congregation  was  loth  to 
part  with  him,  but  he  accepted  what  is  now  the  Millstone 
church,  N.  Y.  He  was  an  active  patriot  in  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  from  a  cold  caught  in  escaping  from  the  British 
sent  to  capture  him,  he  died,  March  29,  1779. 

1770, 

Jacob  Weymer. 

He  was  born  about  1728,  for  when  he  applied  to  the 
coetus  in  1768,  he  is  said  to  be  about  forty  years  of  age. 
There  is  a  Jacob  Weimer,  who  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
at  Philadelphia,  October  7,  1751,  which  is  very  likely  he, 
for  the  coetus  of  1768  says  he  had  been  a  school-teacher 
for  seventeen  years.  When  he  came  before  coetus,  he  had 
been  very  successful  in  ministering  to  desolate  congrega- 


THE    MEMBERS    OF   THE    COETUS.  569 

tions  during  the  French  and  Indian  wars.  He  was  exam- 
ined and  recommended  to  Holland  for  ordination.  He 
was  employed  as  a  catechist  at  the  Heidelberg  congrega- 
tion, 1770-1771.  He  was  assigned  to  nine  congregations 
along  the  border,  among  them  Heidelberg,  Lynn,  Albany, 
Lowhill  and  Greenwich,  because  of  their  great  desire  for 
the  Word  of  God.  The  Holland  deputies  granted  per- 
mission for  his  ordination,  July  9,  1769.  He  was  there- 
fore ordained  in  1770.  In  the  same  year  he  was  called  to 
Canogocheaque  and  Hagerstowu.  lu  1771  he,  with  Henop, 
went  to  Virginia  and  brought  back  news  of  the  sad  con- 
dition of  the  Reformed.  He  organized  the  Chambersburg 
congregation,  1784,  also  preaching  at  Grindstone  Hill  and 
Greencastle  ;  at  Apple's,  Frederick  county,  Md. ;  St.  Paul's, 
near  Clear  Spring ;  Baird's  church,  near  Cavetowu,  and 
Besore's,  near  Waynesboro.  He  also  preached  at  Shep- 
herdstown,  and  once  a  year  went  to  Huntingdon  county. 
He  died  at  Hagerstown  shortly  before  the  meeting  of  coetus, 
June  7,  1790.     He  was  an  earnest,  acceptable  preacher. 

1772. 

Benedict  Schwob. 

He  was  born  about  1730.  He  had  been  preaching  to 
the  members  of  the  Baltimore  congregation,  who  had  been 
disaffected  with  Faber,  and  who  desired  greater  spiritual 
life  than  the  cold  preaching  of  Faber  had  given  them.  As 
there  was  a  controversy  between  the  two  parties  in  that 


570        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

congregation,  the  matter  of  his  ordination  was  referred  to 
a  committee,  consisting  of  Pomp  and  Hendel.  They 
brought  a  favorable  report.  Coctus  ordered  him  to  be 
ordained,  after  he  had  passed  his  examinations,  and  pro- 
vided the  congregation  in  Baltimore  interposed  no  objec- 
tions. Gros  and  Gobrecht,  the  committee  sent  to  Balti- 
more, brought  back  a  favorable  report,  exonerating  him. 
Coetus  took  favorable  action  by  a  majority  vote,  because 
of  the  scarcity  of  ministers  in  Maryland.  He  appeared 
before  the  coetus  of  1771,  and  was  again  examined  by 
Henop  and  Hendel,  and  ordained. 

Caspar  Wack. 
He  was  the  son  of  John  George  Wack,  an  elder  in  the 
Philadelphia  congregation,  and  had  attracted  the  notice  of 
Weyberg.  He  was  botn  at  Philadelphia,  August  15, 1 752. 
Weyberg  took  charge  of  his  education,  and  taught  him 
three  years.  When  only  seventeen  years  of  age  he  was 
serving  the  congregation  at  Lancaster  as  a  catechist,  as  the 
congregation  had  no  pastor.  He  was  so  acceptable  that,  as 
Faber  did  not  accept  their  call,  he  was  continued  as  cate- 
chist. In  1771  he  was  acting  as  a  supply  to  the  Tohickon 
and  Indian  Field  congregations  and  Great  Swamp.  He 
proved  so  acceptable  that  the  congregation  gave  him  tAvo 
calls.  He  was  examined,  but  coetus  waited  for  orders 
from  Holland  before  ordaining  him.  He  was  ordained, 
July,  1772.  He  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  young  man 
born  in  America  ordained  by  the  coetus  to  the  ministry. 


THE    MEMBERS    OF   THE    COETUS.  571 

But  he  was  not  the  first  ordained  by  the  coetus,  as  Har- 
baug-h  suggests,  for  DuBois  and  Tempelman  were  the  first, 
in  1752,  about  twenty  years  befi^re.  He  was  the  boy 
preaclier  of  the  early  Church.  Such  favorable  reports 
came  to  Holland  about  him,  says  Harbaugh,  that  the  Hol- 
land fathers  asked  him  to  visit  Holland  at  their  expense. 
But  owing  to  the  unwillingness  of  his  parents  and  friends, 
he  did  not  do  so.  In  1773  Nacomixon  congregation  was 
incorporated  in  his  charge.  He  reported  to  coetus  a  bap- 
tism by  a  school-master,  which  coetus  declared  was  not  a 
baptism,  and  the  deputies,  when  they  heard  of  their  action, 
were  displeased  that  they  did  not  also  discipline  the  school- 
master. On  June  20,  Blumer  as  president  and  Dallicker 
as  clerk  of  coetus  gave  him  a  fine  testimonial  of  his  work. 
In  1782  he  was  called  to  German  Valley,  N.  J.,  Fox- 
hill  and  Rockaway.  He  declined  the  first  call,  but 
accepted  the  second,  given  soon  after.  Here  he  labored 
for  twenty-seven  years.  He  was  then  called  to  German- 
town  about  1811,  where  he  labored  for  twelve  years,  and 
then  retired  to  the  home  of  his  son,  who  was  preaching  at 
Witpen.  The  last  four  or  five  years  of  his  life  were  spent 
with  his  son,  Dr.  Philip  Wack,  at  the  Trappe.  He  died, 
July  19,  1839.  He  was  probably  the  first  German 
Reformed  minister  to  introduce  the  English  language  into 
his  congregations,  as  at  German  Valley  and  Germantown. 
He  was  quite  decided  on  his  theological  views.  A  Uni- 
versalist  minister  once  annoyed  him,  saying,  "  Our  doctrine 


572        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

is  old ;  it  was  preached  in  paradise/'  quoting  the  words, 
"  The  seed  of  the  woman  shall  bruise  the  serpent's  head." 
But  Wack  M'as  equal  to  him,  for  he  replied  "  Yes,  it  is 
old  ;  it  was  preached  in  paradise,  and  the  devil  was  the 
first  preacher  of  it,  and  his  text  was,  Thou  shalt  not  surely 
die."  And  to  another  who  was  preaching  restorationism 
after  death,  he  replied,  "  If  that  be  so,  I  don't  see  what  you 
have  to  do  here,  where  I  am  doing  all  in  my  power  to  pre- 
vent people  from  going  to  hell.  Your  proper  mission  is  in 
hell  itself,  preaching  the  gospel  of  prospective  deliverance 
to  those  who  are  in  torment." 

John  Wesley  Gilbert  Xeyelixg. 
He  was  a  cousin  of  Weyberg,  and  was  born  in  West- 
phalia about  1750.  He  came  to  this  country  with  Mrs. 
Weyberg  in  1764.  Weyberg  instructed  him,  as  he 
had  Wack,  and  so  did  Gros.  He  was  examined  by 
coetus  in  1771,  after  having  supplied  Am  well  with  preach- 
ing for  a  time.  This  congregation  so  loved  him  that  they 
came  to  coetus  with  a  call  for  him.  He  was  examined 
and  approved,  but  coetus  waited  for  the  Holland  Church 
to  order  his  ordination.  He  was  ordained  after  the  coetus 
of  1772.  Germantown  called  him  in  1776,  but  he  declined. 
In  1783  he  accepted  the  Reading  congregation.  Here 
about  1783,  while  riding  to  preach  at  the  Alsace  congrega- 
tion, his  horse  fell  and  the  stem  of  the  pipe  he  was  smok- 
ing wounded  his  throat  so  as  to  permanently  aifect  his 
speech.     Then  paralysis  came  on.     For  sixty  years  he  was 


t 


THE   MEMBERS   OF    THE   COETUS.  573 

paralyzed  aud  very  needy.     The  coetiis  of  1787  asked  the 
Holland  fathers  to  appropriate  some  money  for  him,  which 
they  did.     Perhaps  no  one  felt  the  effect  of  the  separation 
of  the  coetus  from  Holland  in  1793  more  than  Neveling, 
for  it  cut  off  their  aid  to  him.     He  complained  to  Holland 
about  this.     During  his  long  sufferings  the  Bible  was  his 
constant  companion  till  eyesight  failed,  and  then  he  was 
always  happy  in  Christ.     He  died,  January  18,  1844,  in 
Philadelphia,  at  the  age  of  94  years. 
Daniel  Wagner. 
He  was   born  in  Westphalia,  January   11,  1750,  at 
Eibelshausen,  near  Dillenburg,  and  brought  to  this  country 
when  two  years  old.     His  lather  settled  first  in  Chester 
county,  and  then  in  Bern   township,  Berks  county.     He 
went  to  New  York  to  study  under  Gros  in  Latin,  Greek 
and  Hebrew,  and  then  to  Hendel  to  study  theology.     He 
was  examined  by  coetus,  but  his  ordination   had  to  wait 
until  ordered  by   Holland.     The  coetus  of  1772  ordered 
him  to  be  ordained.     In  1773  York  wanted  him,  if  Otter- 
bein  left.     He  served  the  congregations  around  York,  and 
when  Otterbein  left  in  1774,  he  accepted  York.     During 
the  Revolution  he  was  the  Reformed  pastor  at  that  capital 
of  the  country  when  Congress  was  in  session.     In  1786  he 
accepted  a  call  to  Tulpehocken.     But  so  greatly   was   he 
loved  by  his  former  congregation  at  York,  that  they  would 
make  up  small  parties  aud  go  to  Tulpehocken  to  visit  him. 
So   on   October,  1793,  he    returned  to  York   as   pastor. 


574       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

remaining  there  till  1802,  when  he  accepted  a  call  to  Fred- 
erick, which  he  resigned,  October,  1810.  He  died,  Decem- 
ber 1 7, 1810.  He  is  a  fine  illustration  of  a  well  rounded  out 
minister,  scholarly,  spiritual  and  of  excellent  common 
sense.  He  was  clerk  of  coetus  in  1791  and  president  in 
1792. 

John  William  Weber. 

He  was  born  at  Wittgenstein,  in  Germany,  March  5, 
1735.  From  a  certificate  dated  April  23,  1764,  it  appears 
he  was  a  school-master  there  before  coming  to  America. 
He  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  at  Philadelphia  on  his 
arrival,  September  20,  1764.  In  1767  he  was  at  Falkner 
Swamp.  He  was  permitted  by  the  coetus  of  1771  to  cate- 
chise and  preach,  but  was  not  to  be  ordained  until  instruc- 
tions given  from  Holland.  He  studied,  it  is  said,  under 
Weyberg.  The  coetus  of  1772  ordered  him  ordained.  In 
1776  he  had  the  Plainfield  charge  near  Wind  Gap.  At  the 
coetus  of  1782  a  congregation  from  Westmoreland  county, 
Pa.,  asked  for  a  minister,  offering  eighty  pounds  salary. 
As  Weber  had  had  some  trouble,  it  is  said,  in  his  congre- 
gation because  of  his  strong  sympathies  with  the  patriots, 
he  declared  himself  willing  to  go.  He  went  west  in  Sep- 
tember, 1782,  and  took  his  family  in  June,  1783,  to  West- 
moreland county.  Tims  the  coetus  began  its  home  mis- 
sionary work  in  the  west  tluring  the  trying  hours  of  the 
Revolution.  His  congregations  are  given  as  at  Fort  Pitt, 
Hautolin,   Hampfield  and  ]\[ount  Pleasant.     He  labored 


THE   MEMBERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  575 

hard,  but  his  congregations  did  not  pay  his  salary.     He 

appealed  to  coetus,  and  they  urged  the  congregations  to  pay 

or  he  would  leave,  and  they  would  have  difficulty  to  get  a 

minister.     He  also  did  a  great  deal  of  missionary  work  in 

Armstrong,  Venango,  Butler  and  Crawford  counties.     He 

died  at  the  beginning  of  July,  1816.     He  was  accustomed 

to  observe  his  birthdays  as  days  of  fasting  and  prayer,  and 

a  number  of  religious  poetical  compositions  are  given  by 

Harbaugh. 

Conrad  Steiner. 

He  was  the  son  of  John  Conrad  Steiner,  and  after 
his  father's  death  had  been  acting  as  a  schoolmaster.  He 
appeared  before  the  coetus  of  1771,  Leydich  suggesting 
him  for  the  congregations  at  Upper  Milford  and  Salzburg, 
which  had  been  very  much  pleased  with  him.  He  was  ex- 
amined, and  coetus  waited  for  instructions  from  Holland. 
The  coetus  of  1772  ordered  him  to  be  ordained.  In  1774 
he  was  called  to  the  Lehigh  congregations,  but  did  not  go 
till  1775.     Here  he  was  pastor  till  1782,  when  he  died. 

1774. 
John  Christopher  Faber. 

He  was  a  cousin  of  John  Theobald  Faber,  and  older 
than  he.  He  matriculated  at  Heidelberg,  February  26, 
1752,  and  was  ordained  there  and  had  come  from  that  con- 
sistory. He  applied  with  his  cousin  to  the  Holland  dep- 
uties to  be  sent  to  Pennsylvania,  but  was  refused.  He 
however  came  to  Pennsylvania,  arriving  at  Philadelphia 


576        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.    S. 

about  the  time  that  Alsentz  died,  in  October,  1767.  He 
supplied  Alsentz'  congregation  at  Germantown.  Both  Ger- 
mautown  and  Witpen  requested  his  return,  but  the  Balti- 
more congregation  brought  a  call  before  the  coetus  of  1768, 
which  he  accepted.  The  coetus  approved  the  call,  and  as 
he  did  not  have  any  recommendations  from  Holland  they 
wrote  to  Holland  asking  that  they  allow  him  to  be  received 
as  a  member  of  the  coetus.  But  the  Holland  deputies  had 
heard  reports  against  him,  and  were  not  disposed  to  accept 
him.  Meanwhile  difficulties  arose  against  him  in  Balti- 
more which  divided  his  church,  the  pietistic  element  leav- 
ing. As  coetus  of  1771  decided  it  best  for  him  to  resign, 
he  took  the  church  at  Taney  town.  He  wrote  a  letter  from 
Taney  town,  September,  1772,  to  the  deputies  of  deep  con- 
trition for  his  sins  and  shortcomings.  He  was  received  as 
a  member  of  coetus.  May  2,  1774,  permission  having  been 
given  by  the  deputies  after  receiving  his  letter  of  1772 
confessing  his  sins.  Little  more  is  known  of  him,  un- 
less Rev.  John  Christopher  Faber,  the  seventh  pastor  of 
the  German  church  of  Charleston,  1781,  be  he.  He  was 
said  to  have  been  the  last  Reformed  pastor  of  that  congre- 
gation, as  it  afterward  passed  over  to  the  Lutherans.  Har- 
baugh  says  he  was  pastor  of  the  Chambersburg  congrega- 
dion  up  to  1789. 


THE   MEMBERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  577 

C— The  Disciplined  Ministers. 

We  now  come  to  a  new  phase  in  the  history  of  the 
coetus.  As  the  years  rolled  on,  it  found  itself  compelled 
to  use  discipline.  We  must  not  be  surprised  that  unwor- 
thy ministers  appeared.  All  the  early  religious  denomi- 
nations in  America  suffered  from  them,  and  some  of  them 
more  than  the  Reformed.  For  many  ministers,  who  had 
lost  caste  in  Europe  by  their  unworthy  lives,  came  to 
America,  either  to  shelter  themselves  from  the  disgrace  or 
to  retrieve  their  character.  Too  often  they  found  that  a 
change  of  country  did  not  by  any  means  mean  a  change  of 
nature,  so  they  soon  fell  back  into  their  old  ways.  Others 
nobly  retrieved  their  former  lives  amid  new  surroundings. 

And  there  is  a  fact  about  this  subject  that  ought  to  be 
especially  remembered  in  regard  to  our  Church.  The 
Holland  fathers  were  peculiarly  open  to  imposition  by 
unworthy  men.  For  they  could  not  send  ministers  from 
Holland  with  whose  character  they  were  familiar,  because 
these  could  not  preach  in  German.  So  they  had  to  send 
to  foreign  lands,  as  Germany  and  Switzerland,  for  min- 
isters. They  therefore  could  not  know  the  men  they  sent 
very  well,  as  they  were  all  strangers  to  them.  The  won- 
der was,  not  that  they  sent  so  many  whose  lives  proved 
unworthy,  but  that  they  sent  so  few.  Of  their  continued 
carefulness  about  the  lives  of  the  ministers  they  sent,  the 
minutes  of  their  synods  bear  abundant  testimony.  And 
37 


678        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

the  coetus  too  should  receive  great   credit  for  the  manner 
in  which  it  cast  off  such  men.* 

Jacob  LiscHY.f 

Lischy  had  had  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  min- 
istry at  York  an  element  in  the  congregation  against  him, 
led  by  Casper  Speugler.  In  1753  this  party  seems  to 
weaken,  as  on  July  30,  1753,  they  take  an  oath  before  a 
justice,  confessing  their  sin  and  promising  that  they  would 
make  no  more  trouble  in  the  Church.  Still  they  seem  to 
be  dissatisfied,  for  at  the  rival  coetus  held  that  year  at 
Cocalico,  October,  1753,  they  bring  complaints  against 
Lischy.  Lischy  seems  to  have  grown  tired  of  this  strife, 
and  during  the  latter  part  of  that  year  determined  to 
resign,  and  preached  his  farewell  sermon  on  Acts  20  :  21. 
But  the  congregation  gave  him  a  recall,  January  1,  1754, 
signed  by  87  members.  He  therefore  decided,  A])ril  13, 
1754,  to  remain. 

But  at  the  coetus  of  1757  a  serious  charge  of  immoral- 
ity after  the  death  of  his  wife  was  l)ronght  against  him. 
The  coetus  reported  to  Holland  that  he  had  refused  to 
meet  a  committee  to  confer  about  his  case,  and  instead  had 
written  to  Rieger  and  Otterbein,  accusing  the  members  of 
coetus  of  unjust  hostility  to  him.     They  say  that  in  these 

*  We  would  prefer  not  to  take  up  these  cases  of  discipline,  but  the  facts  of 
history  must  become  known,  and  the  historian  must  give  them  their  fair 
place. 

t  For  his  former  life  see  Chapter  III.,  Section  IV.,  page  237  ;  Chapter 
IV.,  Section  VII.,  page  409,  and  Chapter  IV.,  Section  VIII.,  page  112. 


THE    MEMBERS   OF   THE    COETUS.  579 

letters  he  had  tried  to  excuse  his  sin  by  trivial  reasons. 
They  report  that  he  had  absented  himself  from  the  coetus. 
And  so  they  suspended  him  from  the  ministry  and  ordered 
Otterbein  to  supply  the  congregation  until  the  meeting  of 
coetus.  Lischy  and  his  followers  would  not  obey,  but  held 
services  in  the  church,  and  when  the  church  door  was 
locked  against  them,  they  broke  it  open.  The  president 
had  asked  him  to  appear  at  the  coetus,  but  he  refused. 
Coetus,  in  making  this  report  to  Holland,  asked  for  coun- 
sel. And  Lischy  appealed  from  the  coetus  to  Holland, 
claiming  that  their  action  on  his  case  was  illegal.  The 
classical  commissioners,  June  8,  1758,  say  they  cannot 
really  decide  the  matter  owing  to  tlie  lack  of  sufficient 
information.  But  they  gave  it  as  their  judgment  that 
Lischy  ought  not  to  be  suspended  without  a  trial  by  coe- 
tus, which  he  did  not  have.  The  deputies  also  advise, 
August  11,  1758,  that  coetus  be  cautious  in  regard  to  the 
matter,  and  suggested  that  Lischy  go  on  preaching  till 
found  guilty  by  coetus.  They  also  wrote  a  letter  to  Lischy, 
finding  fault  with  him  for  not  meeting  either  the  commit- 
tee or  the  coetus.  They  earnestly  admonish  him  to  sub- 
mission to  the  coetus,  and,  if  guilty,  to  make  a  full  confes- 
sion. Lischy  took  this  letter  and  paraded  it  about  as  a 
vindication  of  his  innocence.  But  the  coetus  of  1762  says 
he  has  resigned.  And  the  deputies  finally,  as  they  found 
Lischy  was  not  disposed  to  be  obedient  to  the  coetus, 
acquiesced  in   their  decision  and  deposed  him  from  the 


580        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

ministry.  The  South  Holland  synod  of  1764  declared  his 
case  as  closed.  He,  however,  continued  preaching  to  some 
congregations  in  the  neighborhood  of  York.  He  lived  on 
a  farm  near  Wolf's  church,  York  county,  where  he  died 
in  1781  and  was  buried  there.  In  regard  to  his  case  he 
was  right  on  the  technical  point  of  the  church  law,  but 
probably  wrong  morally. 

John  Bartholomew  Rieger.* 

He  is  the  fourth  case  of  exclusion  from  the  coetus, 
Steiner,  Rubel  and  Lischy  being  the  others.  At  the  coe- 
tus of  1762  two  elders  from  the  Zeltenreich  congregation, 
which  he  served,  appeared  with  a  memorial  signed  by  six- 
teen names,  bringing  charges  against  him.  His  delegate 
elder,  however,  defended  him.  The  case  was  due  to  his 
habit  of  practising  medicine  in  addition  to  attending  to  the 
duties  of  the  ministry.  He  had  been  called  in  to  treat  a 
patient  who  had  been  thrown  from  a  horse  by  being  hit 
with  a  stone  thrown  by  a  prominent  citizen  of  Lancaster. 
The  man  lived  twelve  days,  and  then  died.  Rieger  was 
suspected  by  the  community  of  trying  to  shield  the  rich 
man  who  threw  the  stone.  When  asked  in  the  examina- 
tion by  coetus  wliethcr  he  could  make  a  sworn  statement 
that  the  man  did  not  die  from  the  effects  of  the  stone,  he 
replied  that  the  judge  had  not  required  such  a  statement. 
When  asked  why  he  had  not  made  a  post  mortem  exami- 

*  His  previous  life  has  been  given  in  other  sections,  especially    Chapter 
III.,  Section  IX.,  p.  lOG,  and  in  Chapter  III  ,  Section  XIX.,  and  what  follows. 


THE   MEMBERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  581 

nation  to  find  ont  the  exact  cause  of  the  death,  he  replied 
that  the  judge  had  not  ordered  it.  The  case  was  then  put 
to  the  elders,  all  of  whom  except  E-ieger's  delegate  voted 
against  Rieger.  Coetus  then  concurred  in  the  vote  of  the 
elders,  and  ordered  him  to  cease  preaching.  The  case 
against  him  was  managed  by  Stapel,  who  had  just  arrived 
from  Europe,  DuBois,  the  president,  giving  it  over  to  him 
as  clerk,  because,  being  a  Hollander,  he  did  not  understand 
German.  Stapel  managed  the  case  so  as  to  make  quite  a 
show  legally.  But  looking  at  it  from  this  distance,  there 
is  a  question  whether  its  decision  was  not  too  severe. 
(Some  in  the  coetus  probably  were  glad  to  get  rid  of  Rieger 
because  of  his  practise  of  medicine.)  The  classical  com- 
missioners, on  hearing  of  the  case,  say  the  justice  of  the 
decision  is  not  quite  clear  to  them.  But  finally,  as  Rieger 
refused  to  be  obedient  to  coetus,  they  decided,  April  2, 
1765,  to  agree  to  his  exclusion  from  coetus,  and  the  South 
Holland  synod  of  1764  gives  the  same  decision.  Rieger, 
however,  continued  preaching  as  an  independent  minister 
in  spite  of  the  action  of  the  coetus.  And  they  report  to 
Holland  that  they  did  not  have  authority  enough  in  Penn- 
sylvania to  stop  him.  He  lived  at  Lancaster  until  he 
died,  March  11,  1769,  and  was  buried  in  the  Reformed 
cemetery.     On  his  tomb  are  the  words  : 

"  If  Jesus  be  teacher,  phy.'^iciau  and  friend, 
Through  Him  you  will  reach  the  heavenly  land. 
For  art  and  science  are  vain  forsooth, 
And  this,  O  mortal,  I  tell  you  in  truth." 


582        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

John  Jacob  Zufall. 
He  was  born  at  Obervorschutz  in  the  graudduehy  of 
Hesse,  and  matriculated  at  Marburg  university,  April  30, 
1753.  He  was  recommended  to  the  Holland  Church  by 
the  consistory  of  Siercnberg,  where  he  had  been  acting  as 
chaplain.  He  was  examined  before  the  classical  commit- 
tee, March  27,  1765,  appeared  before  the  deputies,  March 
18,  and  together  with  Pomp,  Berger  and  Henop  Mas 
examined  by  them,  March  27,  1765,  having  arrived  at 
Amsterdam,  March  5.  He  arrived  at  Pennsylvania  before 
the  coetus  of  October  16,  1765,  by  which  he  was  appointed 
to  Tulpehocken,  at  which,  however,  he  was  not  present  on 
account  of  serious  illness.  But  the  next  year  complaints 
began  to  come  in  against  him.  Coetus,  however,  smoothed 
them  ov'cr.  In  1767  the  complaints  against  him  for 
drunkenness  became  so  serious  that  the  president  of  coetus, 
Otterbein,  together  with  Hendel,  the  clerk,  went  to  Tul- 
pehocken to  inquire  about  matters.  They  found  the  charges 
true.  Zufall  then  left  and  tried  to  get  into  the  indepen- 
dent congregation  at  Philadelphia,  which  Rotheubuhler 
had  left.  Coetus  cited  him  to  appear  before  it,  but  he 
refused,  and  they  struck  his  name  off  the  roll,  which  action 
was  approved  by  the  Holland  Church. 

Frederick  Julius  Berger. 
He  was  the  son  of  the   rector  at   Zweibrucken,  and 
matriculated  at  Basle,  October  22,  1 760.    He  was  examined 
by  the  deputies,   March   27,   1765.     He  had  been  before 


THE    MEMBERS    OF   THE    COETUS.  583 

the  classical  commissioners,  March  14,  accompanied  by  his 
youngest  brother,  who  desired  to  go  to  Pennsylvania  as  a 
school-master.  His  father  also  wrote  to  the  classis,  saying 
that  he  would  be  willing  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  and  estab- 
lish there  a  seminary  for  the  Reformed.  The  deputies, 
however,  replied  that  Pennsylvania  was  an  English  col- 
ony, and  they  did  not  propose  to  establish  any  schools 
there.  Berger,  on  his  arrival  in  America,  was  called  to 
the  Reading  congregation.  However,  complaints  soon 
began  to  come  in  against  him.  In  1766,  at  the  coetus 
held  at  Reading,  an  elder  appeared  from  Muddy  Creek, 
charging  him  with  drunkenness.  He  was  admonished  by 
the  coetus,  and  promised  to  reform.  But  his  conduct' 
became  so  shameful  that  Heudel,  Wittner,  Pomp  and 
Faber  went  to  Reading  to  inquire  into  matters.  They 
found  the  charges  true,  and  suspended  him  till  coetus. 
At  the  coetus  of  1768  at  Easton  he  appeared  there,  acting 
very  boisterously.  The  coetus  then  deposed  him  from  the 
ministry.  He  afterwards  became  very  poor,  and  preached 
to  a  country  congregation  near  Reading,  which  did  not 
belong  to  the  coetus.  He  afterwards  appeared  at  the  coe- 
tus of  1769,  asking  to  be  reinstated  in   the  ministry,   but 

was  refused. 

Charles  Lange. 

He  was  born  at  Innsbruck,  the  capital  of  Tyrol,  and 
was  of  Catholic  parentage.  He  was  living  at  Chur  in 
Switzerland  when  he  wrote  to  Holland  about  coming  to 


584        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

Pennsylvania.  His  attention,  like  Rubel,  had  been  called 
to  Pennsylvania  by  Schlatter's  published  Appeal,  which 
had  been  given  him  by  Rev.  Mr.  Ulrich,  of  Zurich.  He 
wrote  to  the  deputies,  July  2,  1765.  He  appeared  before 
the  deputies,  April  18,  with  recommendations  from  the 
professors  and  minister  of  Basle,  also  from  the  professors 
of  the  seminary  at  Haldenstein,  where  he  taught  a  year, 
also  from  the  magistrates  and  Reformed  ministers  at  Chur. 
They  replied,  inviting  him.  He  then  asked  that  he  miglit 
be  permitted  to  wait  until  spring,  and  by  April  15,  1766, 
he  was  in  Amsterdam,  where  Kessler  and  Kulenkamp 
sent  him  to  the  Hague  to  meet  the  deputies.  He  was 
examined  by  the  deputies.  May  17,  1766.  With  a  wife 
and  child  he  sailed  for  America.  He  was  called  to  Fred- 
erick, Md.,  where  Otterbein  had  been.  At  the  next  coetus 
complaints  came  in  from  Otterbein's  piotistic  friends  in  the 
congregation  against  him,  and  from  his  friends  against 
Otterbein.  Coetus,  however,  decided  for  Otterbein,  and 
suggested  that  he  seek  another  charge  as  soon  as  he  could. 
He  left  Frederick  in  1767,  and  went  to  Virginia,  where 
he  preached  to  vacant  charges.  But  he  soon  got  into 
trouble  for  immorality,  and  coetus  cast  him  out  (1769). 
While  at  Frederick,  he  kept  a  careful  journal.  His  first 
entry  into  the  church  book  was  made,  February,  1766, 
and  his  last.  May,  1768. 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  IV. 

THE  INDEPENDENTS. 

John  Gasser. 

He  appeared  before  the  deputies,  May  26,  1755,  (hav- 
ing been  chaplain  of  a  Swiss  regiment)  to  ask  for  aid  for 
the  Reformed  and  Lutheran  congregations  at  Santee  Forks, 
S.  C.  His  commission  was  signed  by  them,  December  20, 
1754,  and  he  was  endorsed  by  Planta,  the  minister  of  the' 
German  Reformed  congregation  in  London,  and  Casper 
Wetstein,  chaplain  to  the  Princess  of  Wales,  and  had  been 
appointed  by  the  Charity  society  minister  at  Santee  Forks, 
S.  C.  The  deputies  order  coetus  to  receive  him.  When 
the  coetus  hear  of  this  action  in  1757,  they  strongly  object 
because  of  his  offensive  conduct.  They  claimed  that  he 
had  a])plied  to  them  to  be  admitted  to  the  coetus  five  years 
before,  and  was  an  imposter.  By  1758  the  deputies  had 
found  out  his  real  character,  and  forbid  the  coetus  to  receive 

him. 

John  William  Kals. 

He  was  from  Julich,  and  matriculated  at  Leyden  uni- 
versity, August  25,  1745,  when  forty-five  years  old,  so  he 
was  born  in  1 700.  He  then  became  minister  to  Surinam, 
and  for  charges  against  him  there  he   was  finally,    after  a 


586        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

loDg  trial,  deposed  by  the  elassis  of  Amsterdam.  He  ar- 
rived in  Philadelphia  about  the  eud  of  Stoy's  pastorate, 
bringing  with  him  a  recommendation  from  Rev.  Mr. 
Chandler,  of  the  Charity  society.  He  preached  in  the 
vacant  Philadelphia  church  for  six  or  seven  weeks,  but 
when  they  found  that  he  did  not  have  recommendations 
from  the  Holland  deputies,  he  was  not  elected.  He  then 
went  to  the  Amwell,  N.  J.,  congregation.  He  seems  to 
have  remained  in  this  country,  for  in  1762  Muhlenberg 
speaks  of  hearing  him  preach  in  the  Germantown  congre- 
gation, May  3,  1762,  and  calls  him  the  learned  Orientalist. 
It  seems  he  preached  in  Alsentz'  church  while  the  latter 
was  away  on  his  European  trip,  and  tried  to  get  a  call, 
which  when  the  elders  of  the  church  found  out,  they  would 
not  let  him  preach  any  more.  So  he  turned  his  attention 
to  teaching.  An  advertisement  appeared  in  the  Staatsbote, 
May  10,  1762,  that  he  would  open  a  Greek  and  Latin 
school  in  Philadelphia  if  sufficient  encouragement  were 
given.  We  do  not  know  what  became  of  him.  Steiuer, 
in  his  letter  to  Holland  in  1759,  speaks  of  him  as  old  and 
feeble,  having  only  one  eye,  and  having  groat  difficulty  in 
preaching  the  German,  as  he  was  a  Hollander. 

Frederick  Rotiienbuiiler.* 
John  William  Pytiian. 

He  was  a  native  of  the  Palatinate,    and   said   he   had 
studied  at    Heidelberg,  although    the    matriculation  book 

*  See  Chapter  V.,  Section  II.,  page  535. 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  587 

there  does  not  reveal  his  name.  He  came  to  Pennsylva- 
nia in  1769,  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  September  1. 
Coetns  found  him  possessed  of  fine  gifts  of  oratory.  He 
was  assigned  to  Easton  on  trial.  But  at  the  next  coetus, 
1770,  complaints  came  in  against  him  for  drunkenness. 
Still  there  were  a  few  members  of  the  Easton  congregation 
who  were  well  pleased  with  him  and  cared  not  how  he 
lived.  There  was  also  an  element  in  the  Dryland  congre- 
gation that  clung  to  him.  Coetus  sent  a  message  to  Dry- 
land, that  if  they  would  continue  to  cling  to  him,  they 
would  not  be  regarded  as  a  chnrch  belonging  to  the  coetus. 
Coetus  thus  got  rid  of  him.  He  disappears  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, but  reappears  afterward  in  North  Carolina.  He 
preached  in  the  Catawba  charge  before  1789.  He  also 
succeeded  Suther  as  pastor  of  the  Guilford  charge.  He 
died  there  suddenly  on  a  Sabbath  evening  after  preaching 
a  long  remembered  sermon  to  the  congregation.  He  was 
buried  at  the  Brick  church,  N.  C. 

Bruin  Romcas  Comingoe. 

A  German  settlement  was  formed  in  Nova  Scotia  in 
1753  or  1754,  and  in  1770  the  Reformed  applied  to  the 
coetus  for  a  minister,  but  the  coetus  had  no  minister  to 
spare.  Being  unable  to  get  a  minister  from  Pennsylvania, 
they  then  asked  one  of  their  own  number.  Bruin  Romcas 
Comingoe,  to  become  their  pastor,  and  they  requested  the 
Presbyterians  to  ordain  him,  which  they  did,  July  3,  1770. 
Two  years  later  they  appointed  an    elder,   Martin  Kaul- 


588        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

bach,  to  go  to  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  Holland,  and 
secure  donations  toward  their  unfinished  church.  He  went, 
it  seems,  to  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  but  did  not  gain 
much,  and  he  therefore  appealed  to  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, August  4,  1772.  He  reported  that  there  were  sixty 
families  in  the  congregation.  He  said  he  .would  come  to 
Holland,  but  the  voyage  was  long  and  expensive.  Classis 
declared  itself  unable  to  help  them.  Comingoe  labored  at 
Lunenberg  fiiithfully  for  forty-nine  years  till  1819.  The 
congregation  then  had  a  pastor,  Rev.  Adam  Moschell,  from 
Germany,  who  labored  among  them  till  1837,  when  they 
went  over  to  the  Presbyterians. 

John  William  Boos  (Boas). 
He  was  born  at  Otterbcrg,  near  the  Kaiserslautern,  in 
the  Palatinate,  and  matriculated  at  Heidelberg  university, 
September  29,  1763.  He  was  recommended  to  Holland 
by  Professor  AVundt,  of  Heidelberg  university.  The  dep- 
uties expected  to  send  him  to  Pennsylvania,  but  he  failed, 
July  13,  1768,  to  pass  the  examination  before  them.  They 
therefore  sent  him  to  the  university  of  Utrecht  for  a  year's 
study.  He  was  again  examined  by  them,  June  7,  1769, 
but  again  failed  to  pass,  and  was  sent  back  to  Utrecht  for 
another  year  at  their  expense.  Failing  again  at  an  exam- 
ination, February  5,  1770,  he  was  put  under  the  care  of 
one  of  the  deputies,  but  failed  in  his  examination.  By 
July,  1771,  the  deputies  hear  from  Pennsylvania  tliat  he 
has  appeared  there.     So  he  must  have  come  over  eitli<  r  in 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  589 

1770  or  in  the  early  part  of  1771.  He  had  been  so  long 
expected  in  Pennsylvania  that  the  Reading  congregation 
had  been  waiting  for  him.  The  coetus  was  very  much  dis- 
appointed when  they  found  he  did  not  come  recommended 
by  the  deputies.  But  the  Heading  congregation  pled  so 
earnestly  for  him  that  some  ministers  who  met  together  at 
Reading,  yielded  to  them,  but  required  of  the  con- 
gregation that  they  would  accept  the  blame  if  the 
deputies  were  displeased.  Boos  conducted  himself  well 
that  year,  and  coetus  permitted  him  to  remain  an- 
other year.  The  congregation  at  Cacusi  wanted  him 
in  1772,  and  coetus  permitted  it.  The  coetus  asked 
the  deputies  to  accept  him,  but  the  deputies  forbade 
his  reception  into  the  coetus  peremptorily.  So  the  coetus 
of  1773  refused  to  accept  liira,  but  wrote  to  Holland  that 
Pennsylvania  was  a  free  country,  and  they  could  not  drive 
him  from  the  Reading  congregation.  In  1777  the  coetus 
met  in  Reading  and  wrote  that  Boos  had  brought  Reading 
into  a  flourishing  condition  by  his  zeal  and  blameless  walk, 
and  earnestly  asked  the  fathers  to  accept  him,  but  they 
refused.  In  1782  coetus  reports  that  he  had  to  leave  Read- 
ing. In  1787-8  he  preached  in  the  Oley  congregation. 
In  1789  complaint  came  in  against  him,  but  he  exercised 
a  long  ministry.     He  stayed  at  Reading  till  1792. 

George  Frederick  W4llauer. 
He  was  born  at  Appenheim,  near   Bingen,    where  his 
father  was  minister.     He  matriculated  at  Marburg  univer- 
sity, April  22,  1763.     On  April  3,  1769,  he  first  applied 


590        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

to  the  classical  commissioners,  being  recommended  to  them 
by  Professor  Wuudt.  They  answer  that  just  then  they 
had  no  application  from  Pennsylvania  for  a  minister.  On 
July  5,  1771,  he  again  applied  to  Holland,  offering  to  go 
to  Pennsylvania,  but  as  tliey  say  they  had  heard  some 
rumors  against  him,  they  declined.  It  seems  he  came  to 
America  at  any  rate,  arriving  at  Baltimore  in  the  winter  of 
1771-72.  The  old  congregation  asked  him  to  supply  them. 
But  the  coetus  having  been  warned  from  Holland  against 
him,  refused  to  accept  him  as  a  member.  In  1774  the 
congregation  sent  a  petition  to  the  coetus  that  he  be  received 
as  a  member,  but  it  was  not  granted,  and  he  left  Baltimore 
before  May  2,  1776,  when  a  letter  to  Holland  announces 
that  fact.  Dr.  Heiner  says  that  he  heard  he  had 
entered  the  British  army,  but  in  what  capacity  he  knew 
not.     Harbaugh  says  he  returned  to  Europe. 

John  Peter  Miller. 

John  Peter  Miller  must  be  distinguished  from  Fred- 
erick Casimir  Miller.  He  was  a  school-master,  and 
seemed  to  have  been  at  first  school-master  for  Michael. 
He  had  been  school-master  at  Ebenezer  (New  Tripoli), 
Lynn  township,  Lehigh  county,  where  he  promoted  liim- 
self  to  be  a  minister.  He  succeeded  Michael  as  pastor  at 
Ziegel's  church,  and  was  a  man  of  more  ability  and  educa- 
tion than  Michael.*  He  preached  also  at  Allemangel, 
Heidelberg  and  Jacobs  congregations.  He  lived  at  New 
Tripoli,  died  there  and  was  buried  in  the  graveyard. 


the  independents.  591 

Henry  Hirtzel. 

Heuiy  Hirtzel,  or  Hertzel,  was  a  masou  by  trade  and 
became  pastor  of  the  Ebenezer  and  Jacobs  congregations 
after  Miller  left  them.  Helifrich  tells  the  story  that  some 
persons  langhed  at  his  efforts,  but  he  declared  (referring  to 
his  trade)  that  he  could  build  up  the  kingdom  of  God  as 
well  as  build  a  building.  He  applied  to  the  coetus  of 
1777  to  be  admitted,  but  was  refused,  because  his  motives 
were  considered  mercenary.  He  had  not  the  moral  char- 
acter of  Michael.  There  was  an  old  Huguenot  congrega- 
tion at  Kutztown,  where  he  preached  for  some  time,  but 
was  dismissed  before  1772.  He  was  also  pastor  of  Long- 
swamp  and  Little  Lehigh  congregations  after  Michael's 
last  term,  beginning  1780. 

John  Roth. 

John  Roth  preached,  though  unordained,  at  Ebenezer 
after  Hertzel  left.  He  also  succeeded  Hertzel  at  Jacobs 
church,  and  succeeded  Peter  Miller  at  Heidelberg.  He 
was  buried  at  Ebenezer.  He  applied  to  coetus,  1785,  for 
admission,  but  was  refused  also  in  1787.* 

*  Rev.  N.  C.  Schaefftr,  D.  D.,  Superintendent  of  Public  Schools  of  Penn- 
sylvania, gives  the  following  incident  about  the  Reformed  congregation  at 
Kutztown.  It  seems  that  the  consistory  had  passed  a  rule  that  no  one  should 
preach  in  the  church  unless  he  was  a  member  of  the  coetus,  or  could  show  a 
certificate  or  license  for  the  ministry  from  Europe.  One  of  these  adventurers 
came  along  who  was  probably  only  a  school  teacher,  if  that,  and  had  services 
appointed  in  the  church  for  the  following  Sunday.  Peter  Kline,  one  of  the 
elders  (who  also  had  a  special  fancy  for  having  children  named  after  him,  and 
would  attend  all  baptisms,  provided  the  child  were  named  after  him),  hap- 
pened to  hear  of  this  on  a  Saturday  afteruoou.     On  .Sund.iy  morning  he    went 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  V. 

PIETISM  IN  THE  EARLY  CHURCH. 

The  Reformed  Church  from  the  beginning  was  pietis- 
tic.  What  was  the  reformation  but  a  great  revival  ?  And 
our  Church,  which  grew  out  of  the  reformation,  partook  of 
this  spirit.  Prophesyings,  as  prayer  meetings  were  called, 
were  held  by  our  reformers,  as  Zwingli  and  I^asco.  And 
this  tendency  was  continued  in  the  German  Reformed  of 
Germany,  by  Untereyck,  Neander,  Mel,  Lampe,  Terstee- 
gen,  the  Krummachers,  and  a  host  of  others.  Our  Church 
in  Pennsylvania  reflected  this  spirit  in  the  mother  Church 
of  Germany.  The  five  ministers  who  came  over  with 
Schlatter  were  trained  under  the  pietistic  influences  of 
the  university  of  Herborn.  At  first,  it  is  true,  the  dearth 
of  ministers,  the  rareness  of  the  church  services,  and  the 
widely  scattered   location  of  the   churches,  prevented   it 

to  Kutztown,  got  the  key  from  the  sexton  and  phmted  himself  on  the  church 
steps.  Of  course  no  bell  was  rung  for  the  services.  Finally  the  adherents  of 
the  adventurer  confronted  Kline  with  a  demand  that  he  unlock  the  church 
and  allow  services  to  be  held.  He  asked  the  preacher  for  his  certificate  of 
license.  As  he  could  not  show  any,  Kline  would  not  allow  any  one  to  enter 
the  church.  Hot  words  followed,  but  Kline  closed  the  discussion  by  a  sen- 
tence playing  on  his  own  name:  "  Ileute  hat  Petrus  den  Schliissel  zum  Jlim- 
mel.  Heute  wird  nicht  gepredigt  in  dieser  Kirche."  ("To-day  has  Peter 
taken  the  key  to  heaven.  There  will  be  no  preaching  to-day  in  this  church.") 
His  firmness  settled  a  mooted  question  of  order  and  church  discipline  in  the 
early  church  at  Kutztown. 


PIETISM    IN    THE    EARLY   CHURCH.  593 

from  becoming  prominent.  It  was  not  till  1770  that  a 
remarkable  religious  movement  began  to  show  itself.  But 
even  before  that,  whenever  the  coetus  had  to  decide 
between  formal  Christianity  and  experimental,  it  always 
decided  for  the  latter.  Thus  when  Otterbein  wanted 
to  leave  Lancaster,  because  of  opposition  to  church  dis- 
cipline, it  urged  him  to  stay,  and  the  congregation  acqui- 
esced. In  1768,  when  Hendel  opposed  the  reception  into 
the  church  of  unconverted  young  people,  coetus  sided 
with  him. 

In  1770  a  very  remarkable  religious  movement  began 
to  show  itself  among  the  Reformed  of  Maryland.  As 
ministers  were  scarce,  it  was  customary  for  the  Reformed 
ministers  to  make  missionary  tours  into  the  vacant  districts 
to  hold  meetings.  Out  of  this  custom  grew  the  great 
meetings  of  Antietam,  These  meetings  were  not  unde- 
nominational, as  has  been  supposed,  but  they  were  exclu- 
sively Reformed,  as  the  minutes  of  these  conferences,  found 
in  St.  Benjamin's  Reformed  church,  near  Westminster, 
Md.,  show.*  These  reveal  that  all  the  Reformed  ministers 
west  of  the  Susquehanna  joined  in  them,  and  also  Hendel, 
who  was  located  east  of  the  Susquehanna,  at  Tulpehocken. 

These  meetings  have  been  supposed  to  have  been 
United  Brethren,  but  they  were  held  long  before  the 
United    Brethren   denomination   was   started.      Between 

»  See  Rev.  Prof.  J.  H.  Dubbs,  D    D.,  article  in  "  The  Reformed  Quarterly 
Review,"  January,  1884,  page  110. 

38 


594        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

them  and  the  organization  of  the  United  Brethren  Church, 
in  1789,  the  war  of  the  Revolution  intervened,  which 
destroyed  all  excessive  religious  tendencies.  This  move- 
ment was  Reformed  and  only  Reformed.  The  Reformed 
ministers  who  went  into  it  did  not  for  a  moment  consider 
that  they  were  doing  anything  contrary  to  Reformed  cus- 
tom. Some  of  them  had  been  accustomed  to  such  meet- 
ings in  Germany,  along  the  northern  Rhine,  before  they 
came  to  America. 

The  minutes  of  these  meetings  begin  with  May  29, 
1774.  From  them  it  is  evident  that  they  were  not  the 
first  meetings  held,  as  the  conferences  seem  to  have  been 
already  thoroughly  organized.  The  first  conference  men- 
tioned was  held  at  Pipe  Creek,  and  was  attended  by  Otter- 
bein  and  Schwob.  It  appointed  class  leaders  in  the  con- 
gregations in  Baltimore,  Pipe  Creek,  Sams  Creek,  Fred- 
erick and  Antietam.  The  next  was  held  at  Pipe  Creek, 
October  2,  1774.  Conawago  and  Sharpsburg  were  added 
to  the  list  of  the  class  meetings.  Six  Reformed  ministers 
were  present — Otterbein,  Hendel,  Weymer,  Henop,  Wag- 
ner and  Schwob.  These  class  meetings  were  the  old 
Reformed  custom  of  ccclesiola  in  ecclesia  (a  little  meeting 
of  truly  converted  within  the  large  congregation),  which 
was  known  in  the  Reformed  Church  long  before  ever 
Methodism  or  Methodist  class  meetings  were  heard  of. 
And  they  were  far  better  than  the  latter,  for  they  brought 
into  prominence  tlic  A\'()rd  of  God  rather  than  experience, 


PIETISM   IN   THE   EARLY   CHURCH.  595 

The  next  coDference  was  held  at  Frederick,  Juue  12, 1775, 
and  was  attended  by  the  six  Reformed  ministers  named 
above.  The  movement  was  evidently  spreading,  as  Sharps- 
burg,  Funkstown,  Conawago  and  Hagerstown  were 
reported.  It  speaks  of  300  persons  being  joined  together 
in  the  different  congregations  in  this  movement.  Another 
meeting  was  held  at  Baltimore,  October  15,  1775,  at 
which  all  of  the  Reformed  ministers  were  present  except 
Weymer.  Germantown  and  Manchester  were  added  to 
the  movement.  The  next  meeting  was  held,  June  2,  at 
John  Ranger's.  All  the  six  Reformed  ministers  were 
present  except  Henop.  Beaver  Dam  and  the  meeting  at 
Peter  Reitenauer's  were  added.  Germantown  was  to  be 
supplied.  The  meeting  adjourned  to  meet  at  Conawago, 
October  20,  1776.  Here  the  records  end.  Whether  other 
meetings  were  held  we  do  not  know.  It  is  altogether 
probable  that  the  dangers  of  the  Revolution  prevented  any 
further  meetings,  and  the  attention  of  the  people  was 
diverted  from  religion  to  war. 

But  this  early  movement  was  not  frowned  down  upon 
by  the  coetus  as  by  some  of  our  later  ministers  in  this 
century.  These  meetings  stand  as  a  landmark  to  show 
that  the  early  Reformed  Church  included  within  itself 
Pietism.  Coetus,  it  is  true,  does  not  make  any  reference 
to  these  meetings,  perhaps  because  the  Holland  fathers 
did  not  consider  Maryland  under  their  jurisdiction.  But 
whenever  any  subject   came   up   in  which   Pietism  was 


596        THE    GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    8. 

involved,  it  always  pronounced  in  favor  of  it.  Thus  the 
ordination  of  Schwob  was  clearly  a  victory  for  the  pietistic 
party  in  the  coetus,  for  he  represented  the  pietistic  element 
in  the  Baltimore  congregation.  Coetus  supported  Otter- 
bein  when  attacked  by  Lange  for  his  Pietism,  and  very 
summarily  ordered  him  to  seek  another  place  for  daring  to 
impugn  the  Reformed  character  of  so  prominent  a  mem- 
ber of  the  coetus  as  Otterbein.  Another  siffu  which 
shows  the  power  of  the  Pietism  in  the  Church  was  the  ordi- 
nation of  Gueting.  Pomp  in  a  letter  to  HelfFrich,  March 
23,  1786,  says  that  he  would  oppose  Gueting  at  the  next 
coetus.  Gueting  was  the  representative  of  the  pietistic 
movement.  Yet  when  he  applied  for  ordination  the  coetus 
ordained  him,  at  which  the  Holland  fathers  confess  them- 
selves very  much  surprised.  These  things  show  the 
power  of  Pietism  in  the  early  church.  All  this  proves  the 
truth  of  Prof.  Dubbs'  remark  :*  "  The  most  influential 
members  of  the  coetus  had  themselves  been  trained  under 
pietistic  influences." 

Fortunate  indeed  it  was  that  there  was  such  an  awak- 
ening in  the  Church  just  before  the  Revolution.  For  this 
awakening  in  Maryland  and  the  addition  of  so  many  good 
men  to  the  coetus  put  the  Church  in  good  condition  for  the 
trying  period  of  the  Revolution. 

*  "  History  of  the  German  Reformed  Church,"  pages  314  and  311. 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  VT. 

THE  BALTIMORE  CONGREGATION. 

The  Baltimore  congregation,  like  the  Philadelphia 
congregation,  was  rent  asunder  by  strife.  But,  unlike 
Philadelphia,  it  remained  permanently  divided  into  two 
congregations,  while  the  Philadelphia  congregation,  under 
Weyberg,  reunited  again  to  form  a  very  strong  church. 
The  Baltimore  congregation  was  not  one  of  the  oldest  in 
the  coetus.  Maryland  being  a  Catholic  colony,  the  Ger- 
mans settled  there  somewhat  later.  This  congregation 
was  reported  for  the  first  time  in  the  coetus  minutes  in 
1765  as  vacant.  In  1768  they  called  John  Christopher 
Faber.  Under  his  lifeless  preaching  and  unspiritual  life 
the  congregation  divided,  a  considerable  part  of  the  con- 
gregation being  pleased  with  Benedict  Schwob,  who  had 
been  an  elder  in  the  Pipe  Creek  church.  In  1769  Schwob 
applied  to  the  coetus  for  ordination.  In  1770  two  mem- 
bers of  the  Schwob  party  brought  charges  against  Faber 
that  he  was  not  earnest  in  preaching,  zealous  -in  his  minis- 
try or  godly  in  his  character.  Faber  in  turn  brought 
charges  against  Schwob  as  a  disturber  of  the  congregation. 
The  coetus  declared  that  as  neither  was  a  member  of 
the  coetus,  it  really  had  no  jurisdiction  in  the  matter,  but 


598        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

as  both  had  appealed  to  coetus,  it  appointed  a  committee, 
consisting  of  Gros  and  Gobrecht,  to  visit  Baltimore  and 
investigate.  They  did  so,  and  supposed  peace  had  been 
made,  but  it  was  not.  The  Schwob  party  built  for  them- 
selves a  chapel.  Both  parties  appealed  to  coetus  in  1771. 
That  coetus  decided  that  it  would  be  best  for  Faber  to 
resign,  as  he  had  been  the  cause  of  the  division,  and  that 
the  congregation  call  another  pastor,  on  whom  both  could 
unite.  It  also  ordered  Schwob  to  leave  Baltimore,  but 
ordained  him,  as  Gros  and  Gobrecht  found  the  charges 
against  him  uusustained.  Coetus  explained  to  the  Hol- 
land deputies  that  they  acted  so  quickly  about  his  ordina- 
tion because  of  the  want  of  faithful  ministers  in  Maryland. 
The  deputies  did  not  approve  of  their  action.  They 
declared,  December  1,  1772,  that  the  coetus  should  have 
sustained  Faber  if  his  opponents  had  no  lawful  reasons  for 
complaints,  or  if  his  conduct  were  blameworthy,  they 
ought  to  have  censured  him,  and  not  to  have  allowed  him 
to  go  to  another  church.  It  seemed  to  them  that  Schwob 
caused  the  dissensions,  and  coetus  ought  to  take  action 
against  one  minister  entering  the  congregation  of  another. 
In  regard  to  the  ordination  of  Schwob  they  would  say 
nothing,  as  Maryland  did  not  fall  under  their  jurisdiction. 
This  action  of  the  deputies  did  not  reach  the  coetus  till 
1773.  In  the  meantime  Schwob  continued  to  preach  in 
the  new  chapel.  And  the  old  congregation  gave  a  call  to 
Blumer,  but  he  did  not  accept.     They  happened  to  get 


THE   BALTIMORE    CONGREGATION.  599 

hold  of  George  Frederick  Wallauer,  and  asked  him  to 
preach  until  the  next  coetus.  Both  parties  appealed  to 
the  coetus  of  1772,  the  old  congregation  bringing  a  call  to 
Wallauer  signed  by  fifty  names.  But  the  coetus,  having 
been  already  warned  by  the  deputies  against  him,  did  not 
accept  him  as  a  member.  The  new  congregation  com- 
plained that  the  old  congregation  had  chosen  Wallauer 
without  giving  tliem  proper  notice  of  the  election,  as  coe- 
tus had  required.  At  the  coetus  of  1773  it  was  reported 
that  Schwob  had  left,  and  his  congregation  had  given 
Otterbein  a  call,  but  as  there  were  many  opponents  to 
Otterbein  in  the  old  congregation,  coetus  advised  both 
parties  to  call  Hendel.  Hendel  declined  the  call,  and 
Otterbein  finally  accepted  it,  1774.  In  doing  so  he  did 
what  he  had  criticised  Steiner  for  doing,  namely,  accepting 
a  call  without  the  permission  of  coetus.  In  that  year  the 
old  congregation  again  appealed  to  coetus  to  receive  Wal- 
lauer, but  were  refused.  They  also  petitioned  coetus 
against  Otterbein's  accepting  the  call.  Coetus  determined 
to  leave  the  decision  about  Otterbein  to  the  Holland  depu- 
ties, who  finally  decide  in  his  favor,  on  account  of  the 
excellent  work  he  is  doing  at  Baltimore.  In  1775  the 
coetus  finally  gave  the  new  congregation  recognition  by 
confirming  Otterbein's  call.  Thus  the  old  congregation 
under  Faber  and  Wallauer  was  outside  of  the  coetus,  hav- 
ing independent  ministers  as  pastors,  while  the  new  con- 
gregation with  Otterbein  was  in  the  coetus.     And  the  new 


600        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   tJ.   S. 

congregation  was  not  slow  to  make  capital  of  this  fact 
over  against  the  old — that  they  were  recognized  by  coetus, 
which  the  others  were  not.  Thus  matters  stood  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Kevolution.  Otterbein  was  present  at 
the  coetus  of  1776  and  1779,  but  the  old  congregation  made 
no  report  to  coetus  up  to  1782,  when  Bcelime  became  their 
pastor,  and  it  came  under  the  coetus  again.  After  Pomp 
accepted  the  call  to  the  old  congregation  in  1783,  the  strife 
broke  out  again  between  the  two  congregations,  although 
during  the  period  of  the  Revolution  all  had  been  out- 
wardly quiet.  At  the  coetus  of  1788  both  Pomp  and  Ot- 
terbein appeared  with  thdr  elders,  bringing  complaints 
against  each  other.  The  cause  of  this  seems  to  have  been 
that  they  suspected  one  another  of  writing  to  Holland,  and 
thus  bringing  complaints.  But  when  it  was  found  that 
neither  had  written  to  Holland  against  the  other,  they 
agreed  to  live  amicably  together  and  respect  one  another. 
Otterbein  wrote  (June  15,  1788,)  to  Holland  after  the 
ooetus.  Pomp  had  accused  Otterbein  of  causing  the  divis- 
ions in  the  Baltimore  congregation.  Otterbein  writes, 
proving  that  was  not  true — that  he  was  in  Europe  when 
the  division  occurred,  that  it  was  caused  by  Faber,  not  by 
himself.  Pomp  also  accused  Otterbein  of  not  being  a 
Predestinarian,  and,  therefore,  not  Reformed,  to  which 
Otterbein  replies.  The  coetus  declared,  1788,  that  as  a 
reunion  of  the  two  congregations  was  not  to  be  thought  of, 
both  congregations  must  be  recognized  as  connected  with 


THE   BALTIMORE   CONGREGATlOlS^.  601 

the  coetus  as  long  as  they  remained  faithful  to  the 
doctrines  and  customs  of  the  Reformed  Church.  When 
Troldenier  became  pastor  of  the  old  congregation  in  1791, 
the  relations  between  the  two  congregations  became  quite 
cordial.  When  Troldenier  laid  the  corner-stone  in  1796, 
Otterbeiu  made  an  address.  And  when  Troldenier,  whom 
Otterbein  highly  esteemed,  died,  Otterbeiu  took  part  in 
the  services. 


CHAPTER  v.— SECTION  VII. 

THE  DEATH  OP  WEISS. 

The  later  years  of  Weiss  (who  may  be  considered  the 
third  of  the  early  founders  of  our  Church,  Boehm  and 
Tempelman  preceding  him)  were  spent  in  quietness  at  his 
home  in  Gosheuhoppen.  He  lived  in  the  parsonage,  into 
which  he  had  moved,  1751.  His  infirmities  increased  with 
his  age,  so  that  the  coetus  was  held  at  his  house  in  1759. 
He  died  childless  in  August,  1761.  The  congregation  per- 
mitted his  wife  to  live  in  the  parsonage,  and  i-cnted  another 
house  for  his  successor,  an  independent,  Jacob  Kiess. 
When  she  died,  June  2,  1765,  she  willed  her  estate  and 
interest  in  the  improvements  made  in  the  parsonage  and 
lot  to  the  negro  family  who  had  been  slaves  of  Weiss,  and 
who  had  been  baptized  in  the  Reformed  faith  by  him. 
Mrs.  Weiss  had  ordered  this  family  to  be  freed  by  her 
will,  but  they  were  sold  three  months  afterward.  Their 
master,  however,  tiring  of  it,  they  moved  back  into  the 
parsonage.  The  congregation  ordered  them  oif,  and  as 
they  refused  to  go,  finally  put  them  off  by  force,  and  put 
their  new  minister  into  the  parsonage  in  1769.  For  this 
the  negro  sued  the  congregation  and  gained  a  small  allow- 


THE    DEATH    OF   WEISS.  603 

auce,  and  sued  them  again.  This  resulted  in  a  vexatious 
law  suit,  which  had  uot  ceased  by  the  beginning  of  1776.* 

Weiss  revealed  in  his  life  more  than  ordinary  ability. 
He  Avas  better  educated  than  either  Boehm  or  Tempelman  ; 
was  the  equal  of  Schlatter  in  education,  but  different  from 
him  in  his  idea  of  the  Church.  Weiss  believed  in  demo- 
cratic presbyterialism,  Schlatter  in  aristocratic  presby- 
terialism.  Weiss  believed  in  the  liberty  and  autonomy  of 
the  congregation,  Schlatter  in  the  centralization  of  author- 
ity in  the  Church,  and  Weiss  and  his  party  won  the  day. 
He  will  ever  stand  out  in  our  history  as  the  only  one  who 
founded  both  branches  of  the  Reformed  Church,  the 
Dutch  and  the  German.  For  he  founded  the  German 
congregation  in  Philadelphia,  and  then  went  to  New  York 
state  to  gather  the  Germans  there  into  the  Dutch  Church. 

Since  the  previous  chapter  on  his  early  ministry  was 
written.  Rev.  Prof  W.  J.  Hiuke  has  succeeded  in  finding 
a  copy  of  Weiss'  early  work  in  the  congressional  library 
at  Washington.!  The  book  is  arranged  in  the  form  of  a 
dialogue.  The  first  five  pages  give  a  conversation  with  a 
politician,  in  which  Weiss  speaks  of  the  intolerance  of  the 
sects,  especially  the  New  Born.  The  politician  introduces 
him  to  a  New  Born,  with  whom  Weiss  argues  on  the  main 
points  of  their  belief.  Thus  the  New  Born  denied  that  we 
ought  to  pray.     Weiss  proves  to  him  from  the  Bible  and 

*  See  '■  Norristown  Register,"  March  6,  18S;^. 
t  See  Chapter  III.,  Section  III.,  p.  118. 


604       THE   GEEMAN   REFOEMED    CHUECH    IN   U.    S. 

the  Lord's  Prayer  that  it  is  a  daty  to  pray.  He  then 
replies  :  "  But  I  do  not  need  that,  for  I  am  a  New  Born." 
Weiss  asks  him  three  questions  :  What  the  New  Birth 
was,  what  its  proofs,  what  its  fruits.  He  replied  that  the 
New  Birth  meant  union  with  God.  Weiss  shows  that  there 
could  be  four  ways  in  which  we  could  be  united  with  God  : 
by  a  personal  union,  by  illumination,  by  regeneration  and 
by  general  providence.  Over  against  the  proofs  of  the 
New  Birth  Weiss  shows  him  that  he  cannot  perform  mir- 
acles or  preach  as  Christ  the  sinless  One  did.  The  New 
Born  then  denies  the  authority  of  the  Bible.  Weiss  proves 
it  from  fulfilled  prophecy,  its  internal  excellence,  as  well 
as  from  its  authors.  The  New  Born  gave  as  proofs  the 
illumination  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  attacked  the  ministry 
and  outward  worship,  especially  the  sacraments.  Weiss 
showed  that  Christ  commanded  the  ministry,  as  He  said  : 
"  Go,  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature."  And  Paul 
demanded  worship  in  Hebrews  10  :  25.  The  New  Boru, 
unable  to  answer  more,  says  :  "All  your  words  and  argu- 
ments are  vain.  It  is  all  the  same  whether  you  talk  or 
not."  Weiss  thus  showed  the  shallowness  of  their  theory, 
and  also  warned  the  Reformed  against  it. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
THE  COETUS  DURING  THE  REVOLUTION. 


SECTION  T. 

TBE  COETUS  AND  CIVIL  AFFAIRS. 

lu  tliis  trying  war  the  Keformed  as  a  rule  sympathized 
with  the  patriots.  It  is  true  there  were  some  royalists 
among  them,  some  of  them  influential,  and  some  of  them 
bitter  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Americans.  But  the 
great  body  of  the  Reformed  were  true  to  America,  and 
some  of  them  performed  signal  services  for  their  new  coun- 
try. Occasionally  a  minister  would  get  into  trouble 
because  of  the  royalists.  Thus  Stahlschmidt  says  :  "  I 
acted  with  extreme  caution,  so  as  not  to  give  offence  to  the 
royalists  in  ray  congregation  (near  York),  but  where  such 
a  party  spirit  reigns,  it  is  impossible  for  a  minister's  polit- 
ical sentiments  to  remain  long  unconcealed.  An  order 
was  issued  by  the  American  government  to  march  against 
the  enemy,  which  produced  snvh  confusion  that  I  could 
not  do  otherwise  than  advise  them  to  yield  as  much  as 
possible  to  present  circumstances,  because  it  was  incum- 
bent upon  us  to  be  obedient  to  the  existing  authorities  in 


606        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

all  things,  not  contrary  to  conscience.  Those  who  vented 
their  rage  against  the  Congress  were  dissatisfied  with  me, 
especially  one  royalist  who  went  about  among  the  congre- 
gation and  stirred  them  up  against  me.  The  confusion 
increasing  to  the  highest  pitch,  I  perceived  it  best  to 
resign  my  charge."  Weber  also  resigned  and  went  west 
on  account  of  some  royalists  in  his  charge  near  the  Wind 
Gap.  On  the  other  hand  Dubendorf  left  Gcrmantown 
because  of  the  opposition  of  some  of  the  patriots  in  his 
congregation,  who  suspected  him  of  royalist  leanings, 
because  he  had  come  over  with  the  Hessians. 

Of  the  ministers  of  the  coetus  we  have  no  record  that 
any  of  them  sympathized  with  the  British.  Two,  how- 
ever, of  tlie  independents  did.  One  was  Zubli.*  He  at 
first  took  an  active  part  with  the  Sons  of  Liberty  against 
the  oj>pressions  of  the  British  and  preached  an  eloquent 
sermon  before  the  Provincial  Congress,  at  Savannah,  on 
July  4,  1775,  on  Isaiah,  II  :  13.  "  Ephraim  shall  not 
envy  Judah  and  Judah  shall  not  vex  Ephraim."  He 
was  selected,  July  10,  1775,  by  the  colony  of  Georgia,  as 
one  of  its  representatives  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
his  congregation  gave  their  consent  for  him  to  go  to  Phil- 
adelphia to  it.  He  made  the  opening  prayer  at  the  Con- 
gress. But  Zubli  began  to  show  a  middle  course.  Although 
he  opposed  the  oppressions  of  the  British  he  did  not  think 
the  colonies  were  ready  for  independence  and  became  a 


*  See  chapter  3,  section  15,  page  256. 


THE   COETUS   AND   CIVIL   AFFAIRS.  607 

peace  man.  Early  in  1776  lie  was  accused  by  Samuel  S. 
Chase,  of  Maryland,  of  treasonable  correspondence  with 
Sir  James  Wright,  colonial  governor  of  Georgia.  We  do 
not  know  how  this  was,  but  he  soon  after  left  the  Congress 
because  he  was  no  longer  in  sympathy  with  its  tendencies 
toward  independence.  In  doing  so  he  missed  immortal 
fame.  Had  he  remained  a  few  months  longer  he  would 
have  become  one  of  the  signers  of  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence. He  went  back  to  Savannah  to  prevent  that 
colony  from  separating  from  England.  But  he  soon 
found  his  ipfluence  gone.  He  was  banished  from  Savannah 
in  1777,  having  half  of  his  estate  confiscated.  When  the 
British  gained  control  of  Savannah,  1779,  he  returned, 
remaining  there  till  he  died,  July  23,  1781.  After  his 
death  the  citizens  seem  to  become  more  appreciative  of 
him  and  named  two  streets  after  him,  Joachim  and  Zubly. 
One  of  the  suburbs  of  the  city  was  named  after  his  birth- 
place, St.  Gall. 

The  other  minister  who  sympathized  with  the  royalists 
was  John  Michael  Kern,  pastor  of  the  German  Reformed 
church  in  New  York.  He  did  not  believe  the  colonies 
were  ripe  for  self-goverment.  He  was  compelled  to  leave, 
and  went  to  Halifax,  and  returned  after  the  Revolution. 
Rubel  too  was  deposed  from  the  ministry  for  his  immor- 
ality and  toryism.  Still  this  was  long  after  he  had  left 
the  coetus.  As  these  men  were  exceptions  to  the  rule, 
and  as  they  did  not  belong  to  the  coetus,  they  are  unim- 


608        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

portaot  to  us.  The  great  bodyof  the  Reformed  clergy 
stood  for  liberty.  Some  very  interesting  illustrations  are 
told  of  some  of  them. 

One  of  the  first  congregations  to  take  its  stand  for  lib- 
erty was  the  Philadelphia.  Together  with  the  Lutheran 
congregation  and  the  German  society  of  Philadelphia,  they 
issued  a  virtual  declaration  of  independence  a  year  before 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  These  three  organiza- 
tions published  in  August,  1775,  a  circular  appealing  for 
liberty  against  the  unjust  exactions  of  Britain.  It  seems 
that  when  the  Continental  Congress  had  appealed  to  the 
British  Parliament  for  relief,  instead  of  being  answered 
with  kindness,  they  were  answered  by  .severity.  And  to 
reduce  the  most  refractory  of  the  colonies,  namely,  New 
England,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  they  forbade  them 
the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  which  were  the  support  of 
New  England  especially.  And  parliament  granted  the 
right  of  these  fisheries  only  to  New  York  and  North  Car- 
olina, so  as  to  win  them  from  the  patriots.  The  Reformed 
and  Lutheran  congregations  of  Philadelphia,  together  with 
the  German  society,  therefore  appealed  to  their  German 
brethren  in  New  York  and  North  Carolina  not  to  be 
drawn  away  by  the  temptations  of  the  British,  and  urged 
them  to  support  Congress  and  liberty.  They  represented 
that  the  Germans  of  Pennsylvania  were  doing  everything 
to  support  Congress  in  organizing  militia  companies  ready 
to  inarch  when  ordered.     This  appeal  had  its  effect.     For 


THE    COETUS    AND    CIVIL    AFFAIRS.  609 

the  British  found  later  that  the  Germans  of  New  York 
under  General  Herkimer,*  the  hero  of  Oriskany,  defeated 
them  and  prepared  the  way  for  Burgoyne's  defeat,  while 
in  the  south  the  Germans  greatly  aided  the  patriots  under 
Generals  Marion  and  Greene.  This  appeal  of  the  Re- 
formed of  Philadelphia  is  worthy  to  be  placed  alongside 
of  the  Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  the  Presbyterians  in 
1775. 

This  early  appeal  of  the  Reformed  congregation  at 
Philadelphia  made  it  prominent  for  liberty.  As  it  was 
one  of  the  largest  church  buildings  in  that  city,  it  was 
used  for  large  gatherings  for  liberty.  Thus  when  the 
memorial  service  of  General  Montgomery,  who  had  been 
killed  at  Quebec,  was  held,  February  19,  1776,  it  was 
held  in  that  church.  When  the  British  army  entered 
Philadelphia,  Weyberg's  son  stood  at  the  door  of  his 
father's  house  and  shouted  :  "  Hurrah  for  General  Wash- 
ington I"  The  Britisli  soldiers  replied:  "You  rebel." 
During  the  British  occupation  the  Hessians  came  to  hear 
Weyberg  preach.  He  so  boldly  asserted  the  justice  of 
the  cause  of  the  patriots  that  the  British  became  alarmed 
at  the  daily  desertions  of  the  Hessians,  and  to  stop  him 
threatened  his  life  and  threw  him  into  prison.  The  text 
of  the  first  sermon  that  Weyberg  preached  after  being 
liberated  from  prison  was  Psalm  79  :  1,  "  O  God,  the 
heathen  are  come  into  thine  inheritance,  thy   holy   temple 

*  See  Reformed  Historical  Magazine,  Vol.  III.,  page  309. 

39 


610       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

have  they  defiled."  Rev.  Dr.  Berg  says  that  he  had  it 
on  the  authority  of  aged  members,  that  it  was  confidcutly 
asserted  that  if  Weyberg  had  not  been  silenced,  the  Hes- 
sians would  have  left  the  British  service  to  a  man.  The 
British  took  possession  of  the  Reformed  church  there, 
September  26,  1777,  using  it  as  a  hospital,  while  the  con- 
gregation v/orshiped  in  the  school-house.  The  cost  of 
repairing  the  church  after  the  British  left  was  $15,200. 

The  first  soldiers  to  arrive  in  New  England  were  two 
comp£tnies  of  Pennsylvania  Germans  from  Frederick. 
They  marched  550  miles  in  twenty-two  days.  A  com- 
pany of  soldiers  from  Reading,  under  Captain  Nagle, 
arrived  at  Boston  a  month  before  its  evacuation  l)y  the 
British.  The  German  soldiers,  when  marching  into  bat- 
tle, would  sing, 

"  England's  Georgelet  (little  George),  emperor,  king, 
For  God  and  us  is  too  small  a  thing." 

Very  interesting  are  the  relations  of  the  Reformed  to 
the  awful  winter  at  Valley  F'orge.  We  will  elsewhere 
give  illustrations  of  Runkel's  preaching  at  Valley 
Forge.*  The  Reformed  churches  at  Trapi)e,  East  Vin- 
cent, Skippack  and  Falkner  Swamp  were  used  as  hos- 
pitals. Rev.  J.  L.  Fluck  says:  "The  Vincent  church 
was  used  as  a  hospital,  Avhicli  Washington  frequently  vis- 
ited. Twenty-two  of  the  Revolutionary  soldiers  were 
buried  in  the  cemetery  of  that  church,  in  memory  of  whom 

*  See  page  620. 


THE    COETUS    AND    CIVIL    AFFAIRS.  611 

a  monument  was  erected  in  1731,  one  of  whose  inscrip- 
tions ran  thus  : 

"  'Their  names,  though  lost  in  earth  beh)\v, 
And  hence  are  not  recorded  here, 
Are  known  where  everlasting  pleasures  flow, 
Beyond  the  reach  of  death  and  fear.'  " 

Leydich,  as  pastor  of  that  district,  we  doubt  not,  often 
visited  the  soldiers  and  cheered  them  with  religious  con- 
solations," 

Gobre(.'ht,  pastor  at  Tohickon  and  Hanover,  often 
addressed  the  soldiers  on  their  way  to  join  the  army, 
encouraging  them  with  patriotic  appeals  and  urging  them 
to  religious  lives.  HelflFenstein,  at  Ijaucaster,  preached 
to  the  Hessians  in  captivity  there  on  Isaiah  52  :  2  :  "  For 
thus  saith  the  Lord,  Ye  have  sold  yourselves  for  naught 
and  shall  be  redeemed  without  money."  This  plainness 
of  speech  offended  many  of  the  Hessians.  On  another 
occasion,  after  he  had  preached  a  patriotic  sermon  on  the 
text,  "  If  the  Son  make  you  free,  ye  shall  be  free  indeed," 
the  excitement  was  so  great  that  he  was  sent  home  under 
guard.  He  once  preached  to  the  soldiers  on  the  text,  "  If 
God  be  for  us,  who  can  be  against  us  ?" 

Hendel  too  was  known  for  his  patriotism.  When  he 
went  to  the  congregations  in  Lykens,  Armstrong  and 
Mahantango  valleys,  beyond  the  Blue  Mountains,  where 
the  Indians  still  lingered,  his  life  was  endangered.  So 
these  congregations  would  send  a  guard,  who  would  meet 


612       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

him  in  the  entrance  to  these  valleys,  escort  him  to  the 
church,  stand  guard  outside  while  he  preached,  and  guard 
him  back  to  a  place  of  safety  again.  So  great  was  Nev- 
elling's  patriotism  that  he  loaned  all  of  his  money,  about 
$12,000,  to  the  American  government,  and,  it  is  said, 
joined  the  army  as  chaplain.  The  British  government 
offered  a  large  reward  for  his  capture,  and  Washington  so 
highly  esteemed  him  that  on  one  occasion  he  ordered  out 
a  troop  of  horse  to  protect  him.  Nevelling  lost  the  cer- 
tificate of  his  loan  to  the  government,  and  so  lost  all  his 
money,  which  he  afterwards  greatly  needed.  The  south- 
ern Reformed,  although  not  in  the  coetus,  also  showed 
their  patriotism.  Suther  and  his  adherents  seceded  from 
the  union  church  in  Guilford,  because  of  their  patriotism. 
He  was  driven  from  his  home  by  the  British,  who  devas- 
tated his  farm,  drove  off  his  cattle  and  destroyed  his  prop- 
erty, as  also  of  his  parishioners,  because  the  men  of  their 
families  were  in  the  American  army. 

But  the  membership  of  the  Reformed  were  as  active 
for  the  cause  of  liberty  as  the  ministers.  The  number  of 
the  prominent  Reformed  soldiers  in  that  war  is  worthy  of 
note.  Of  the  generals,  Philip  Schuyler  was  a  member  of 
the  Dutch  Reformed  Church  of  New  York,*  and  General 
Nicolas  Herkimer,  who  lost  his  life  at  Oriskany,  was  a 
German  Reformed  of  New  York.  Of  the  officers  of 
lower  rank  quite  a  number  were  Reformed.     The  leading 

•  See  Reformed  Church  Historical  Magazine,  November,  1893. 


THE  COETUS   AND   CIVIL   AFFAIRS.  613 

elder  of  the  Easton  congregation,  Colonel  Peter  Kichlein, 
led  bis  regiment  at  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  and  the 
bravery  of  his  men  prevented  the  rapid  advance  of  the 
British  on  New  York  City.  He  was  taken  prisoner,  and 
when  released,  returned  home  sick.*  The  Hiester  family 
was  also  prominent,  its  ancestor,  Daniel  Hiester,  having 
been  one  of  the  most  prominent  elders  of  the  Reformed 
and  a  member  of  the  first  coetus.  Of  that  family  four 
sons  were  officers,  Daniel,  the  elder,  being  captain  ;  two 
brothers,  majors,  and  another,  captain.  A  cousin,  Joseph, 
became  colonel  and  later  major  general  of  the  militia,  as 
did  also  two  of  the  others  later.  The  Spyker  family  had 
also  been  prominent  for  its  warriors,  Henry  Spyker  being 
a  colonel  in  the  Revolution.  As  paymaster  he  expended 
over  $600,000,  and  accurately  accounted  for  every  penny. 
The  Reading  congregation  furnished  two  colonels,  Peter 
Nagle  and  Nicolas  Lutz.  Berks  county  also  gave  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Valentine  Eckert ;  Lebanon  county  fur- 
nished John  Gloninger,  afterward  colonel,  who  fought  in 
the  battle  of  Staten  Island  and  Trenton  ;  Montgomery 
county  furnished  Colonel  Frederick  Antes,  of  Pottstown, 
who,  although  the  king's  justice  of  the  peace,  joined  the 
patriots,  and  was  especially  sought  by  the  British,  who 
almost  caught  him  in  his  house  at  Pottstown  on  one  occa- 
sion ;  Philadelphia  furnished  Colonel  Faremer,  later  com- 

*  See  his  life  in  the  pamphlet,  "  Battle  of  Long  Island,"   by   Rev.  George 
C.  Heckman,  D.  D.,  one  of  his  descendants. 


614       THE   GERMAN   REEORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

missary  general.  Rev.  Jacob  Michael,  the  independent 
Reformed  minister,  was  appointed  chaplain  on  May  17, 
1777,  of  the  first  battalion  of  the  Berks  county  militia. 

But  the  greatest  Reformed  soldier  of  the  war  was 
unquestionably  Baron  Steuben.  He  was  born  in  1730  at 
Magdeburg,  Germany,  and  at  an  early  age  entered  the 
Prussian  army  of  Frederick  the  Great,  under  whom  he 
learned  the  art  of  war.  In  the  Seven  Years'  AYar  he  rose 
to  the  rank  of  adjutant  general.  He  afterward  came  into 
contact  with  Franklin  at  Paris  in  1777,  and  was  induced 
to  come  to  America.  He  left  France  on  September  26, 
1777,  and  landed  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  after  a  very 
dangerous  voyage  of  two  months.  He  did  not  feel  at 
home  in  America  until  he  came  to  Pennsylvania,  where, 
he  heard  his  native  German  spoken  and  was  enthusiasti- 
cally received  by  the  Pennsylvania  Germans,  who  idol- 
ized a  general  who  fought  under  Frederick  the  Great. 

Steuben  met  the  congress  at  York,  and  was  sent  by 
them  to  Valley  Forge  to  drill  the  soldiers.  He  soon 
tauglit  them  the  military  tactics  that  made  Frederick  the 
Great  the  master  of  Europe,  and  by  April  29,  177.S,  the 
American  army  was  able  to  execute  the  manceuvrcs  of  a 
regular  army.  On  May  5,  1778,  he  was  made  inspector 
general  of  the  army  with  the  rank  of  a  major  general. 
By  his  military  discipline  he  saved  the  American  army. 
Thus  before  he  came  it  is  said  that  the  Americans,  having 
been  accustomed  to  a  sort  of  guerilla  warfare,  did   not 


THE    COETUS    AND    CIVIL    AFFAIRS.  615 

know  the  use  of  a  bayonet,  except  to  roast  beef  over  a 
camp-fire,  Steuben  taught  them  its  use,  so  that  in  four 
months  some  of  the  soldiers  made  a  bayonet  charge,  cap- 
turing Stony  Point  and  gaining  the  admiration  of  the 
world.  In  1779  he  published  a  book,  entitled,  "The 
Blue  Book,  or  Steuben's  Regulations,"  which  was  long 
the  standard  of  army  tactics. 

Steuben  was  then  sent  to  the  South,  to  do  with  that 
army  what  he  had  done  in  the  North.  He  brought  them 
under  discipline,  so  that  when  Arnold  invaded  Virginia, 
the  Americans  checked  him,  until  finally  the  British  were 
shut  up  in  Yorktown.  He  was  the  only  officer  at  that 
siege  who  had  before  been  engaged  in  a  siege  and  knew 
how  to  act.  Strange  to  say,  when  the  British  surrendered, 
he  was  the  officer  in  command.  His  military  tactics  thus 
saved  our  country.  After  he  had  drilled  our  soldiers,  it 
is  said  the  Americans  never  lost  a  battle.  Washington 
was  the  commander  and  Steuben  the  drill-master  of  the 
Revolution. 

After  the  war  he  lived  in  New  York,  where  he 
became  an  elder  in  the  German  Reformed  church.  He 
first  suggested  the  organization  of  the  society  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati. He  also  formed  the  plans  of  a  military  academy, 
which  was  afterwards  located  at  West  Point.  The  war 
left  him  poor,  but  after  eight  years  he  received  an  annuity 
of  $2500  and  1 1 ,000  acres,  north  of  Utiea,  New  York, 
where  a  township  is  named  after  him.     His  last  public 


616        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

appearance  was  as  president  of  the  German  Society,  at 
whose  head  he  marched  down  Broadway.  He  was  greatly 
respected  by  the  community,  and  once  during  a  riot  the 
rioters  gave  way  to  him,  shouting  as  he  passed,  "  Three 
cheers  for  Baron  Steuben."  The  Reformed  Church  may 
well  be  proud  of  his  record  in  the  war  of  independence, 
as  he  stands  third  (after  Washington  and  Greene)  in 
importance. 

After  the  Revolution  the  Reformed  continued  to  show 
their  love  for  their  new  country.  Nine  miles  west  of 
Reading  is  the  Cacusi  church,  now  called  Main's  church, 
at  AVernersville.  It  had  over  its  door  an  inscription 
placed  there  when  it  was  built  in  17G6  :  "All  who  go  in 
and  out  must  be  true  to  God  and  the  king."  After  the 
war  was  over,  one  of  the  builders  climbed  up  to  it  and 
cut  out  the  word  "  king,"  and  the  inscription  remains 
thus  mutilated  to  this  day,  a  silent  witness  to  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  membership  of  that  church.*  In  1789  coetus 
appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  Weyberg,  Gros  and 
Blumer,  together  with  three  elders,  among  them  Colonel 
Farmer,  to  draft  a  memorial  of  congratulation  to  General 
Washington  on  his  election  as  president.  He  gratefully 
replied  to  them,  thanking  them  i'ov  their  support.  When 
Washington  was  driven  out  of  Philadelphia  by  the  yel- 
low fever  in  1793,  he  made  his  iiomc  for  several   months 


*  Many  of  them  served  in  the  Revolution,  and  ouo.  Captain  Cuurad   Koli- 
ert,  a  great-ijrandfathor  of  the  author,  is  buriol  just  west  of  the  church 


THE   COETUS   AND   CIVIL   AFFAIRS.  617 

in  the  family  of  Rev.  Mr.  Hermau,  the  pastor  at  Ger- 
mautowii.  There  is  a  tradition  that  he  attended  the  Re- 
formed church  then,  and  on  one  occasion  took  communion 
with  the  congregation.  After  Washington's  death  the 
Cincinnati  society,  founded  in  1783  by  the  officers  of  the 
Revolutionary  army,  held  the  memorial  service  in  the 
First  Reformed  church  in  Philadelphia,  February  22, 
1800,  One  of  the  most  eloquent  eulogies  delivered  on 
Washington's  death  was  by  Rev.  Andrew  Loretz,  of 
North  Carolina. 


CHAPTER  VI.— SECTION  II. 

ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS  DURING  THE  REVOLUTION. 

Fortunate  was  it  for  the  coetus  that  it  was  prepared 
for  sueh  a  sad  time  by  three  things  : 

1.  It  was  a  harmonious  body,  and  had  been  since 
1756.  The  six  years  of  controversy  (1749-1755)  had 
been  succeeded  by  twenty  years  of  harmony. 

2.  The  revival  of  Maryland  had  put  the  Church  in  a 
good  state  religiously. 

3.  The  large  addition  of  ministers  (many  of  them 
excellent  men)  before  the  Revolution.  This  was  very  for- 
tunate, for  during  the  Revolution  very  few  were  added, 
while  some  died. 

We  have  nowhere  found  any  action  taken  i)y  the  coe- 
tus directly  in  favor  of  America.  Perhaps  they  were  the 
more  careful  about  that,  as  their  Church  was  <hc  only 
Protestant  ('hurch  in  America  under  the  control  of  a  for- 
eign Church.  ITollnnd  in  general  symjinthizcd  with  the 
patriots  against  England,  for  Holland  loaned  us  (hirtccn 
millions  of  dollars  during  tlie  Revolution.  Even  the 
Orange  party  there,  which  usually  was  favoi'abl(>  to  Eng- 
land, because  of  intermarriages  with  her  and  to  whom  the 
mini.sti'rs    generally    belonged,    was    (jiiiet.        The     South 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS.  619 

Holland  synod  made  some  enthusiastic  statements  of  sym- 
pathy in  1780. 

The  coetus'  minutes  reveal  the  gravity  of  the  situation 
and  the  anxiety  of  the  Church.  Even  before  the  war  in 
1775  the  coetus  ordered  the  last  day  of  June  to  be  a  day 
of  fasting  and  prayer  in  all  the  congregations.  The  coetal 
letter  of  that  year  asks  the  prayers  of  Holland  for  them. 
The  next  coetus  (1776)  reveals  the  sad  condition  of  affairs. 
Philadelphia  and  Germantown  were  not  represented  on 
account  of  the  war.  During  the  British  occupation  of 
Philadelphia  these  congregations  were  entirely  cut  off. 
The  next  coetus  (1777)  mourns,  that  "on  account  of  the 
war  many  a  praiseworthy  thing  is  omitted,  especially  tlie 
keeping  of  the  Sabbath  and  Christian  exercises  in  the 
family  at  home,  and  more  is  thought  of  weapons  than  of 
God's  Word."  Witner,  in  his  coetal  letter  to  the  Hol- 
land fathers,  suggests  that  they  act  as  mediators  between 
England  and  the  colonies  to  bring  about  an  early  peace. 
In  1778  only  a  few  ministers  met  at  Lancaster,  the  rest 
being  prevented  by  the  war,  and  they  transacted  no 
business  except  the  ordination  of  Runckel.  In  1779  they 
managed  to  get  together  a  coetus  meeting  at  Lancaster, 
but  there  were  many  absentees  on  account  of  the  war. 
Deeply  affected  by  the  conditions  of  tiie  times,  they  pass 
the  following  action  :  "  On  account  of  the  frequently  pre- 
vailing yices  and  other  irregularities  in  the  cpugregatious 
it  was  resolved  first  of  all  that  we  acknowledge  in  deep 


620       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

humility  and  self-denial  our  own  entire  un  worthiness,  and 
confess  that  without  the  grace  of  God  we  cannot  accom- 
plish the  very  least.  However,  trusting  to  divine  help, 
we  resolved  that  an  earnest  and  hearty  exhortation  be 
composed  and  printed,  addressed  to  the  congregations,  all 
men  in  general  and  the  members  of  our  congregations  in 
particular.  We  pledge  ourselves,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Chief  Shepherd  and  Bishop,  to  employ  more  than  ever 
before  all  earnestness  and  zeal,  both  in  public  sermons 
and  in  general  conversation,  and  to  become  instruments  by 
which  the  kingdom  of  Christ  may  be  built  up  and  the 
dark  dominion  of  Satan  be  destroyed."  A  committee, 
composed  of  William  Hendel,  Pomp  and  Helffenstein, 
were  appointed  to  prepare  and  print  this  exhortation.  In 
1780  no  coetus  meeting  was  held.  In  1781  it  was  held 
again  at  Philadelphia. 

One  of  the  most  serious  results  was  the  reduction  of  sal- 
aries through  the  war.  Thus  Stahlschmidt  says,  when  he 
resigned  his  charge  to  go  to  P^urope,  that  there  were  thou- 
sands of  dollars  due  him  for  salary,  but  as  sixty  or  sev- 
enty paper  dollars  were  only  equivalent  to  one  silver  one, 
he  could  for  all  this  money  scarcely  procure  a  new  coat 
for  himself  Doubly  grateful  to  the  ministers  were  the 
few  donations  sent  by  Holland  in  those  needy  times. 

A  more  hopeful  tone  appears  in  their  coetus  of  1783. 
They  report  to  the  deputies  that  a  well-founded  hope  has 
arisen  of  an  early  peace,  and  that  the  Reformed  and  Pres- 


ECCLESIASTICAL    AFFAIRS.  621 

byterial  religion  will  be  recognized  as  the  dominant  faith 
among  them.  They  thank  God  for  hearing  the  prayer  of 
all  true  republicans,  and  they  hope  that  by  their  inde- 
pendence they  will  be  brought  nearer  to  Holland. 


CHAPTER  VI.— SECTION  III. 

THE  NEW  MINISTERS. 

These  were  very  few.  The  Holland  deputies  sent 
only  one  during  the  war. 

Samuel  Dubendorf. 
1777. 

He  had  been  pastor  at  Kolberg  in  Pommerania,  Ger- 
many, and  was  an  old  man  when  he  appeared  before  the 
deputies  on  November  28,  1775.  They  refused  to  send 
him  to  Pennsylvania  because  they  had  no  call  from  a 
vacant  congregation  there,  and  besides  he  did  not  have 
proper  testimonials.  On  March  8,  177G,  he  appeared 
before  them  again  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  from 
deputy  Hubert  and  having  proper  testimonials.  The  dep- 
uties appointed  him  without  the  usual  examination,  as  he 
had  been  in  the  ministry  for  so  many  years.  He  went  to 
England,  where  he  sailed  from  Portsmouth,  and  after  a 
long  voyage  of  twenty  weeks  he  landed  at  New  York. 
He  had  to  stay  there  for  some  weeks  before  he  could  get  a 
pass  from  General  Howe  to  come  to  Pennsylvania,  When 
he  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  Weyberg  cordially  welcomed 
him  and  advised  him  to  supply  the  Germantown  congre- 
gation.    His  call  to  it  was  confirmed  by  the  coetus.  May, 


THE    NEW    MINISTEES.  623 

1777.  He  remained  there  for  two  years.  But  he  was 
plundered  by  the  British,  losing  all  that  he  had,  and  be- 
came very  poor.  True,  the  affection  of  his  members  en- 
abled him  to  make  up  a  part  of  the  loss,  but  they  were  too 
much  impoverished  by  the  war  to  help  much.  As  there 
was  some  dissatisfaction  in  his  congregation,  because  some 
of  the  patriots  suspected  him  of  leaning  toward  England, 
since  he  had  come  over  with  the  Hessians,  he  resigned. 
He  had  several  calls,  but,  like  John  tlie  Baptist,  preferred 
preaching  in  the  wilderness,  on  the  borders  of  the  Indians, 
in  Lykens  Valley.  There  he  labored  in  great  poverty 
and  often  in  danger  from  the  Indians.  In  1781  the  coe- 
tus,  hearing  of  his  needs,  gave  him  $34.  He  wrote  to 
Holland,  asking  for  assistance.  In  1783  they  sent  him 
$40.  For  this  he  wrote.  May  6,  1784,  a  letter  to  them, 
thanking  them  and  asking  them  to  present  an  enclosed 
appeal  to  the  Queen  of  Holland,  which  they  did  by  send- 
ing it  to  her  palace  in  "  the  Wood"  at  the  Hague.  He 
was  present  at  the  coetus  of  1784.  In  that  year  he  was 
called  to  Carlisle,  but  nobly  declined,  although  finally,  in 
1790,  he  accepted  a  call  there.  After  1795  he  returned 
to  the  Lykens  Valley,  and  died  at  Selinsgrove,  Pa.  By 
his  self-denying  labors  he  founded  the  Church  in  that 
region,  which  ought  to  place  some  memorial  of  him  at 
•his  grave  at  Selinsgrove,  Pa. 

The  coetus  received  during  this  period  two  more  min- 
isters, who  iiad  been  educated  in  this  («>(^,utry. 


624        THE  GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

John  Christian  Stahlschmidt. 
1777. 

He  was  born  at  Freudenberg,  Nassau  Siegen,  Ger- 
many, March  3,  1740.  When  young  he  came  under  the 
influence  of  this  mystics  and  thus  incurred  his  father's 
displeasure,  M'ho  made  him  take  a  vow  that  he  would 
give  up  all  pietism.  He  felt  dissatisfied  with  his  vow  and 
determined  to  leave  home.  So  he  secretly  left  home  and 
found  his  way  through  Cologne  to  Amsterdam.  He  there 
shipped  as  a  sailor  on  an  East  India  merchantman.  He 
clung  to  his  Savior  on  shipboard,  amid  storm  and  ridi- 
cule. On  June  3,  1760,  he  arrived  at  Batavia,  Java. 
The  ship  then  sailed  to  Canton,  on  which  journey  he 
passed  through  a  terrific  storm  and  at  last  arrived  at  Am- 
sterdam in  June,  1761.  He  again  sailed  for  the  east  to 
India.  On  this  journey  he  passed  through  a  severe 
illness.  He  returned  to  Amsterdam  on  June  1,  1765. 
He  then  visited  his  old  home,  where  his  father  kindly 
received  him.  His  wider  experience  and  travel  had 
broadened  his  narrow  pietistic  views.  But  he  was  still 
deeply  religious.  While  at  home  he  visited  Tersteegen 
in  August,  1766,  and  again  in  1767.  On  March  13, 
1770,  he  left  home  again  and  went  to  America.  He 
landed  in  Philadelphia  in  August,  1770,  where  lie  found 
a  friend  in  the  school-master  of  the  Reformed  church,  who 
had  known  his  parents.     Dr.  Weyberg,   who  was  always 


THE    NEW    MINISTERS.  625 

quick  to  notice  any  one  especially  spiritually  minded,  took 
an  interest  in  him  and  urged  him  to  study  for  the  ministry. 
But  he  with  great  modesty  feared  the  greatness  of  its 
responsibilities.  He  studied  under  Weyberg  for  a  year, 
and  also  preached  at  Frankford.  He  came  before  the 
coetus  in  1771,  at  Weyberg's  solicitation.  The  coetus 
ordered  him  to  continue  his  studies.  But  he  felt  his 
inability,  and  so  became  a  tutor  to  a  judge  at  Lebanon, 
where  he  did  considerable  preaching,  especially  for 
Buchep.  There  he  also  became  acquainted  with  Stoy. 
Otterbein  also  took  an  interest  in  him.  Then  he  studied 
with  Hendel,  whom  he  counted  as  one  of  the  best  preach- 
ers he  had  met  in  America.  He  was  called  in  1776  by 
the  Germantowu  congregation,  when  Helffenstein  left. 
Heltf'enstein  urged  him  to  accept  the  call,  as  did  Wey- 
berg, but  he  felt  his  inability,  and  refused.  About  this 
time  the  seven  congregations,  whom  Wagner  left  near 
York,  called  him,  and  at  Wagner's  earnest  request  he 
took  charge  of  them.  He  was  examined  by  the  coetus  of 
1777,  preached  his  trial  sernion  on  1  Cor.  3  :  9,  the  text 
assigned  him,  was  licensed,  and  Helffenstein  and  Wagner 
appointed  to  ordain  him.  lie  soon  found  himself  in  the 
midst  of  the  divisions  caused  by  the  war.  Most  of  his 
people  were  patriots,  but  some  influential  men  were  To- 
ries. He  therefore  resigned,  and,  though  it  was  danger- 
ous to  cross  tile  seas,  he  sailed.  His  ship  was  detained  in 
the  Chesapeake  Bay  by  English  ships,  but  finally  arrived 
40 


626        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

safely  at  St.  Eustatius,  one  of  the  West  India  Islands. 
There  he  went  on  board  a  Dutch  ship,  October  9,  1779. 
After  being  almost  shipwrecked  by  storms,  he  finally 
arrived  safely  at  Portsmouth,  England,  where  he  took 
another  ship  for  Amsterdam,  landing  there  in  March, 
1780.  He  never  returned  to  America,  as  he  intended 
when  he  left,  but  was  made  their  leader  by  the  followers 
of  Tersteegen.  He  died,  June  1,  1826,  aged  86  years,  of 
mere  old  age.     His  last  words  were  scarcely  audible : 

"At  length,  at  length  the  end  appears 
Of  all  our  sorrows,  strife  and  tears, 
The  new-born  soul  then  sinks  to  rest 
Forever  on  his  Savior's  breast." 

His  influence  in  Germany  remained  long  after  him. 

When  the  county  of  Siegen   became  rationalistic  and  its 

ministers  were  all   rationalists,  Stahlschmidt's    followers 

by  their  prayer  meetings  brought  that  church   back  to 

orthodoxy. 

John  William  Runckel. 

1778. 

He  was  born  on  April  28,  1749,  at  Oberiugelheim,  in 
the  Palatinate,  and  brought  to  America  on  October  1, 
1764,  when  fifteen  years  old.  He  became  school-teacher 
at  Tulpehocken,  when,  in  1774,  he  began  taking  studying 
for  the  ministry  under  Hendel.  He  w^as  licensed  as  a 
catcchist  by  the  coetus  of  1777,  and  preached  at  Ship- 
peusburg,  Carlisle,  Lower  Settlement  and  Hummelstowu. 


THE   NEW   MINISTERS.  627 

He  did  a  remarkable  work  among  the  soldiers  at  Valley 
Forge,  of  which  some  very  interesting  traditions  have 
come  down  in  the  family.*  Although  Runckel  came  before 
the  coetus  of  1777  and  was  examined,  his  ordination 
was  postponed  until  the  deputies  approved.  He  again 
appeared  at  the  coetus  of  1778,  when  the  few  members 
who  assembled  at  Lancaster  examined  him,  and  he  was 
ordained  by  a  committee,  consisting  of  Hendel  and  Wag- 
ner, at  Carlisle,  July  30,  1778,  before  a  large  congrega- 
tion. His  field  was  immense,  covering  parts  of  five  coun- 
ties. It  reached  from  Carlisle,  in  the  west,  through  Rof  kso 
and  Maytown,  to  Manheim.  In  1777,  he  says,  he 
preached  over  200  sermons  and  traveled  1500  miles.  In 
1781  he  was  called  to  Lebanon  as  Bucher's  successor,  and 
moved  there  on  May  7,  1782,  still,  however,  supplying 
Carlisle.  On  August  11,  1784,  he  was  called  to  Freder- 
ick, Md.,  and  left  Lebanon  on  November  14,  having  trav- 

*  Mr.  Isaac  Potts,  the  owner  of  the  house  occupied  by  Washington  at  Val- 
ley Forge  as  headquarters,  although  of  a  different  creed,  says  of  him  :  "  He 
was  a  most  devout  Christian  and  a  true  patriot.  He  was  one  of  the  hardest 
workers  in  the  cause  of  religion,  and  his  presence  among  Washington's  men 
was  always  attended  with  good  results."  When  Baron  Steuben  began  drill- 
ing the  raw  recruits,  he  had  great  difficulty  in  making  them  understand  his 
orders,  as  he  could  not  speak  English.  He  struggled  on  with  this,  until  one 
day  he  noticed  Runckel,  who  he  found  spoke  German.  The  latter  translated 
the  commands  for  Col.  Harry  Lee,  and  Steuben's  difficulties  vanished. 
Runckel  was  a  man  of  great  physical  endurance.  On  one  occasion,  while  fol- 
lowing Washington's  army  on  foot  from  White  Marsh  to  Skippackville,  he 
found  a  soldier  whose  feet  were  so  torn  by  the  rough  road  that  he  could  no 
longer  march,  and  had  fallen  out  of  ranks.  Ho  took  him  on  his  shoulders 
and  carried  him  to  Norristown,  where  he  had  friends.  These  traditions  were 
given  me  by  William  W.  Kunkle,  a  descendant. 


628       THE   GEEMAJi    KEFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

oled  iu  that  field  13,316  miles.  At  Frederick  be  did 
much  missionary  work,  beginning  preaching  at  Rocky 
Hill,  March  28,  1785;  at  Middletown,  April  6,  1785, 
and  at  Glades,  Short  Hill  and  Manor,  April  22,  1785. 
He  made  a  tour  through  the  Virginia  churches  in  1785 
and  1786.  In  1787  Rev.  Mr.  Schneider,  of  Albany,  came 
to  Frederick,  ostensibly  to  collect  funds  for  a  church.  A 
party  was  formed  in  the  congregation  in  his  favor,  who 
tried  to  get  Runckel  away.  This  division  continued  in 
the  church  till  1800.  He  was  pastor  at  Germantown, 
1802-1805  ;  at  New  York,  1805-1812,  and  of  the  Em- 
mittsburg  charge,  1815.  In  1819  he  retained  only  Get- 
tysburg, where  he  died,  November  5,  1832. 

John  H.  Weikel. 
He  was  an  independent  minister  and  a  most  eccentric 
man,  who  brought  the  Church  into  disgrace.  He  appeared 
before  the  coetus  of  1774,  but  was  refused.  He  was 
called  to  Boehm's  and  Wentz  churches  in  1776.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution  he  preached  a  sermon  on 
.Ecclesiastes  4  :  13  :  "  Better  is  a  poor  and  wise  child, 
than  an  old  and  foolish  king,  who  will  no  more  be  admon- 
ished." This  produced  so  great  an  excitement  in  his 
charge  that  he  had  to  resign  ultimately.  He  was  often 
seen,  after  having  turned  his  horse  into  an  enclosure  in 
front  of  his  house,  firing  pistols  over  his  head  from  the 
windows,  so  as  to  train  hitii  to  the  fire  in  case  he  should 
be  used  for  war.     It  has  been  suggested  that  his  mind 


THE   NEW    MINISTERS.  629 

was  at  times  affected.  A  Hessian  captain,  in  a  letter  of 
January  18,  1778,  speaks  of  him  as  having  given  up 
preaching  and  gone  to  highway  robbing.  This  may  not 
have  been  true,  but  there  is  no  doubt  of  his  eccentricities. 
Coetus  was  greatly  scandalized  that  one  of  its  congre- 
gations should  take  up  with  such  a  man,  and  censured 
the  congregation,  but  with  little  effect. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  COETUS  AFTER  THE  REVOLUTION. 


SECTION  I. 

THE  MINISTERS  OF  THE  COETUS. 


A.— The  Last  Ministers  Sent  from  Holland. 
1785. 

The  deputies  sent  this  year  three   ministers  from   the 

canton  of  the  Grisons  in  eastern  Switzerland.     They  were 

Andrew   Loretz,    Peter    Paul    Pernisius    and    Beruhard 

Willy.     Of  the  last  two  we  will  speak  under  the  head  of 

the  disciplined. 

Andrew  Loretz. 

(There  was  an  Andrew  Loretz,  who  matriculated  at 
Heidelberg,  June  22,  1750,  and  at  Basle,  October  5,  1751, 
as  having  been  born  at  Chur.)  He  had  been  minister  for 
thirteen  years  in  the  barony  of  Haldenstein,  and  brought 
good  testimonials  from  the  antistes  and  his  former  con- 
gregation. The  classical  commissioners  were  appointed 
(September  14,  1784)  by  the  deputies  to  examine  him. 
He  met  with  them,  and  was  appointed.     He  sailed  the 


THE   MINISTERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  631 

same  week  on  the  ship  Paragon  for  Baltimore.*  He  was 
called  to  the  Tulpehocken  and  Lebanon  charges.  But  he 
did  not  stay  long,  for  he  left  in  April,  1786,  to  return  to 
Switzerland.  The  coetus  gave  two  reasons  for  this  : 
1.  His  Swiss  dialect  was  so  broad  that  many  of  his  con- 
gregations could  not  understand  him.  2.  He  found  the 
expense  of  bringing  his  family  to  America  too  great. 
Coetus  gave  him  a  testimonial,  when  he  went  back  to 
Europe,  March  26,  1786.  For  this  giving  of  a  testimo- 
nial the  deputies  find  fault  with  the  coetus. 

1787. 
Lebrecht  Frederick  Herman. 

He  was  born  at  Gusten,  in  Anhalt  Cotha,  October  9, 
1761,  and  was  confirmed  there  by  Rev.  Mr.  Paltenius. 
He  spent  six  years  at  the  Orphans'  Homes  of  Franke  in 
Halle,  and  then  three  years  at  the  university  there,  study- 
ing Reformed  theology  under  Professor  Mursina  in  the 
Reformed  gymnasium  at  Halle.  In  1782  he  was  called 
as  assistant  minister  at  Bremen.  After  great  difficulty  to 
get  to  Amsterdam  on  account  of  floating  ice,  he  appeared 
before  the  deputies  and  was  examined,  March  15,  1786. 
They  speak  of  him  as  a  young  man  of  great  promise.  He 
arrived  in  America  in  August,  1786,  and  was  called  to 

*  The  Church  records  in  Baltimore  state  that  Loretz  and  Willy  arrived 
there  on  December  21,  1784.  As  they  were  without  any  means  to  continue 
their  journey,  the  elders  of  the  Baltimore  congregation  not  only  paid  their 
bill  at  the  inn  "  To  the  Green  Tree,"  but  also  sent  them  to  Pennsylvania  on 
four  horses,  spending  £23  for  their  entertainment. 


632        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

the  Eustou  charge.  In  1790  he  accepted  a  call  to  Ger- 
mantown  aud  Fraukford.  But  as  preaching  iu  two 
languages  was  burdensome,  he  accepted  (1800)  a  call  to 
Swamp,  Pottstown  and  Vincent,  which  charge  he  held  till 
his  death,  January  30,  1848.  He,  like  Hendel  and  Wey- 
berg,  paid  special  attention  to  the  training  of  young  men 
for  the  ministry.  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  presented 
young  Samuel  Weyberg,  the  son  of  Dr.  Weyberg,  deceased, 
to  the  coetus  as  one  of  his  students  asking  for  examina- 
tion.    Before  his  death  he  had  prepared  thirteen  for  the 

ministry. 

George  Troldenier. 

He  was  born  at  Anhalt  Cotha  iu  1 754.  Like  Her- 
man, he  studied  at  Halle,  and  l)elonged  to  the  church  at 
Bremen.  With  Herman  he  appeared  before  the  deputies, 
March  2-17,  1786,  and  landed  in  America  with  Herman 
in  August,  1786.  He  was  called  to  York,  to  succeed 
Wagner.  But  at  the  coetus  of  1788  complaints  came  in 
from  ]>art  of  his  congregation  that  he  was  hot  tempered 
and  preached  four  or  five  times  on  the  same  text.  The 
coetus  felt  the  trouble  was  due  to  his  ignorance  of  Penn- 
sylvania customs,  and  counseled  the  congregation  to  peace. 
At  the  coetus  of  1 790  he  was  located  at  Gettysburg,  hav- 
ing left  Y(»rk,  and  in  17!ll  he  was  called  to  Baltimore. 
He  went,  October  13,  1791,  and  found  the  congregation 
dissatisfied  and  scattered  on  account  of  the  building  of  the 
new  church.  The  church  prospcM'ed  under  him,  but  he 
soon  died  of  consumption,  December  12,  1800. 


THE   MINISTERS   OF   THE    COETUS.  633 

1788. 

Dietrich  Christian  Pick. 

He  was  the  last  of  the  ministers  sent  over  by  Holland. 
He  appeared  before  the  deputies,  November  7,  1787.  He 
brouo-ht  testimonials  from  Cassel  that  he  had  matriculated 
at  Marburg,  and  also  from  Gottingen,  and  that  he  had 
been  a  rector  of  school  at  Vache  in  Hesse.  He  arrived 
at  New  York  before  February  26,  1788,  when  he  wrote 
to  Weyberg,  saying  that  he  had  arrived  in  New  York 
without  any  money,  and  asked  for  $40.  He  enclosed  in 
his  appeal  letters  from  the  deputies,  and  also  from  Rev. 
Dr.  Gros,  of  New  York.  Weyberg  replied,  March  4, 
that  the  deputies  had  not  notified  him  of  Pick's  coming, 
and  that  the  gift  of  $40  would  be  an  impossibility,  as  the 
Pennsylvania  congregations  were  poor.  He  says  he  would 
bring  the  matter  before  the  next  coetus.  He  also  stated 
that  the  congregations  in  the  coetus  were  supplied  with 
ministers,  and  Pick  had  better  seek  a  place  among  the  Dutch 
of  New  York,  if  he  could.  Pick  replied  on  April  8, 
denouncing  Weyberg  and  stating  that  he  had  written  to 
Holland,  complaining  about  their  treatment  of  him  by 
Weyberg  and  the  Pennsylvania  brethren.  The  coetus  of 
1788  took  up  the  matter,  upheld  Weyberg,  and  censured 
Pick  for  writing  such  a  letter  to  Weyberg.  They  tell 
hira  that  as  he  had  sent  Wey berg's  letter  to  Holland,  they 
would  also  send  his  thither  to  the  deputies.  The  depu- 
ties acquiesce  in  the  judgment  of  the  coetus.     Pick  never 


634       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

entered  the  service  of  the  coetus,  but  remained  in  New 
York.  He  was  pastor  at  Cauojoharie  and  Stone  Arabia, 
1788-1790,  and  was  suspended  from  the  ministry  in  1802. 
He  was  an  eloquent  orator. 

With  Pick  the  list  of  the  ministers  sent  over  to  Penn- 
sylvania by  the  Holland  Church  closes.  They  sent  over 
in  all  thirty-seven  ministers.* 

B.— Ministers  who  Joined  the  Coetus  in  America. 

1785. 

John  Herman  Wynckhaus. 

He  was  born  at  Altena  in  Westphalia,  November  26, 
1758.  When  fifteen  years  old  he  attended  the  Latin 
school  at  Liraburg,  then  the  university  of  Duisburg,  from 
September  26,  1776,  to  September  16,  1779.  He  was 
examined  and  received  as  a  candidate  of  the  Suderland 
classis,  December  7,  1779,  and  ordained  at  Berchum  in 
Limburg,  August  17,  1780,  where  he  became  pastor.  On 
account  of  ill  health  he  resigned,  after  serving  the  con- 
gregation for  two  years  and  three  months.  When  he  was 
restored  to  health  again,  he  determined  to  come  to  Amer- 
ica, and  on  September  21,  1783,  he  started  from  his  home 
for  Amsterdam,  where  he  arrived  on  October  14.  He 
sailed,  November  2,  and  arrived  at  Delaware  Bay,  Jan- 

*  The  deputies  were  in  correspondence  with  Christian  Lewis  Becker  from 
1785  on.  In  1787  it  was  expected  he  would  be  sent  with  Herman  and  Trol- 
denier  to  start  a  school,  but  it  was  postponed.  He  came  over  in  1793,  the 
year  after  the  dissolution  of  the  coetus. 


THE   MINISTERS   OF   THE    COETUS.  635 

uary  22,  1784.  But  the  severe  cold  had  frozen  up  the 
bay,  so  that  the  vessel  could  get  no  farther.  He  remained 
on  the  vessel  frozen  in  the  ice  until  March  6,  when  he 
decided  to  travel  over  the  ice  for  the  shore.  He  then 
came  overland  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  arrived,  March 
14,  and  was  kindly  received  by  Weyberg.  The  vessel  was 
never  heard  of  again,  having  probably  foundered  in  the  ice, 
carrying  down  twenty  persons.  When  he  heard  of  his 
providential  escape  he  said,  "  God  be  praised  that  my  life 
has  been  mercifully  spared."  On  March  28  he  received  a 
call  to  the  congregations  at  Witpen  and  Trappe,  which  had 
been  vacant  for  four  years.  He  applied  to  coetus  in  1784, 
but  his  case  was  referred  to  Holland.  The  deputies  exam- 
ined into  the  matter,  and  found  he  had  left  his  former 
charge  because  of  lack  of  support,  and  so  he  was  admitted 
a  full  member  of  the  coetus  of  1785.  He  left  Witpen  and 
Trappe  in  1787,  went  to  Saucou  and  Springfield,  and  was 
later  called  to  be  the  successor  of  his  friend  and  patron 
Weyberg  at  Philadelphia.  He  must  have  been  a  very 
remarkable  young  man  to  have  been  called  so  soon  to  the 
largest  and  most  influential  church  in  the  coetus.  He 
preached  his  introductory  sermon  on  September  26,  1790. 
In  1793  the  yellow  fever  broke  out  in  Philadelphia. 
While  praying  with  Mr.  Schreiner,  the  school-master  of 
his  church,  he  became  ill  with  it.  He  became  better,  but 
ventured  to  attend  Mr.  Schreiner's  funeral,  took  a  relapse 
and  died  on  October  3,   1793.     Rev.  Dr.   Helmuth,  the 


636        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

Lutheran  pastor  of  Philadelphia,  wrote  a  beautiful  poem 

on  his  death. 

1787. 

Anthony  Hautz. 

He  was  born,  August  4,  1758,  in  Germany.  His  father 
came  to  America  when  he  was  ten  years  old,  settling  in  what 
is  now  Lebanon  county.  He  learned  the  trade  of  tailor, 
but  Hendel  saw  in  him  the  makiug  of  a  minister. 
He  studied  under  Hendel.  He  became  a  catechist 
in  1786  at  Cocalico,  Muddy  Creek,  Reyers  and  Zel- 
tenreich.  At  the  coetus  of  1787  they  called  him. 
He  passed  an  excellent  examination,  and  coetus, 
without  waiting  to  consult  Holland,  at  once  ordained  him, 
but  they  required  him  to  sign  a  special  formnla.  When 
the  deputies  heard  of  this,  they  were  angry,  especially  as 
his  formula  contained  no  reference  to  the  Netherlands 
confessions.  The  coetus  replied  to  them  that  this  formula 
was  not  imposed  on  him  to  give  him  room  for  greater  lib- 
erty of  doctrine,  but  on  the  contrary  to  be  a  restraint 
against  it,  as  some  of  the  brethren  had  been  suspicious  of 
false  doctrine  creeping  in.  Coetus  finally  confessed  it  was 
a  hasty  decision  and  stated  that  remonstrances  were  raised 
against  this  in  the  meeting,  but  the  majority  were  in  favor 
of  it.  In  1788  he  was  called  to  Harrisburg,  becoming 
the  first  regular  pastor  of  the  church.  He  was  pastor  at 
Carlisle  1798-1804,  and  in  Seneca  county,  N.  Y.,  1804- 
1815. 


THE   MINISTERS   OF   THE   COETUS.  637 

1788. 

George   Adam  Gueting. 

He  presented  himself  to  the  coetus  of  1788  for  ordi- 
nation. He  had  already  been  laboring  very  acceptably  as 
a  catechist  in  Maryland.  Pomp  says  he  expected  to 
oppose  him  at  the  coetus,  as  he  looked  on  him  as  a  vision- 
ary, but  coetus  ordained  him.  The  deputies  were  very 
much  surprised  at  this  act.  The  coetus,  however,  stated 
that  they  do  so  in  view  of  the  great  scarcity  of  ministers 
in  Maryland  and  Virginia.  He  became  pastor  at  Antietam 
before  1781.  He  continued  a  member  of  the  coetus  up  to 
1804,  but  never  attended  a  meeting.  He  was  then  ex- 
pelled from  the  synod.     He  died,  June  28,  1812. 

Lewis  Chitaka. 

He  had  been  an  Augustiniau  monk  in  Switzerland, 
but  had  left  that  faith  and  become  Reformed.  He  applied 
to  the  deputies  in  1785,  was  given  a  donation  and  sent  to 
Pennsylvania  as  a  school-master.  When  he  arrived  he 
applied  to  Weyberg,  who  recommended  him  to  the  coetus, 
April  27,  1785.  The  coetus  ordered  him  to  continue  his 
studies,  which  he  did  under  Hendel  and  Weyberg.  He 
was  again  examined  in  1786  and  allowed  to  preach,  but 
was  not  yet  ordained.  The  coetus  reports  this  to  deputies, 
saying  that  he  arrived  at  Pennsylvania  utterly  destitute, 
and  they  spent  $77  for  him  and  asked  the  deputies  to  aid 
in   paying  this  expense.     The  deputies  replied  that  they 


638        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN   U.   S. 

had  sent  him  to  America  to  be  a  school-master,  not  a  min- 
ister. But  in  1788  the  deputies  were  willing;,  and  he  was 
ordained.  He  had  been  charged,  October  23,  1787,  at 
Nolton,  of  still  holding  to  some  Catholic  incantations  to 
cure  a  child,  but  he  seems  to  have  gotten  over  all  these 
and  done  excellent  work  as  a  Protestant  pastor.  He  had 
labored  before  under  Wack's  supervision  in  New  Jer- 
sey, and  in  1788  became  pastor  of  the  congregations  at 
Nolton  and  Hartwick,  where  he  remained  four  or  five 
years,  and  was  then  called  to  Tohickon,  Springfield  and 
Indian  Creek.     He  was  present  at  the  coetus  of  1 789. 

He  died  about  1793. 

1789. 

Philip  Reinhold  Pauli. 

He  was  born  at  Magdeburg,  June  22,  1742,  and  came 
of  a  family  famous  for  Reformed  ministers  in  Germany. 
His  grandfather  had  been  court  preacher  at  the  Reformed 
cathedral  at  Halle.*  His  father  was  consistorialrath  and 
court  preacher  of  the  Count  of  Anhalt-Bernburg.  Ho 
studied  at  the  Joachimthal,  Reformed  gymnasium  at  Ber- 
lin, and,  it  is  said,  also  at  Leipsic.  He  studied  theology 
at  the  Reformed  gymnashun  at  Halle  under  Mursinna. 
After  traveling  through  Europe  with  a  wealthy  uncle,  he 
came  to  this  country  in  1783,  and  became  teacher  of  Latin 
in  the  academy  at  Philadelphia,  now  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania.     He  a})plied  to  the  coetus  of  1786  forordi- 

*  See  m^  History  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Germany,  p.  422. 


THE    MINISTERS    OP    THE    COETUS.  639 

nation,  but  his  examination  was  not  satisfactory.  The 
deputies,  however,  for  some  reason  grant  permission, 
March  12,  1787,  for  his  ordination.  At  the  coetus  of 
1787  the  Frankfort  congregation  applied  for  him  as  pas- 
tor, as  he  had  been  preacliing  for  them  while  he  had  been 
teaching  in  Philadelphia.  He  became  pastor  at  Witpen 
and  Worcester,  1789-1793,  and  after  that  at  Reading, 
where  he  died  on  November  12,  1839. 

1791. 

Jonathan  Rahauser. 

He  was  born  in  Dover  township,  York  county,  Decem- 
14,  1764.  He  was  a  farmer  by  trade  up  to  his  21st  year, 
when  he  determined  to  study  for  the  ministry.  He  studied 
under  Hendel,  at  Lancaster,  August  17,  1785,  till  March 
22, 1789,  when  he  preached  his  first  sermon  at  Bier's  church 
on  II  Timothy,  3  :  16-17.  At  the  coetus  of  1790  five 
congregations  beyond  the  Blue  mountains  around  Sha- 
mokin  and  the  Susquehanna  sent  a  delegate  with  an  earnest 
petition  for  his  ordination.  Coetus  examined  bim  and 
reported  his  case  to  Holland,  asking  for  an  early  decision, 
as  Shamokiu  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  ad- 
venturers, like  Spangenberg.  As  no  reply  had  come  in  by 
the  coetus  of  1791,  coetus  took  the  responsibility  of  ordain- 
ing him,  June  27,  1791,  at  the  hands  of  Hendel,  Helifrich 
and  Blumer.  In  1792  he  was  called  to  Hagerstowu, 
where  he  labored  till  his  death,  September  25,  1817, 


640      the  german  reformed  church  in  u.  s. 

John  Philip  Stock. 

He  was  from  Treysa  near  Ziegenheim  in  Hesse.  He 
matriculated  at  Duisburg  university,  October  6,  1786. 
Their  record  says  he  went  to  Virginia,  but  he  went  to 
Pennsylvania.  He  came  to  Pennsylvania  in  1789.  At 
the  coetus  of  1790  the  York  congregation  requested  his 
ordination.  Coetus  referred  it  to  Holland.  As  no  word 
came,  they  ordained  him  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  coetus 
in  1791,  together  with  Rahauser.  In  1792  he  was  called 
to  Shippensburg,  Chambersburg  and  Sherer's. 

1792. 
John  Theobald  Faber,  Jr. 

He  was  born  at  Goshenhoppen,  September  24,  1771, 
the  oldest  son  of  Rev.  J.  T.  Faber.  He  studied  the  clas- 
sics under  Rev.  Mr.  Melsheimer,  a  Lutheran  minister  of 
York,  and  then  theology  uuder  Hendel.  Old  and  New 
Goshenhoppen  presented  a  call  to  him  at  the  coetus  of 
1792.  A  committee  ou  examination,  consisting  of  Hen- 
del,  Helffrich  and  Pomp,  reported  that  his  examination  in 
doctrine  had  not  been  satisfactory,  yet  out  of  regard  to  the 
Goshenhoppen  congregation,  which  had  borne  the  expense 
of  his  education,  and  to  his  widowed  mother,  he  was 
ordained.  The  deputies  somewhat  doubtingly  express 
their  approval.  He  was  pastor  at  Goshenhoppen,  1792- 
1807,  and  then  of  Bethany  and  New  Holland  charges, 
1807-1809.      He  returned  to  Goshenhoppen,    where   he 


THE    MINISTERS   OP    THE    COETUS.  641 

died,  February  10,  1833,  stricken,  like  his  father,  with 

apoplexy  in  the  church. 

1792. 

John  Mann  * 

He  came  before  the  coetus  of  1792,  when  the  congre- 
gations of  Lower  Saucon  and  Springfield  asked  for  his 
ordination.  The  committee  reported  that  they  found  him 
well  grounded  in  the  sciences  and  pure  in  the  doctrines  of 
the  Church.  Blumer  and  Helifrich  were  ordered  to  ordain 
him.  In  1795  he  had  trouble  in  these  congregations.  He 
afterwards  became  pastor  at  Mt.  Bethel,  Northampton 
county,  and  then  returned  to  farming.  His  name  is  last 
mentioned  in  the  coetus'  minutes  in  1802,  when  it  was 
dropped  for  non-attendance  on  coetus.  He  was  buried  at 
Mt.  Bethel,  Pa. 

In  all  coetus  received  31  ministers  who  were  not  sent 
over  by  the  Holland  deputies,  f  These,  with  the  37  sent 
from  Holland,  make  68  in  all  who  belonged  to  the  coetus. 

C— The  Disciplined. 

Peter  Paui.  Pernisius. 
1785. 
He  was  from  the  canton  of  the  Grisons.     He  had  been 
j)astor  in  the  Engadine  for  thirty-six  years.|     He  appeared 

*  There  is  a  John  Mann  mentioned  as  an  elder  of  the  coetus  of  1784. 

t  Samuel  Weyberg  and  William  Hendcl,  Jr.,  applied  to  the  coetus  of  1792 
and  were  examined,  but  wore  not  received  into  the  synod  till  the  year  after 
coetus  closed  ( I79">). 

I  There  was  a  Peter  Paul  I'ernisius,  who  was  pastor  at  Sylva  Plana  in  the 
Grisons  from  1745-1753. 

41 


642        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

in  a  very  needy  condition  before  the  deputies,  September 
14-15,  1784.  He  was  accepted  and  went  to  America, 
accompanied  by  his  daughter.  He  was  commissioned  by 
the  deputies.  After  his  arrival  he  was  a  constant  source 
of  trouble  to  the  coetus.  They  complained  to  Holland 
that  he  was  too  old  to  be  acceptable  to  the  congregations. 
With  difficulty  they  secured  him  a  place  finally  in  the 
Lehigh  charge,  where  he  remained  for  six  months,  but 
one  congregation  after  another  forsook  him.  Then  he 
went  to  Philadelphia  and  tried  to  practice  medicine.  Then 
Brownback's,  Wentz  and  Pottstown  called  him,  but  Wentz 
soon  gave  him  up.  In  July,  1788,  he  was  charged  with 
the  murder  of  a  cattle  driver  near  his  home,  as  he  was 
found  with  the  dead  man.  He  was  saved  from  punish- 
ment through  the  intercession  of  Weyberg,  the  evidence 
being  circumstantial.  But  it  cost  coetus  |68.88,  which  it 
asked  the  deputies  to  aid  in  paying.  Pernisius  was  pub- 
licly excluded  from  the  coetus  in  1789. 

Bernhard  Willy. 
He  was  also  from  the  canton  of  the  Grisons,  liaviiiir 
been  pastor  at  Malladio.  He  appeared  before  the  doj>u- 
ties  with  Loretz,  November  15,  1784,  and  after  his  arrival 
he  was  appointed  to  Reading.  But  although  he  had  a 
wife  in  Europe,  he  again  married.  When  this  was  found 
out,  a  committee,  consisting  of  Hendel,  Dallicker  and 
Helffrich,  went  to  Reading  and  found  the  charges  true. 
Coetus  therefore  excluded  him  in  1786.     He  went  to  Vir- 


THE   MINISTERS   OF  THE    COETUS.  643 

ginia,  where  he  seems  to  have  tried  to  redeem  his  life  aud 
character.  He  was  a  fine  scholar,  writing  Latin  freely, 
outlining  his  sermons  in  that  language.  He  preached 
over  a  wide  district,  "  from  Wylie  county  to  tlie  Potomac 
and  from  the  Blue  liidge  to  the  Alleghenies."  He  lived 
at  Woodstock,  Va.,  then  in  Pendelton  and  Wythe  coun- 
ties, Va.  At  the  end  of  his  life  he  returned  to  W^ood- 
stock.  Harbaugh  says  he  left  behind  him  in  manuscript 
"Lectures  on  the  Heidelberg  Catechism."  He  died  in 
May,  1810. 


CHAPTER  YII.— SECTION  II. 

THE  INDEPENDENTS. 

Cyriacus  Spangenberg  von  Reidemeister. 

He  was  the  most  remarkable  case  of  a  religious  adven- 
turer of  the  purest  water.  Fortunately  the  coetus,  in  spite 
of  importunity,  remained  firm  in  rejocting  him,  and  thus 
saved  itself  from  disgrace.  Harbaugh  errs  in  placing  him 
among  the  Fathers  of  the  Reformed  Church,  for  he  never 
was  a  member  of  the  coetus.  He  was  a  native  of  Hesse 
and  a  cousin  of  Dubendorf.  He  came  to  this  country 
before  1780,  for  he  wrote  to  Holland  about  his  cousin's 
condition  in  that  year.  He  studied  for  a  time  with  Boos 
at  Reading,  but  although  he  besought  Boos  to  ordain  him, 
he  would  not  do  it.  He  asked  the  coetus  of  1783  to 
ordain  him.  But  as  he  had  already,  although  unordaiued, 
administered  baptism  and  had  asked  Boos  to  ordain  him, 
his  irregular  conduct  made  coetus  suspicious,  especially  as 
his  actions  were  more  those  of  a  soldier  than  of  a  minister. 
In  1784  he  again  applied  to  coetus.  His  perseverance 
made  coetus  more  favorable.  They  did  not  give  liim  a 
positive  refusal,  but  referred  the  matter  to  the  deputies. 
Their  reply,  January  28,  1785,  was  unfavorable.  Tliey 
had  their  suspicious  about  Spangenberg  and  asked  whetiier 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  645 

he  had  ever  belonged  to  the  garrison  at  Deveuter,  Hol- 
land. Meanwhile  Spangenberg,  evidently  fearing  their 
answer,  succeeded  in  getting  into  the  ministry  in  an  irreg- 
ular way.  At  the  earnest  intercession  of  Dubendorf, 
Michael,  the  independent  Reformed  minister,  ordained 
Spangenberg,  although  he  had  no  authority  to  do  so. 
Spangenberg  then  went  up  the  Susquehanna  and  preached 
at  Shamokin,  Row's,  Mahantango  and  Middle  Creek  in 
the  latter  part  of  1785.  His  bad  character  soon  revealed 
itself,  as  he  was  about  marrying,  when  it  was  found  out 
that  he  already  had  a  wife  in  Europe.  He  then  went  to 
Conagocheaque  Valley,  near  Chambersburg,  where  he 
preached  to  the  Grindstone  Hill  charge  and  other  con- 
gregations. He  then  went  still  farther  west,  and  in  1795 
was  at  Bedford  and  Berlin.  At  Berlin,  at  a  congrega- 
tional meeting,  where  an  effort  was  made  to  get  rid  of 
him,  he  rose  in  the  chancel  and  stabbed  the  elder  who  pro- 
posed this,  named  Glessner.  For  this  he  was  arrested 
and  found  guilty  of  murder,  April  27,  1795.  He  was 
hung,  October  10 — a  just  judgment.  Coetus  deserves 
great  credit  in  keeping  such  a  man  out  of  the  Church. 

Frederick  William  Vandersloot. 

He  was  born  at  Anhalt  Zcrbst  and  had  be(ui  for  two 
and  a  half  years  inspector  of  the  Joachimthal  Reformed 
gymnasium  at  Berlin.  While  there  he  had  at  times 
preached  in  the  Reformed  cathedral  at  Berlin,  where  the 
royal  family  of  Prussia  worshiped,  so  that  he  must  have 


6^46        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IN    U.    S. 

been  a  man  of  some  prominence.  He  came,  according  to 
Weiser,  in  1782.  His  first  field  was  the  Dryland  charge 
in  Northampton  county.  He  began  preaching  at  Old 
Goshenhoppen,  December  11,  1783,  and  New  Goshen- 
hoppen,  March  4,  1784.  The  coetus  of  1784  granted  him 
permission  to  supply  these  congregations,  and  referred  his 
case  to  Holland  before  admitting  him.  The  deputies 
inquired  about  him  at  Berlin  and  received  a  favorable 
reply,  only  they  said  he  had  not  yet  been  ordained. 
Meanwhile  he  married,  although  having  a  wife  in  Europe, 
and  for  this  coetus  refused  to  admit  him  in  1785.  He 
left  Goshenhoppen  in  October,  1786,  and  went  back  to 
Northampton  county,  where  he  died  in  1803. 

Lewis  Lupr. 
He  was  born  on  January  7,  1733,  and  came  to  Penn- 
sylvania, taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  on  September  29, 
1753.  He  was  at  first  school-teacher,  but  as  ministers 
were  scarce,  he  began  preaching.  He  never  applied  to 
coetus  for  ordination.  In  1786  he  was  at  Lebanon  as  its 
pastor,  preaching  also  at  Blaser's,  near  Elizabethtown, 
May  town,  Manheim  (beginning  1785)  and  Knpho  (begin- 
ning 1781).  His  last  sermon  he  preached  at  Rapho,  with 
his  head  tied  up  in  a  handkerchief.  The  diary  of  tiie 
Hebron  Moravian  church,  near  Lebanon,  according  to 
Prof.  Hinke,  gives  some  interesting  data  about  him. 
Thus,  on  JiMie  11,  1791,  the  Moravian  minister  attended 
Lupp's  catechetical  examination  at  Lebanon,  preparatory 


THE   INDEPENDENTS.  647 

to  admission  to  the  Church.  First,  he  says,  Lupp  preached 
a  preparatory  sermon,  and  following  this  fifty  children 
were  twice  asked  to  repeat  all  the  questions  in  the  cate- 
chism, which  they  had  to  answer.  During  this  important 
ceremony  there  was  throughout  a  continuous  loud  weep- 
ing, and  the  young  hearts  were  completely  carried  away 
with  it.  It  took  six  hours  before  all  was  finished.  The 
diary  says  Lupp's  piety  was  somewhat  of  the  legalistic 
type,  as  he  was  constantly  attacking  sin  with  the  thunders 
of  the  law,  but  twice  speaks  of  the  evangelical  character  of 
his  discourses  at  funerals.  He  laid  the  corner-stone  of 
the  Lebanon  church  on  June  26,  1792,  and  the  church 
was  dedicated  on  May  8,  1796,  at  which  sermons  were 
preached  by  Becker,  Plendel  and  Pauli.  Lupp  also 
preached  at  the  Mountain  church.     He  died  June  28,  1798. 

Henry  Giese. 
He  was  born  at  Lichtenau  in  Upper  Saxony,  Germany. 
April  13,  1757.  He  was  educated  at  the  Reformed  gym- 
nasium at  Hersfeld,  and  then  sj^ent  two  years  at  Marburg 
university.  He  came  to  America  in  1776  and  remained 
four  years  near  New  York,  and  then  went  to  Virginia. 
In  1782  he  was  at  Frederick,  intending  to  go  back  to 
Europe.  But  Henop,  whom  he  met,  impressed  on  him 
the  need  of  ministers  in  America,  and  he  stayed.  He  sup- 
plied several  congregations  in  Virginia,  as  Short  Hill, 
Goose  Creek  and  one  at  South  Mountain.  He  applied  to 
the  coetus  in  1787  for  ordination,  but  coetus  remanded  him 


648        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED  CHURCH   IN   U.   8. 

back  to  his  school.  Nevertheless  he  kept  ou  preaching, 
residing  first  at  Frederick  county,  INId.,  and  then  in  Lou- 
don county,  Va.  Later  he  became  pastor  at  Berlin,  Pa., 
1794,  his  first  baptismal  entry  there  being  April  26,  1795. 
He  died  at  Berlin,  March  24,  1845. 

Jacob  Schneider. 

He  was  born  in  Europe,  and  was  first  teacher  and  then 
minister  in  New  York  state.  He  was  present  at  the  coetns 
of  1789  with  Gros,  and  is  there  reported  as  coming  from 
Albany.  In  1787  he  visited  Frederick  ostensibly  to  raise 
money  for  a  church,  and  ingratiated  himself  into  Ruuckel's 
congregation,  so  that  a  party  wanted  to  get  rid  of  Ruuckel 
and  call  him.  This  not  proving  successful,  he  afterward 
became  principal  of  an  academy  at  Leesburg,  Loudon 
county,  Va.,  and  later  preaching  at  Lovettsville  and  adja- 
cent places.  He  went  to  Woodstock,  then  to  Leesburg, 
where  he  died,  1826,  and  was  buried  at  Lovettsville,  Va. 
John  Michael  Kern. 

He  was  pastor  of  the  German  lieformed  church  of  New 
York,  1763-1771,  and  at  Montgomery,  N.  Y.,  1771-8. 
After  the  Revolution  he  came  to  IVnnsylvania,  where  he 
became  pastor  of  Indian  Field,  1782-1788,  where  he  died. 

Andrew  Loretz. 
In  the  "  Fathers  of  the  Reformed  Church"   Rev.  Dr. 
Heisler  makes  this  minister  the  son  of  Rev.  Andrew   Ijo- 
retz.*     We  are  inclined   to  make   liiin   the   same  jhm'soii, 

*  See  page  61)0. 


THE    INDEPENDENTS.  649 

although  the  matter  has  not  yet  been  settled.  There  is 
such  a  striking  likeness  between  the  early  part  of  their 
lives  that  they  appear  to  us  the  same.  Nevertheless,  for 
lack  of  exact  proof  we  place  him  here,  as  they  may  be  dif- 
ferent persons.  He  was  born  at  Chur  in  Switzerland  in 
1761,  and  studied  at  Kaufbeuren,  Bavaria,  up  to  1779. 
He  came  to  America  in  1784,  landing  at  Baltimore. 
About  1786  he  married  a  Mrs.  Schaeffer  (whose  maiden 
name  was  Lehman,  of  Hagerstown)  at  Myerstown,  Pa. 
In  the  autumn  of  1786  or  1787  he  appeared  in  North 
Carolina,  in  Lincoln  county,  living  near  Lincolnton.  He 
itinerated  all  over  North  and  South  Carolina,  preaching, 
administering  the  sacraments  and  catechising.  To  him, 
together  with  Suther,  the  present  Reformed  Church  in 
North  Carolina  owes  its  existence.  He  was  a  man  of 
genial  disposition  and  fine  education,  speaking  French 
and  Latin  fluently.  In  the  German  he  was  quite  eloquent, 
and  his  prayers  were  long  remembered  for  their  unction. 
He  died  on  a  Sabbath,  aged  51.  He  had  preached  at  St. 
Paul's  ciuirch  tliat  day,  and  rode  fifteen  miles  to  his  home 
to  die  that  night,  as  he  predicted  he  would.* 

*  We  find  that  we  have  omitted  several  of  the  independent  Relormtd  min- 
isters in  our  previous  sltetches,  as  follows  :  John  Jacob  Diilenberger  was  the 
pastor  of  the  Efjypt  charge  (1752-1755).  During  those  three  years  he  bap- 
tized 18  persons,  lie  was  a  Swiss  by  birth  There  was  a  Rev.  Mr.  Martin, 
also  a  Swiss,  who  was  perhaps  the  first  minister  in  North  Carolina,  preaching 
there  in  1759.  He  also  preached  in  South  Carolina.  There  was  also  a  Rev. 
Mr.  Du  Pert,  a  Huguenot,  who  preached  in  17(54  in  North  Carolina.  There 
was  a  Rev.  Mr.  Frederick,  a  Swiss,  who  supplied  Tempelman's  charge  after 
his  death,  about  the  year  17fiO.  But  he  did  not  stay  long,  as  he  was  of  high 
temper,  and  went  back  to  Europe. 


CHAPTER  VII.— SECTION  III. 

THE  UNITED  BRETHREN  CHURCH  AND  THE  REFORMED. 

Between  these  two  Churches  there  has  long  been  a  con- 
troversy. The  United  Brethren  claim  Ott^rbein  as  the 
founder  of  their  Church,  while  the  Reformed  claim  that  he 
never  left  the  Reformed  Church.  Do  the  new  documents 
throw  any  light  on  the  subject? 

The  first  thing  to  be  noticed  is  that  this  subject  is  a 
different  one  from  the  topics  before  mentioned,  as  "  Pietism 
in  the  Reformed  Church,"  and  "  the  Division  in  the  Re- 
formed Congregation  at  Baltimore."  For  although  these 
were  factors  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  origin  of  the 
United  Brethren  Church,  yet  they  were  not  the  movement 
itself.  The  United  Brethren  Church  was  a  larger  move- 
ment than  that  of  the  class  meetings  of  the  Reformed  in 
Maryland  (1770-1776).  Tiiere  was  in  addition  to  these 
the  Methodist  influence  of  Asbury,  and  also  the  Mennonite 
influence  of  Boehm,  both  of  which  became  factors  in  form- 
ing the  United  Brethren  Church,  and  were  altogether  out- 
side of  the  Reformed  Church.  It  is  also  to  be  remembered 
(and  this  is  an  important  point)  that  between  the  Reformed 
revival,  1 770-1 77G,  and  the  organization  of  tiie  United 
Brethren  Church  (which  they  say  took  i)lace  in  17S1)),  the 


THE   UNITED   BRETHREN   CHURCH.  651 

Revolutionary  w..r  iuterveued.  This,  according  to  the 
records  of  the  Reformed  and  also  of  other  denominations, 
was  a  blight  on  all  religious  activity.  The  minds  of  the 
people  were  diverted  from  religion  to  war,  and  a  bloody 
war  lowered  spirituality.  The  result  was  that  when  Mary- 
land came  out  of  the  war,  the  state  of  piety  was  low,  and 
was  all  the  lower  because  of  the  French  influence  during 
the  war,  which  made  infidelity  popular.  The  United 
Brethren  Church,  if  it  was  founded  in  1789,  came  in  as  a 
different  movement  from  the  Reformed  movement  of  about 
fifteen  years  before. 

This  subject  of  the  relations  between  the  United  Breth- 
ren and  the  Reformed  resolves  itself  into  two  topics. 

1 .  Did  the  congregation  of  which  Otterbein  was  pastor 
belong  to  the  coetus,  or  did  it  not?  Tiie  United  Brethren 
claim  that  it  was  always  independent,  and  on  this  plea 
they  gained  the  church  property  in  Baltimore. 

2.  Did  Otterbein  leave  the  Reformed  Church  and  join 
the  United  Brethren  Church  and  become  its  founder  ? 

1.  Did  the  Otterbein  congregation  belong  to  the  Re- 
formed coetus  ?  If  so,  it  was  a  Reformed  congregation. 
Here  again  we  find  two  classes  of  records  :  first,  those  of  the 
property ;  second,  those  of  the  coetus.  a.  The  property 
records.  Drury,  in  iiis  life  of  Otterbein,  says  that  tlie 
property  of  the  Otterbein  church  was  deeded  to  three  per- 
sons, but  not  as  trustees,  thus  making  it  private  property 
and  independent.     But  he  upsets  his  whole  argument  by 


652        THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

saying  that  Otterbein,  the  last  of  them,  by  his  will  deeded 
it  to  two  trustees,  "  to  take  all  legal  measures  to  vest  the 
said  property  in  the  elders,  trustees  and  members  of  the 
German  Evangelical  Reformed  Church."*  That  very 
clearly  put  the  legal  title  to  it  in  the  Reformed  Church. 
If  the  trustees  did  not  vest  it  the  Reformed  Church,  they 
violated  the  trust  reposed  in  them  by  Otterbein.  b.  The 
records  of  the  coetus.  These  very  clearly  show  that  the 
congregation  considered  itself  as  belonging  to  the  coetus. 
Just  after  the  division,  1771,  it  sent  delegates  to  the  coetus, 
asking  to  be  recognized.  And  the  coetus'  acts  on  a  ques- 
tion that  must  have  been  suggested  by  them  (for  the  other 
congregation  would  not  have  brought  it  up,  as  it  would 
have  been  prejudicial  to  their  cause),  namely,  "  Whether  a 
congregation  which  has  accepted  a  minister  outside  of  the 
coetus,  and  without  the  consent  and  apj)roval  of  the  coetus, 
is  to  be  regarded  as  a  congregation  under  the  coetus." 
The  coetus  said  no,  and  tliis  was  a  direct  blow  at  the  old 
congregation,  who  liad  Wallauer  as  pastor.  The  coetus 
also  took  action  brought  up  by  Otterbcin's  congregation 
(for  the  other  congregation  would  not  have  suggested  it), 
namely,  "  Whether  the  coetus  should  take  care  of  mem- 
bers of  a  congregation  who  subjected  themselves  to  the 
coetus  and  desired  to  be  supplied  with  a  minister."  This 
refers  evidently  to  the  new  congregation.  All  this  reveals 
how  they  were  pressing  their  suit   for  r(>cognition    by  the 

*  Drury,  Life  of  Otterbein,  pnge  165. 


THE   UNITED    BEETHEEN    CHUECH.  653 

coetus.  If  they  wanted  to  be  independent,  they  never 
would  have  done  this.  At  the  coetus  of  1773  the  congre- 
gation again  sent  delegates^  and  accepting  the  decision  of 
tlie  coetus,  called  Hendel.  If  they  were  not  under  the 
coetus,  they  would  not  have  pressed  the  call  to  Hendel. 
In  1775  Otterbein  sent  a  report  to  the  coetus,  showing  that 
he  and  the  congregation  considered  themselves  under  the 
coetus.  "  Coetus  also  after  mature  deliberation  deemed  it 
advisable  for  Rev.  Mr.  Otterbein  to  continue  his  work  in 
the  congregation  at  Baltimore.  It  is  evident  from  the 
report  that  his  labors  were  blessed,  and  the  opposing  party 
is  becoming  quiet."  This  gave  official  recognition  to  the 
Otterbein  church.  During  the  Revolution  the  Baltimore 
congregation  that  was  in  the  coetus  was  the  Otterbein  con- 
gregation, not  the  other.  They  alone  report  to  the  coetus 
and  send  delegates  to  it.  In  1779  Boehme  became  pastor 
of  the  old  congregation,  and  they  came  back  to  the  coetus. 
In  1784  the  quarrel  was  resumed  between  the  congregations 
on  the  question  whether,  as  both  were  now  in  the  coetus, 
they  should  not  be  united  again.  Coetus  in  1784  decided 
that  both  congregations  should  be  recognized  as  long  as 
they  clung  to  the  doctrines  and  customs  of  the  Reformed 
Church.  During  the  period  of  the  congregation  before  the 
organization  of  the  United  Brethren  Church  in  1789,  the 
old  congregation  was  outside  of  the  coetus  almost  half  the 
time  because  of  independent  pastors,  while  the  Otterbein 
congregation  was  in  the  coetus  all  the  time.  We  there- 
fore conclude  that  the  congregation  was  in  the  coetus. 


654        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.   S. 

2.  Did  Otterbein  leave  the  Reformed  Church  and  joiu 
the  United  Brethren  ?  The  records  of  the  coetiis  reveal 
that  during  its  existence  he  was  among  the  most  regular 
in  attendance.  After  the  formation  of  the  Baltimore  con- 
gregation he  was  present  in  1771,  1773,  1775,  1776, 1782, 
1783,  1784,  1788,  1791,  1797,  1800  and  1806.  The 
United  Brethren  claim  that  he  attended  their  conferences 
and  took  an  active  part  in  them.  That  may  be  true,  but 
that  did  not  necessitate  his  leaving  the  Reformed.  He  had 
been  accustomed  to  such  meetings  in  the  Reformed  Church 
in  Germany  without  a  thought  of  leaving  their  Church. 
Our  opponents  say,  however,  that  he  assisted  in  licensing 
ministers  of  their  Church.  Thus  they  quote  a  license  of  his 
to  a  minister  during  the  Refcrmed  meetings  of  1776.  But 
this  was  a  personal  ministerial  license  to  preach,  given 
long  before  their  Church  was  started.  This  may  have 
been  somewhat  irregular,  but  necessity  often  compelled 
ministers  to  do  then  what  would  be  utterly  irregular  now. 
Otterbein  felt  that  there  were  so  few  ministers  in  Mary- 
land that  he  licensed  this  man  on  his  own  responsibility. 
And  yet  he  was  doing  about  what  the  coetus  had  done. 
The  coetus  had  no  right  to  ordain  Schwob,  without  the 
approval  of  Holland,  but  it  did.  Coetus  never  considered 
Otterbein's  act  in  licensing  the  minister  irregular,  for  it 
never  took  it  up.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  Otterbein 
felt  that  as  the  Holland  fathers  seemed  to  consider  their 
territory  only  Pennsylvania,  and  refused  jurisdiction  over 


THE    UNITED    BRETHREN    CHURCH.  655 

other  colonies,  sometliiug  must  be  done  to  supply  ministers 
for  such  needy  places  as  Maryland.  It  only  shows  that  he 
became  more  of  an  evangelist  than  a  pastor.  But  he  did 
need  to  leave  the  Reformed  Church  to  do  this.  Their 
argument  falls  unless  they  can  point  to  some  fact  where 
he  says  he  left  the  Church  in  which  he  WwS  born  and 
labored.  6.  His  correspondence.  There  is  an  exceedingly 
interesting  letter  of  his  to  Holland  in  1788.  It  seems  he 
and  his  congregation  gained  the  idea  that  the  old  congrega- 
tion had  written  to  Holland  against  them  so  as  to  have  the 
Holland  Church  cast  them  out.  In  that  letter  Pomp  had 
charged  him  with  being  the  instigator  of  the  division  in 
the  old  congregation.  Otterbein  showed  that  he  was  in 
Europe  when  this  occurred,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  it. 
But  his  letter  clearly  reveals  his  anxiety  to  be  considered 
a  member  of  the  coetus  under  the  Holland  Church.  A 
very  interesting  point  in  it  is  his  adherence  to  Calvinism. 
Pomp  had  charged  in  his  letter  that  Otterbein  was  not  a 
Calvinist,  and  therefore  ought  not  to  be  recognized  as  Re- 
formed. Otterbein  replies  that  he  is  a  Calvinist,  although 
not  a  high  Calvinist,  as  he  does  not  hold  to  the  double 
election.  But  all  this  shows  Otterbein's  desire  to  be  in  the 
in  the  coetus,  and  not  independent  of  it. 

What  happened  after  the  close  of  the  coetus  (1793) 
does  not  properly  belong  to  this  history.  But  we  may 
add  in  regard  to  the  subject  that  Otterbein  was  Reformed 
to  the  end,  for  the  following  considerations  : 


656        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

1.  His  action  in  willing  the  church  property  to  the 
Reformed  at  liis  death.  Now  if  he  had  gone  over  to  the 
United  Brethren,  he  would  have  given  it  to  them,  not  to 
the  Reformed.  He  evidently  considered  it  was  Reformed 
property,  although  his  successors  in  that  church  did  not. 

2.  In  doctrine  he  claimed  to  be  Calvinistic,  while  the 
United  Bretlireu  were  Arminiau. 

3.  He  was  strict  in  his  catechization,  as  his  catechu- 
mens bear  testimony,  while  the  United  Brethren  sneered 
at  that  system  of  educational  religion. 

4.  He  did  not  have  a  loud  voice  suited  for  noisy  meet- 
ings, such  as  the  United  Brethren  held.  This  Meakuess 
was  brought  out  when  the  Philadelphia  congregation 
called  him. 

5.  He  was  present  at  the  Reformed  coetus  long  after 
1789,  when  the  United  Brethren  Church  was  formed. 
He  was  present  in  17iJl,  171)7,  1800  and  even  as  late  as 
1806.  He  was  present  at  it  one  year  later  than  he  was 
last  present  at  the  United  Brethren  conferences  (1805). 

6.  He  declared  that  he  was  Reformed  to  the  end,  while 
the  United  Brethren  have  not  brought  a  single  statement 
of  his  where  he  says  he  left  the  Reformed  Church.  Rev. 
Isaac  Gerliart,  one  of  our  ministers,  visited  him  in  August, 
1812,  and  Otterbein  said  to  him  :  "  I  also  am  a  member 
of  the  synod  of  the  German  Reformed  Church,  but  cannot 
attend  on  account  of  old  age."  Now  if  Otterbein  had  left 
the  Church,  he  never  would  have  said  that, 


THE    UNITED    BRETHREN    CHURCH.  657 

The  ITnited  Brethren  make  much  of  a  scene  in  the 
coetiis  of  1806,  when  Becker  attacked  Otterbein  on  the 
floor  of  coetus,  and  he  h'ft.  But  Otterbein  knew  that 
Becker  represented  only  a  party  in  the  coetus,  namely,  the 
anti-pietistic  party.  He  also  knew  that  Becker  had  been 
trained  under  the  rationalizing  influence  of  Prof.  Mur- 
sinna  in  Halle,  which  was  not  favorable  to  aggressive 
piety.  He  had  many  old  friends  in  the  coetus  who  sym- 
pathized with  his  Pietism,  as  Hendel  and  Wagner.  He 
knew  the  membership  of  the  coetus  too  well  to  leave  it  on 
account  of  the  statement  of  one  member.  Besides,  his 
remark  to  Gerhart  and  his  willing  of  the  property  prove 
he  considered  himself  Reformed  long  after  this. 

For  these  reasons  we  believe  that  Otterbein  never  left 
the  coetus,  and  was  a  minister  of  our  Church  to  the  end. 
Nor  should  the  property  in  Baltimore  be  in  the  hands  of 
the  United  Brethren,  but  in  the  hands  of  the  Reformed. 
Indeed  the  Maryland  courts  evidently  decided  that  it 
must  be  Reformed,  by  requiring  the  congregation  to  use 
the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  which  we  understand  they  do 
not  do,  thus  violating  honesty  and  right. 

The  United  Brethren  have  claimed  that  Otterbein  was 
put  out  of  the  Reformed  Church  for  being  a  revivalist. 
This  is  wholly  false.  There  is  no  action  of  this  kind.  On 
the  contrary,  when  Lange  attacked  his  Pietism  before  coe- 
tus, coetus  very  summarily  told  liange  to  seek  a  charge  else- 
where, and  exonerated  Otterbein,  resenting  such  an  attack 
42 


658        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

ou  one  of  its  oldest  and  most  influential  members.  A  year 
before  the  United  Brethren  Chnrch  was  founded,  coetus 
writes  a  beautiful  tribute  about  him.  In  the  coetal  letter 
of  1788  they  write  :  "Otterbein  has  grown  old,  gray,  and 
is  almost  disabled  in  the  hard  service  of  tlie  gospel  in 
America.  He  has  done  much  good,  has  zealously  toiled 
for  the  salvation  of  many  souls.  And  the  aim  and  j)ur- 
pose  of  his  administration,  though  perliaps  it  did  not 
strictly  accord  with  the  sentiments  of  all,  is  edification  and 
blessing;  for  what  else  could  it  be?  He  is  a  servant  of 
God  who  stands  at  the  gates  of  eternity  to  render  an 
account  of  his  stewardship."  No  more  beautiful  tribute 
could  be  given  to  any  one.  No,  Otterbein  was  not 
expelled  by  the  coetus,  but  highly  honored  by  her. 


CHAPTER  VII.— SECTION  IV. 
THE  CAUSES  OP  THE  SEPARATION  PROM  HOLLAND. 

The  coetiis  finally  separated  from  the  mother  Church, 
after  being  under  her  supervision  for  sixty-four  years 
(1729-1793),  and  having  received  donations  from  her  for 
sixty-three  years  (1730-1793).  The  cause  of  this  separa- 
tion was  not  any  quarrel  between  them.  Nor  was  it  any 
difference  in  doctrine  or  worship,  for  on  these  points  they 
were  alike.  They  gradually  drifted  apart,  owing  to  vari- 
ous causes,  until  the  final  breach  was  made.  The  follow- 
ing were  the  main  reasons  : 

1.  A  gengraphical  reason.  They  were  so  far  apart, 
separated  by  the  great  Atlantic  ocean,  Avhich  was  hardly 
navigable  during  the  winter  season.  Hence  they  were 
with  difficulty  able  to  communicate  with  each  other.  As 
a  general  rule  it  took  about  a  year  for  the  American 
churches  to  get  a  reply  to  their  requests  from  Holland, 
and  often  longer.  Sometimes  they  received  no  reply  at 
all  on  importiuit  matters,  as  letters  were  often  lost  by 
shipwreck  or  carelessness.  To  avoid  this  the  deputies 
asked,  in  1757,  that  coetus  send  duplicate  copies  of  its 
minutes  by  different  vessels,  and  repeated  this  request 
again  in  17G9.     Finally  the  coetus  became  weary  of  the 


660       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED    CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

continual  delays  in  correspondence,  which  were  always 
annoying  and  often  harmful  to  the  Church.  This  was 
especially  true  during  tlie  Revolution,  and  from  1787- 
1789,  when  Holland  was  overrun  by  armies,  and  the 
deputies  often  were  kept  from  meeting. 

2.  A  difference  of  language.  The  Hollanders  spoke 
Dutch  and  the  Pennsylvaniaus  German.  Thus,  when  the 
German  letters  from  Pennsylvania  came  to  Holland,  the 
deputies  had  to  have  them  translated,  which  always  took 
time  and  often  postponed  important  decisions.  The  dep- 
uties, in  1749,  ask  Boehm  that  the  coetus'  letters  be  in 
Latin  or  Dutch  or  in  German,  written  in  Latin  letters. 
And  in  1752  they  repeat  this  request  for  Dutch  or  Latin 
letters.  As  a  result  a  number  of  the  reports  of  coetus  are 
sent  in  Dutch  or  Latin,  Stoy  especially  delighting  to  write 
in  the  latter  language.  However,  by  tlie  latter  end  of 
1759  the  deputies  grow  tired  of  Stoy's  Latin,  and  request 
no  more  Latin  letters.  The  ministers  in  Pennsylvania 
found  it  difficult  to  write  in  Dutch,  as  many  of  them  were 
unfamiliar  with  that  language.  So,  after  1767  most  of  the 
coetus'  reports  to  the  deputies  were  written  in  Germau, 
although  there  were  a  few  in  German  before.  Frecpiently 
the  deputies  and  the  coetus  would  have  misunderstandings, 
because  they  so  imperfectly  understood  each  other's  lan- 
guage. 

3.  But  more  important  than  the  last  reason  was  a  con- 
stitutional diU'ercnce  on  the  right  of  ordination  by  the  coe- 


SEPARATION   PROM   HOLLAND.  661 

tus.  This  the  deputies  did  not  wish  to  grant,  declaring 
tliat  the  applicants  for  the  ministry  in  America  could  be 
examined,  but  not  ordained  until  permission  had  first  been 
gained  from  Holland.  The  deputies  meant  this  for  the 
good  of  the  Church,  so  that  no  unworthy  men  might  enter 
her  ministry.  They  wanted  to  see  that  the  funds  they 
sent  were  used  by  proper  men  and  for  the  true  Reformed 
faith.  Butthecoetus  soon  found  this  arrangement  clumsy, 
and  was  compelled  to  ordain  by  force  of  circumstances.  It 
therefore  ventured  to  ordain  Gros  in  1765.  The  deputies 
severely  found  fault  with  them  for  this.  But  coetus  in 
1766  plead  for  the  right  to  ordain,  giving  a  few  illustra- 
tions of  the  way  in  which  independent  ministers  were  tak- 
ing their  congregations,  because  they  had  not  the  right  to 
ordain.  They  also  plead  that  as  it  was  done  in  Schlatter's 
time,  the  same  privilege  be  granted  to  them.  The  Hol- 
land synods  replied,  however,  against  ordination,  saying 
that  the  example  of  Schlatter  was  no  precedent,  as  there 
were  only  two  or  three  ministers  in  Pennsylvania  in  his 
day,  and  besides  Schlatter  had  first  gained  permission  from 
Holland.  The  coetus  then  tried  before  ordaining  to  wait 
for  permission.  But  in  1772,  after  waiting  for  a  year  to 
hear  from  Holland  about  Wack,  Weber,  Wagner,  Steiuer 
and  Nevelling,  and  getting  no  answer,  they  proceeded  to 
ordain  them  without  permission,  as  they  thought  they  had 
waited  long  enough.  They  had  ordained  Weimer  before 
without  waiting,  because  of  the  great  need  of  ministers  on 


662        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHTJRCH   IN   U.   S. 

the  borders.  They  ordained  Schwob  without  permission, 
but  explained  that  he  lived  in  Maryland,  which  was  in 
great  want  of  ministers,  and  the  deputies  passed  it  over. 
They  also  ordained  Gueting  without  permission,  at  which 
deputies  were  greatly  surprised.  So  also  in  1791,  as  after 
waiting  a  year  and  having  not  heard  from  the  deputies 
about  Rahauser  and  Stock,  they  ordained  them.  They 
also  ordained  Maun  and  Faber,  Jr.,  in  1792,  having  passed 
an  action  in  1791  that  they  had  the  right  to  ordain  with- 
out the  permission  of  Holland,  as  the  plan  of  waiting  for 
the  deputies  had  proved  too  cumbersome. 

4.  An  educational  difficulty.  This  was  a  long  cause 
of  diiference.  As  early  as  1753  some  of  the  members  of 
the  coetus,  influenced  by  the  charity  school  scheme,  pledged 
themselves  for  some  money  toward  an  institution  to  train 
ministers  if  the  deputies  would  grant  permission.  But 
the  deputies  declined  to  give  such  permission,  as  they  said 
they  had  not  the  money  to  support  it.  The  subject,  how- 
ever, would  not  lie  quiet,  especially  as  the  Dutch  Reformed 
of  New  York  had  started  an  institution  in  New  Jersey. 
But  the  deputies  now  liad  another  reason  against  it.  They 
looked  on  it  as  the  entering  wedge  toward  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  Pennsylvania  Church,  because  the  foundation 
of  a  theological  professorship  had  led  the  Dutch  of  New 
York  to  separate  from  them.  The  matter,  liowever,  rested 
during  the  Revolution,  the  lack  of  a  school  having  been 
made  up  for  to  some  extent  by  the  private  education  of 


SEPARATION    PROM    HOLLAND.  663 

ministers  by  Hendel,  Weyberg,  Gros  and  others.  But 
after  the  Revolution  it  came  up  again.  Helffrich,  in  the 
coetal  letter  of  1785,  requests  a  school  with  two  teachers. 
The  coctus  of  1785  says  that  the  project  does  not  mean 
separation  from  Holland,  as  the  deputies  suspect,  for  that 
would  be  basest  ingratitude  after  all  the  kindness  Holland 
had  shown  them.  Then  occurred  an  event,  which  brought 
the  subject  into  prominence,  namely,  the  opening  of  the 
Franklin  High  School  in  1787  at  Lancaster,  which  the 
coetus  attended  in  a  body.  This  act  fanned  anew  the 
suspicions  of  the  Holland  Church,  which  asked  some  very 
pointed  (juestions  about  that  school.  The  coetus  became 
still  more  dissatisfied  about  the  matter,  especially  as  some 
of  the  last  ministers  sent  from  Holland  had  turned  out  so 
badly,  particularly  Pernisius  and  Willy.  They  felt  that 
the  men  raised  up  in  America  were  often  better  suited  for 
their  work  than  those  sent  from  abroad.  The  Holland 
Church  refused  to  the  very  last  to  grant  permission  for  a 
school,  and  tliis  was  a  large  cause  why  the  coetus  became 
dissatisfied  with  their  relations  to  Holland. 

While  the  coetus  was  becoming  dissatisfied,  signs  of 
dissatisfaction  with  the  Pennsylvania  Church  were  begin- 
ning to  show  themselves  in  Holland  in  the  synods  and 
classes.  They  said  they  thought  that  the  political  changes 
that  had  taken  place  in  the  United  States  were  putting  a 
new  spirit  into  the  Church,  leading  toward  independence. 
Some  of  the  classes  also  think  that  from  the  way  the  coe- 


664        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

tus  writes,  they,  do  not  care  to  receive  any  more  ministers 
from  Holland,  and  so  their  well  meant  efforts  were  not 
appreciated.  The  refusal  of  the  coetus  to  receive  Pick 
was  an  element  in  causing  the  separation,  although  the 
deputies  acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  coetus.  Some  of 
the  classes  also  declared  that  as  the  Reformed  were  able  to 
build  such  large,  fine  churches  as  at  Philadelphia  and 
Falkner  Swamp  and  Goshenhoppeu,  the  Church  no  longer 
was  in  need  of  foreign  aid,  but  was  able  to  be  self-support- 
ing.    Thus  the  two  Churches  were  drifting  apart. 

Matters  finally  came  to  a  climax  on  two  points,  namely, 
the  right  of  ordination  and  the  sending  of  their  minutes  to 
Holland.     Coetus  in  171)1  took  the  following  action  : 

"  That  the  coetus  has  the  right  at  all  times  to  examine 
and  ordain  those  who  offer  themselves  as  candidates  for 
the  ministry,  without  asking  or  waiting  for  permission  to 
do  so  from  the  fathers  in  Holland." 

The  failure  of  the  Holland  fathers  to  send  word  about 
the  ordination  of  Stock  and  llahauser  was  doubtless  the 
cause  of  this  action.  That  coetus  also  took  action  that 
"  the  coetus  shall  eacli  time  furnish  the  Reverend  fathers 
with  a  report  of  the  proceedings,  accompanied  with  suit- 
able explanations  when  it  is  necessary." 

Strange  to  say,  in  the  report  of  that  coetus  sent  to 
Holland,  these  two  articles  are  left  out,  so  that  the  Hol- 
land Church  was  thus  left  in  ignorance  of  them.  In  1792 
the  coetus  went  farther,  and  declared  : 

"A  member  of  the  Reverend  coetus  stated  that  it  was 


SEPARATION   FROM   HOLLAND.  665 

very  desirable  to  have  certain  fixed  rules  introduced, 
which  shall  specifically  define  the  way  and  manner  of  con- 
ducting the  business  of  the  coetus,  as  also  the  duties  of 
each  individual  member  thereof,  etc.,  in  order  that  this 
Reverend  ministerial  association  may  be  united  by  closer 
bonds  of  sincere  brotherly  love." 

It  was  resolved  to  prepare  fundamental  rules  of  the 
nature  spoken  of,  and  Dominies  Pomp  and  Blumer  were 
appointed  to  attend  to  this  duty  and  report  at  the  next 
meeting  of  coetus.  The  coetus  of  1793  completed  the 
separation  by  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  which 
finally  changed  the  coetus  into  a  synod  independent  of 
Holland.     The  following  is  their  action  : 

"  The  church  discipline  which  was  prepared  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  coetus  by  Dominies  Hendel  and  Blumer,  was 
publicly  read  before  the  coetus,  and  each  paragraph  and 
article  thoroughly  investigated  and  various  amendments 
made,  after  which  it  was  approved  and  subscribed  by  the 
ministers  and  elders." 

So  culminated  the  separation  of  our  Church  from  the 
mother  Church  in  Holland. 


CHAPTER  VII.— SECTION  V. 

THE  HOLLAND  DONATIONS. 

We  come  now  to  a  very  difficult  subject,  as  the  gifts  of 
the  Holland  Church  to  our  Pennsylvania  Reformed 
extended  over  a  long  period  of  years ;  and,  besides,  the 
records  of  the  various  Holland  synods  and  classes  do  not 
always  quite  agree.  A  Dutch  writer  of  considerable 
authority,  Broes,  states  that  the  contributions  from  the 
Netherlands  will  not  be  computed  too  high  were  one  to 
estimate  them  on  the  average  of  |1000  to  $1200  a  year 
for  a  period  of  sixty  years.  This  would  make  their  gifts 
to  us  $60,000  at  least*  We,  however,  find  on  examining 
the  records  that  this  amount  is  far  too  high.  Still  the 
amount  was  (piite  considerable,  when  we  remember  that 
the  value  of  money  was  much  greater  then  than  now. 
And  besides  the  Dutch  were  giving  this  out  of  the  purest 
charity,  as  tlusy  were  in  no  way  responsible  for  the  Ger- 
mans here,  who  were  citizens  of  another  kingdom,  which 
ought  to  have  cared  for  them.  We  have  examined  the 
accounts  and  find  that  the  Holland  churches  gave  : 

•  The  states  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland  gave  $9200  in  grants  from 
17.35  to  17fi3. 


THE    HOLLAND    DONATIONS.  667 

Amounts  sent  over  to  the  coctus,  about   $12,000 
Amounts  given  for  the  traveling  expenses 

of  ministers,  etc.,  about  $8,000 

Total  amount  given,  $20,000 

Amount  invested  in  Holland  in  1800,  *  $5,880 


Total  amount  raised  for  Pennsylvania,  $25,880 
The  history  of  the  donations  is  quite  interesting.  The 
Dutch  began  giving,  in  1730,  to  Weiss  and  Reiff,  when 
Weiss  reported  $878.80.  But  although  money  kept  flow- 
ing into  the  treasury  for  Pennsylvania,  yet  the  action  of 
Reitf  in  withholding  the  money  collected  and  the  lack  of 
information  from  Pennsylvania  prevented  the  Holland 
Church  from  sending  any  money  over,  except  tliat  the  clas- 
sis  of  Amsterdam  sent  $102.60  to  Boehm  in  1740.  They 
also  gave  Dorsius  $36.80  for  his  trouble  in  gathering  his 
report,  and  when  in  HoHand  presented  him  with  $10. 
They  also  spent  $83.76  for  Bibles  for  Pennsylvania.  But 
outside  of  this  they  did  nothing  until  they  sent  Schlatter. 
When  he  came  to  America  in  1746,  the  Pennsylvania 
fund,  which  had  been  accumulating  on  their  hands, 
amounted  to  $1120.  The  deputies  gave  him  $242  when 
he  left  for  America.  Tiie  deputies  and  classis  also  paid 
the  traveling  expenses  of  the  four  ministers  who  came 
over  after  liim. 

It  was  not,  however,  till   1752  that  the  Dutch  open 

■■  This  was  sold  for  $2S5  I.     This  fuml  of  the    Pennsylvania  churches  re- 
mained in  Holland  and  was  used  fur  other  religious  objects. 


668        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

their  pocket  books  wide  to  aid  Pennsylvania.  Then,  as 
the  result  of  Schlatter's  Appeal,  money  came  pouring  into 
the  treasury.  The  deputies  report  $538  brought  in  that 
year.  The  classis  of  Amsterdam  gave  $240  and  the  dia- 
conate  of  Amsterdam  $480. 

We  have  described  elsewhere  the  successful  effort  to 
get  their  High  Mightinesses,  the  states  of  Holland  and 
West  Frieslaud,  to  grant  them  money.  A\'hen  this  grant 
ran  out  in  1756,  the  synods  again  asked  the  states  (Novem- 
ber 30,  1756)  to  continue,  as  the  needs  of  Pennsylvania 
were  just  as  great  as  five  years  before,  because  the  terrible 
Indian  war  had  devastated  the  laud.  And  besides,  the 
English  people  had  been  showing  so  much  interest  in 
them  by  raising  money  for  the  Charity  Society,  that  the 
Dutch  did  not  wish  to  be  outdoue  in  liberality.  As  a 
result  the  states  ordered  a  grant  for  three  years  more  of 
$800  a  year.  The  synods  gained  this  through  the  kind 
assistance  and  influence  of  "  the  Great  Estimables,"  the 
burgomasters  of  Amsterdam,  whom  the  deputies  afterward 
thanked  for  their  eiforts.  As  the  time  began  to  approach 
when  the  grant  would  run  out  again,  the  classis  of  Am- 
sterdam, April  20,  1753,  ordered  an  "Address  of  Thanks" 
to  be  prepared.  This  was  printed  in  a  booklet  in  1758.* 
It  described  the  needs  of  the  work  in  Pennsylvania,  and 
the   use    that    had    been    made    of  the    money  sent  by 

*  A  copy  of  this  wms  kindly  given  the  author  by  Rev.  I'rof.  Van   Veen,  of 
the  university  of  Utrecht. 


THE    HOLLAND   DONATIONS.  669 

Holland.  It  had  (|uitc  an  inflnence  in  gaining  the  next 
appropriation  (November  29,  1759)  of  $600  for  two  years. 
The  synods  gained  this  appropriation  on  condition  that 
they  wonld  not  make  another  request  for  Pennsylvania. 
But  when  the  two  years  had  rolled  by,  they  ventured  to 
make  one  more  recpiest,  and  they  received  (December  5, 
1761)  a  grant  of  1^400  a  year  for  two  years,  provided  they 
would  not  ask  again.  The  states  of  Holland  and  West 
Friesland  thus  gave  $8400,  which,  with  the  $800  given  in 
1735  to  Goetschi,  made  $9200,  which  the  secular  authori- 
ties gave  to  found  our  Church  in  Pennsylvania. 

Meanwhile,  as  the  time  approached  for  these  grants  to 
run  out,  the  deputies  would  urge  the  coetus  in  their  letters 
to  it  to  become  more  and  more  self-supporting.  They  did 
this  the  more,  because  one  synod  after  another  began  giv- 
ing up  taking  collections  for  Pennsylvania,  the  synod  of 
Friesland  having  ceased  as  early  as  1757.  The  main 
bulk  of  the  gifts  were  by  the  consistory  and  classis  of  Am- 
sterdam and  the  South  and  North  Holland  synods.  The 
coetus  grew  weary  of  this  continual  prodding  to  greater 
self-support,  and  replied  that  it  looks  to  them  as  if  the 
hearts  of  the  Holland  Church  were  turning  cold  to  them, 
because  for  several  years  the  deputies  had  threatened  to 
withdraw  the  gifts.  This,  however,  was  not  true,  for 
when  the  last  grant  ran  out  in  1763,  the  deputies  bravely 
tried  to  raise  sufficient  money  to  carry  on  the  work  in 
Pennsylvania,,     Tbey  apportioned  1500  gulden  among  the 


670        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

synods  and  the  classis  of  Amsterdam.  But  these  were  not 
able  to  raise  it  all.  As  a  result  the  gifts  to  Pennsylvania 
noticeably  decrease,  because  they  had  no  longer  the  state 
donations. 

Fortunately  the  Charity  Society  of  England  had  aided 
two  of  the  ministers,  Muutz  in  1755  and  Alseutz  in  1757, 
by  paying  their  traveling  expenses  to  America.  The  dei> 
uties  then  ask  coetus  to  send  money  to  Holland  to  pay  the 
traveling  expenses  of  ministers,  as  they  no  longer  had  the 
state  donations.  Money  was  sent  to  Holland  by  the 
Pennsylvania  congregations  to  bring  Hendel  and  Wey- 
berg  over.  But  the  coetus  felt  that  this  plan  could  not 
be  carried  on.  Most  of  the  congregations  were  too  weak 
to  send  enough  money  to  pay  the  traveling  expenses. 
They  therefore,  in  1764,  took  the  noble  action  of  renoimc- 
ing  all  their  share  in  the  donations  (which  heretofore  had 
been  used  to  supplement  their  meagre  salaries),  in  order 
that  the  money  might  all  go  to  the  traveling  expenses  of 
the  new  ministers,  so  that  the  congregations  might  be  sup- 
plied with  pastors.  It  seems,  however,  that  the  Holland 
deputies  misunderstood  their  generous  act  and  became 
suspicious  that  by  thus  refusing  their  gifts  they  no  longer 
cared  for  them,  and  were  inclined  to  become  independent, 
as  the  New  York  ministers  had  become.  Coetus,  how- 
ever, explained  matters,  and  a  better  understanding  came 
between  them.  But  the  deputies  found  out  that  instead 
of  sending  their  money  to   Pennsylvania  and   getting  the 


THE   HOLLAND    DONATIONS.  671 

Pennsylvania  churches  to  send  money  for  traveling  expen- 
ses, that  the  opposite  was  the  better  way,  namely  to  keep 
their  money  in  Holland  and  use  it  for  the  traveling 
expenses  of  the  ministers,  and  send  over  what  was  left. 
In  1766  the  deputies  send  over  the  money,  not,  however, 
to  supplement  salaries,  but  for  charity,  as  the  widows' 
fund  and  the  salaries  of  school-masters.  This  became  the 
rule  in  the  later  years,  the  widows'  fund,  until  finally  all 
the  Holland  donations  were  given  to  the  widows'  fund. 
The  last  donation  was  not  given  to  the  Baltimore  church, 
as  has  been  supposed,  but  was  ordered  to  be  given  to  Rev. 
Mr.  Nevelling,  the  invalid,  as  late  as  1793. 

The  coetus  had  (piite  a  difficult  task  to  divide  these 
donations  from  Holland,  so  as  not  to  cause  friction.  To 
avoid  this,  they  at  first  divided  them  equally  among  the 
ministers.  But  this  soon  developed  a  difficulty,  for  AVey- 
berg  and  one  or  two  others  who  were  receiving  larger  sala- 
ries than  the  others,  yet  received  just  as  much  from  the 
donations  as  their  poorer  and  more  needy  brethren.  The 
coetus  finally,  in  1766,  asked  the  deputies  to  make  the 
division  of  the  funds  in  Holland,  which,  however,  they 
never  seem  to  have  done.  Coetus  therefore  kept  on 
dividing  it  e({ually.  In  course  of  time  the  difficulty 
in  dividing  it  passed  away,  for  Holland  no  longer  sent 
enough  to  be  divided  among  the  ministers,  but  only  for 
benevolence. 

Put  better  than  the  money  sent  by  the  Holland  Churcl) 


672        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

was  their  kindly  interest  that  prompted  them  to  give  it. 
How  patiently  the  Dutch  Church  bore  with  our  controver- 
sies, and  how  carefully  and  wisely  she  decided  them  even 
at  her  distance.  One  would  liave  thought  tliat  she  would 
long  ago  have  wearied  of  her  protege  in  Pennsylvania,  but 
she  did  not.  She  was  always  waiting  with  interest  for  let- 
ters from  Pennsylvania,  or  writing  letters  to  Germany  or 
Switzerland,  seeking  for  ministers  to  go  to  Pennsylvania. 
The  consistory  of  Amsterdam  is  to  be  especially  commended 
for  their  liberality,  as  they  gave  about  three-fifths  of  all 
that  was  given.  That  classis  and  consistory  of  Amsterdam 
gave  about  $180  a  year  for  many  years,  even  as  late  as 
1794  (two  years  after  our  Church  had  separated  from  Hol- 
land), appropriating  $169.20.  The  synods  of  North  and 
South  Holland  also  gave  liberally. 

For  these  large  gifts  and  this  long  continued  interest 
and  supervision  our  Church  in  the  United  States  owes  a 
constant  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Reformed  Church  of  the 
Netherlands.  Their  disinterested  kindness  should  always 
be  remembered  by  us.  We  owe  our  present  strength  to 
the  aid  given  by  Holland  to  us  in  our  weakness.  Other 
parts  of  America  applied  to  Holland  for  aid,  as  South  Car- 
olina and  Nova  Scotia,  but  were  refused  because  the  Dutch 
had  no  money.  As  a  result  there  is  no  Reformed  Church 
there  to-day.  Such  to  a  large  extent  would  have  been  the 
result  in  Pennsylvania  if  the  Hollanders  had  withheld 
tl»eir  generosity.     Our  General   Synod,   feeling  this  debt 


THE    HOLLAND    DONATIONS.  673 

wheu  it  celebrated  its  ceutennial  in  1893,  sent  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  the  General  Synod  of  the  Reformed  Church  of 
Holland  for  their  kindness  in  the  last  century.  Our 
prayer  should  be  that  this  mother  Church  of  ours  might 
be  greatly  prospered,  and  that  the  blessings  she  sent  to 
us  miffht  come  back  to  her  in  richer  measure. 


43 


CHAPTER  yil.— SECTION  VI. 

SUMMARY  OF  THE  COETUS. 

A.— Doctrine. 

The  Church  during  the  period  of  the  coetus  was  evi- 
dently strongly  Calvinistic  and  predestinariau.  The 
matrix  in  which  our  Church  was  born  was  Calvinism. 
Melancthonianism  was  not  thought  of  under  the  Dutcli 
control.  For  sixty-four  years  (long  enough  to  mould  a 
.  Church  for  all  its  future)  the  Church  was  distinctly  Cal- 
vinistic.    This  fact  is  shown  by  the  following  reasons  : 

1.  The  Name. — She  was  called  the  German  Calvinistic 
Church.  This  is  true  in  the  correspondence  with  Holland, 
In  many  of  the  title  deeds  to  her  properties  she  is  called 
the  German  Calvinistic  Church.  She  was  known  by  that 
name  among  the  other  denominations,  and  was  so  addressed 
by  Presbyterians  and  Episcopalians.  Of  the  German 
churches,  over  against  the  Lutheran  she  was  the  German 
Calvinist.  She  was  Calvinist  among  the  Germans  as  the 
Presbyterians  were  among  the  English. 

2.  The  Creeds. — The  first  creed'  she  adopted  was  the 
Heidelberg  Catechism  and  the  Canons  of  Dort,  the  latter 
especially  committing  her  to  a  strict  predestinariau  posi- 


SUMMARY    OF    THE    COETUS.  675 

tioD,*  although  we  believe  that  Calvinism  is  also  tlie  his- 
toric iuterpretatiou  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism.  At  the 
coetus  of  1752  she  reaffirmed  her  adherence  to  the  C^anous 
of  Dort  and  the  Heidelberg  Catechism,  as  all  the  minis- 
ters, even  Rieger,  subscribed  to  them.  The  coetus  of 
1765  also  refers  to  the  Canons  of  Dort  as  the  creed  of  the 
Church.  Even  down  to  the  end  they  adhere  to  it.  An 
interesting  episode  occurred  in  connection  with  the  ordi- 
nation of  Hautz  in  1783.  The  coetus,  without  waiting 
for  the  consent  of  Holland,  ordained  him,  but  made  him 
sign  an  oath  of  agreement  "  with  the  doctrines,  usages  and 
regulations  of  the  Biblical  Reformed  Church."  For  this 
they  were  taken  to  task  by  the  deputies,  because  this  oath 
did  not  specifically  mention  the  Holland  creeds.  They 
replied,  however,  that  they  had  not  the  slightest  idea  of 
weakening  from  the  Holland  standards,  and  that  the  oath 
of  Hautz  was  intended  for  the  opposite  purpose,  namely 
to  stiffen  their  adherence  over  against  certain  forms  of 
liberal  thought  that  were  coming  in.  Nowhere  in  all  its 
history  is  there  any  renunciation  of  these  creeds  by  the 
eoetus,  but,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  a  firm  adherence  to 
them. 

3.  The  Oaths  of  the  Ministers. — All  the  ministers  sent 
over  from  Holland  were  required  to  give  adherence  to 
these  Dutch  creeds,  and  this  was  true  of  those  received  by 
the  coetus  in  America,  who,  before  they  would  be  approved 

*  Seejpages  105  and  353. 


676        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

by  the  deputies,  must  approve  the  Dutch  creeds.  Indeed, 
those  who  went  from  Holland  not  only  signed  the  Canons 
ofDortaud  Heidelberg  Confession,  but  all  three  of  the 
Dutch  creeds,  as  they  are  said  to  have  signed  the  "  for- 
mula of  unity,^'  which  meant  the  Belgic  confession, 
together  with  the  other  two.  Thus  the  oath  of  the  early 
ministers  reveals  this  : 

"  We,  the  undersigned,  acknowledge  by  this  subscrip- 
tion that  we  hold  ourselves,  with  heart  and  mouth,  to  all 
those  formulas  whose  maintenance  the  preachers  of  the 
coetus  of  Pennsylvania  under  the  Netherlaud  synods  shall 
help  to  secure." 

This  was  signed  by  the  six  ministers  who  came  over 
with  Schlatter  in  1752.  The  full  calls  of  two  of  the  min- 
isters are  still  extant — one  given  near  the  beginning  and 
the  other  near  the  end  of  the  coetus.  The  first  is  of  Al- 
sentz  in  1757  and  the  second  of  Pernisius  in  1784.  Both 
subscribed  to  the  Netherlands'  symbols  and  the  Canons 
of  Dort,  and  as  these  calls  were  signed  so  ftir  apart,  their 
form  of  subscription  was  probably  used  by  all. 

4.  The  Publications. — Thus  Stapel  published  Lampe's 
"  Milk  of  Truth,"  which  revealed  his  adherence  to  the 
Lampean  school  of  Calvinistic  theology,  in  which  he  had 
been  trained  at  Herborn.  And  he  says  that  this  book 
was  approved  by  the  coetus,  which  would  thus  commit 
coetus  to  its  views.  Again  Pomp  is  attacked  by  Alex- 
ander Mack,  the  Dunkard,  in  an  unpublished   work,  for 


SUMMARY   OF   THE   COETUS.  677 

the  doctrine  of  the  decrees  taught  in  his  book  against  the 
Everlasting  Gospeh 

5.  Individual  Ministers. — These,  by  their  correspon- 
dence and  works,  speak  of  their  adherence  to  Calvinism. 
One  of  the  most  significant  episodes  was  the  controversy 
of  Pomp  and  Otterbein  in  Baltimore  in  1788.  Pomp 
attacked  Otterbein  with  not  being  Reformed,  because  he 
did  not  believe  in  predestination.  Otterbein  wrote  to 
Holland,  defending  himself  against  this,  so  that  the  Hol- 
land fathers  would  not  cast  him  out.  He  assured  them 
that  he  still  held  to  predestination,  but  not  to  the  double 
predestination.  Thus  both  Pomp  and  Otterbein  claim 
to  be  predestinarian,  the  former  a  high  Calvinist  and  the 
latter  a  low  Calvinist.  Helffrich  was  a  predestinarian,  as 
was  shown  by  his  unpublished  Latin  dogmatics.*  Rev. 
Samuel  Helffeusteiu  in  his  Theology  says  that  its  views 
(which  are  predestinarian)  were  those  held  by  the  Re- 
formed fathers  in  this  country  from  the  beginning.  And 
Herman  evidently  was  a  predestinarian,  for  he  accepted 
this  doctrine  when  he  signed  the  oath  before  deputies 
to  come  to  America.  Predestinarianism  was  not  forced 
on  the  ministers,  as  has  been  charged,  but  they  accepted 
it  willingly,  "  with  heart  and  voice." 

All  these  things  reveal  the  dogmatic  position  of  our 

*  This  work  was  kindly  loaned  to  the  author  by  Rev.  Nov  in  W,  Helffrich, 
whose  father's  valuable  transcripts  of  coetus'  minutes  and  correspondence  was 
presented  to  Ursinus  College  by  another  son,  Rev.  William  U.  Helffrich. 


678       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

early   Church.      Whatever    may    have    been    the    later 

departures  from  Calvinism,   the  Church   was  cradled  in 

Calvinism,  and  she  held  it  during  the  period  of  the  coetus. 

It  was  not  until  Ranch,   Nevin   and  Schaif  brought  into 

her  the  Mediating  theology  of  Germany,  that  there  were 

any  very  serious  departures  from  the  Calvinism  that  was 

the  common   belief  of  the  early   Church.     The  Church, 

from    1725    to    1850,    was    essentially    Calvinistic    and 

Zwinglian. 

B.— Worship. 

The  early  Church  was  non-liturgical.  It  used  a  free 
service  in  the  regular  Sabbath  worship,  although  it  used 
forms  for  special  occasions,  as  the  sacraments,  marriage 
and  ordination.     This  is  proved  by  the  following  reasons  : 

1.  In  the  coetus'  acts  there  is  no  liturgy  mentioned  as 
having  been  used  in  connection  with  the  worship  at  the 
coetus'  meetings.  It  is  nowhere  said  that  the  ministers 
opened  with  the  liturgical  forms  "for  the  opening  of  synod." 
But,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  said  to  have  been  opened  with 
a  "  fervent  prayer,"  "  an  earnest  prayer,"  which  phrases 
would  have  been  meaningless  if  the  same  old  forms  were 
used  every  time.  These  adjectives  refer  to  the  matter  and 
manner  of  the  prayer  as  being  different  every  time. 

2.  Wherever  in  the  Holland  correspondence  a  liturgy  is 
mentioned,  the  forms  mentioned  as  used  are  those  connect- 
ed with  the  extraordinary  services,  as  sacraments,  mar- 
riage and  ordinations,  and  not  with  the   ordinary  Sunday 


SUMMARY   OF   THE   COETUS.  679 

services.  Thus  Boehm  objects  to  the  union  with  the  Pres- 
byterians, because  he  would  be  compelled  to  give  up  his 
use  of  a  liturgy  on  sacramental  and  extraordinary  occa- 
sions. But  he  does  not  speak  of  differing  from  the  Pres- 
byterians in  the  regular  Sunday  service,  which  among  the 
Presbyterians  was  free.  Again,  when  Boehm  speaks  of  a 
divergence  existing  between  Schlatter's  and  his  customs  in 
the  Philadelphia  congregation,  when  Schlatter  introduced 
the  St.  Gall  liturgy,  he  speaks  of  its  use  only  for  sacra- 
ments, and  marriages  and  ordinations. 

3.  The  oath  of  the  ministers  required  the  use  only  for 
sacramental  occasions.  Thus  the  deputies  in  1761  require 
of  Weyberg  the  use  of  the  formula  for  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper,  but  nothing  more. 

4.  If  responsive  liturgical  services  had  been  common, 
then  there  must  have  been  a  number  of  liturgies  published 
during  this  period  for  the  use  of  the  congregations,  so 
that  the  members  might  know  when  to  come  in  with  the 
responses,  etc.  But  no  liturgy  was  published  during  the 
entire  period  of  the  coetus,  showing  a  carelessness  of  the 
churches  in  regard  to  this  matter.  The  reason  was  that 
the  Reformed  did  not  use  such  a  liturgy.  It  is  said  by 
Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Helifenstein  that  a  liturgy  was  published 
in  1 794,  (after  the  close  of  the  coetus.)  We  have  seen  a 
copy  of  this  and  it  is  the  simplest  we  have  ever  seen.  It 
has  no  forms  for  Sabbath  services,  only  for  ordination, 
baptism,  confirmation,  Lord's  Supper  and  marriage. 


680       THE   GERMAN    REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

5.  The  only  liturgical  formula  that  coiild  have  been 
used  officially  was  the  Netherlands,  and  the  fathers  say  they 
used  the  Palatinate.  But  none  of  these  have  responses  or 
broken  up  prayers  for  responses.     They  are  very  simple. 

6.  Although  the  Mayer  liturgy,  published  in  1841,  and 
adopted  by  the  Church,  does  not  belong  to  this  period,  yet 
it  gave  a  good  idea  of  the  custom  of  the  early  Reformed 
fathers  in  worship.  It  contains  no  services  for  the  regu- 
lar Sabbath  services,  only  for  extra  occasions,  as  sacra- 
ments, etc.,  revealing  that  the  old  custom  of  the  Church 
was  a  free  service  at  the  regular  worship. 

The  Church  Year. 

The  old  Reformed  custom,  according  to  the  Palatinate 
liturgy,  was  to  observe  the  five  great  festivals  of  the 
church  year  which  were  founded  on  the  Bible — Christmas, 
Good  Friday,  Easter,  Ascension  and  Whitsunday.  It 
cast  aside  the  rest  of  the  fictions  and  falsehoods  of  the 
church  year.  Our  church  records,  therefore,  refer  to  the 
Biblical  feasts.  But  although  Schlatter  held  the  first  coe- 
tus  on  St.  Michael's  Day,  the  cootus  soon  cast  that  aside, 
and  met  regardless  of  such  extra  days  of  the  cliurch  year. 
It  however  dated  itself  in  reference  to  Ascension  or  Whit- 
Sunday,  as  tliey  were  Biblical  feasts. 

Altar. 

There  is  no  mention  of  the  altar  as  a  piece  of  church 
furniture,  for  the  Reformed  name  was  communion  table. 
Thi,*  is  shown  : 


SUMMARY   OF  THE   COETUS.  681 

1.  The  liturgies  in  use,  as  the  Netherlands,  or  Palati- 
nate (or  even  Basle,  if  the  latter  were  used)  have  no  room 
for  any  altar  service  or  mention  an  altar.  They  all 
speak  of  a  "  table." 

2.  The  Heidelberg  Catechism  speaks  of  a  table  in 
question  81.  The  English  translation  has  changed  this 
question,  but  the  German  (which  was  the  original  language 
of  the  catechism)  which  was  in  use  in  the  days  of  the  coe- 
tus,  reads  thus  :  "  Who  are  to  come  to  the  Table  of  tiie 
Lord." 

3.  Schlatter  speaks  of  it  as  a  communion  table.  Thus 
on  May  15,  1747,  he  says  in  his  diary  :  "  I  preached  at 
Fredericktown  in  a  new  church,  which  is  not  yet  finished, 
standing  behind  a  table,  upon  which  had  been  placed  the 
holy  covenant  seals  of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper," 

4.  In  union  churches  (that  is  those  that  were  Lutheran 
and  Reformed)  the  communion  table  may  have  been  called 
by  the  Lutherans  an  altar,  for  the  altar  is  a  part  of  their 
service.  But  the  Reformed  could  not  have  used  it  as 
such,  because  their  liturgies  and  creeds  had  no  room  for  an 
altar.  But  even  the  Lutherans  did  not  cherish  any  pecu- 
liar sanctity  for  the  altar,  for  these  altars  (if  we  may  use 
the  Lutheran  term)  were  only  chancel-closets  used  for  any 
secular  purpose.  Tims  hymn  books.  Bibles,  and  even 
lost  handkerchiefs  and  gloves,  were  kept  in  them,  yes, 
even  dust  rags  and  brushes.  There  was  no  such  sanctity 
about  them  as  is  given  now  to  the  altar,  in  which  no  closet 


682       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 

is  allowed  or  secularity  permitted.  These  modern  altars 
were  unknown  to  our  fathers.  It  was  not  until  the  con- 
troversy began  in  the  Church  about  1860  that  altars — 
high  altars — began  to  be  spoken  of  and  introduced. 
They  would  be  a  novelty  to  our  fathers  of  the  coetus. 

Hymn  Books. 

No  hymn  book  was  published  by  the  coetus,  although 
the  Marburg  hymn  book  was  used.  This  had  in  it  some 
Lutheran  elements,  because  intended  in  this  country  for 
Lutherans  as  well  as  Reformed.  And  when  the  synod 
published  its  first  hymn  book  in  1797,  it  left  these  out. 

C— Constitution. 

The  first  church  constitution  was  that  of  Bcehm, 
adopted  first  by  his  own  congregation  and  afterward  by 
the  coetus  in  1748.  The  Holland  fathers,  however,  made 
the  Netherland  church  constitution  the  constitution  of  the 
Church.  The  coetus  again  and  again  expressed  its  attach- 
ment to  the  Netherland  Church  constitution,  as  in  1765 
and  1768. 

Into  the  details  of  the  church  government  we  have  not 
time  to  enter.  It  would  be  interesting  to  discuss  the  brief 
controversies  that  deputies  had  with  the  classis  of  Amster- 
dam, as  in  1757,  about  the  right  of  ordination,  in  1772 
about  traveling  expenses,  and  finally  after  1793  about 
the  disposal  of  the  Pennsylvania  funds.  But  we  have 
not  time.     With  these  exceptions  the  Holland  synod,  for 


SUMMARY   OP  THE   CUETUS.  683 

such  a  complex  organization,  worked  quite  harmoniously 
together  in  their  Pennsylvania  work. 

Nor  can  we  enter  at  length  into  the  various  constitu- 
tional points  that  came  up  in  the  history  of  the  coetus 
here.     We  would  note  only  the  following : 

1.  The  Membership  of  the  Coetus, — The  composition 
of  the  coetus  was  at  first  not  quite  clear.  Quite  a  num- 
ber of  the  congregations  remained  av/ay  from  the  coetus 
of  1748,  as  they  had  no  pastors.  But  soon  they  found 
that  a  pastorless  congregation  was  still  a  member  of  the  coe- 
tus. When  Schlatter,  who  had  been  compelled  to  leave 
Philadelphia,  was  elected  president  of  the  coetus,  Rubel 
brought  up  the  point  that  a  minister  without  a  charge  was 
not  a  member  of  the  coetus,  but  the  coetus  decided  for 
Schlatter  and  against  Rubel,  thus  making  a  minister 
without  a  charge  a  member.  The  only  condition  of  mem- 
bership for  either  ministers  or  congregations  was  adher- 
ence to  the  Holland  creeds,  and  submission  to  the  Holland 
Church  and  the  coetus.  In  1753  came  the  controversy 
whether  elders  were  members  of  coetus.  But  the  Hol- 
land fathers  decided  against  Schlatter  here,  saying  that 
they  were,  although  the  elders  for  some  time  were  not 
allowed  to  have  a  vote  in  the  distribution  of  the  Holland 
donations,  but  finally  this  right  was  granted  to  them  too. 
The  coetus  "-radnallv  defined  the  rights  of  members  more 
and  more,  although  in  oases  of  discipline  it  had  gradually 
to  learn  how  to  proceed  in  a  regular  manner. 


684       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IK  U.    S. 

2.  The  Relations  of  the  Coetus  to  the  Congregation. 
— a.  The  Pastoral  Relation.  Here  appeared  almost  at  the 
very  beginning  a  controversy.  The  Philadelphia  congre- 
gation claimed  the  right  to  call  and  dismiss  a  pastor  at 
will.  Schlatter  claimed  this  was  not  right,  as  the  coetus 
must  approve  and  dissolve  pastoral  relationships.  Coetus 
decided  for  Schlatter.  Some  of  the  congregations  also 
claimed  the  right  to  engage  a  minister  for  a  specified  term 
of  years  or  by  the  year.  This  prevented  them  from  being 
entirely  subject  to  coetus  on  this  point.  But  the  Holland 
Church  was  very  severe  against  this  custom,  giving  the 
coetus  no  rest  until  this  was  done  away  with.  Later  coetus 
gave  greater  liberty  to  the  congregations.  It  allowed  them 
to  call  a  minister  without  waiting  for  a  meeting  of  the 
coetus.  Thus  the  coetus  of  1782  says  it  had  given  this 
power  to  the  congregations  and  would  keep  it  up.  Often 
congregations  and  ministers  could  not  wait  for  coetus' 
meeting,  as  they  were  held  so  seldom. 

h.  Visitation.  As  the  Holland  fathers  insisted  on  a 
visitation  of  the  churches,  Schlatter  had  at  first  occupied 
virtually  the  position  of  visitor  up  to  1755.  Coetus  in 
1759  appointed  Leydich,  in  1760  Otterbein  and  Stoy.  In 
1763  it  decided  that,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  ministers  and 
increase  of  their  labors,  this  could  not  be  attempted  that 
year.  They  told  the  Holland  fathers  in  1764  that  they 
had  no  wish  to  give  it  up,  and  would  try  to  have  it  done 
in  the  summer.     In  1764  and  1765  Weyberg  and  Alsentz 


SUMMAEY   OF   THE   COETUS.  685 

acted  as  visitors.  But  coetus  had  to  give  it  up.  There 
were  too  few  miuisters  and  the  distances  were  too  great. 
The  visitor,  however,  was  not  of  any  higher  rank  than 
other  ministers,  for  the  Weiss  party  settled  the  question  of 
the  parity  of  the  ministry  in  the  coetus. 

3.  The  Relations  of  the  Coetus  to  the  Upper  Court, 
namely,  the  Holland  Deputies  and  Classis  of  Amsterdam. 
— There  was  no  controversy  here  about  the  right  of  appeal 
to  Holland,  which  was  frequently  used,  both  by  the  coetus 
and  the  ministers.  We  have  already  noted  quite  a  differ- 
ence between  them,  namely,  on  the  right  of  ordination, 
which  the  Holland  Church  was  loth  to  give,  and  the  coetus 
claimed  it  in  special  cases.  The  Holland  fathers  also  in 
1758  asked  for  statistics,  such  as  they  received  from  other 
Churches  which  they  supported.  The  .coetus  found  this 
difficult,  and  its  failure  to  give  statistics  caused  dissatis- 
faction in  the  Holland  synods  in  1759.  But  by  1760 
coetus  sent  the  statistics  of  the  churches  over,  and  they 
keep  it  up  after  that,  although  the  deputies  sometimes  find 
fault  with  these  for  being  imperfect,  and  especially  with 
some  of  the  ministers,  who  did  not  make  any  report  at  all, 
even  when  present  at  coetus.  Still  the  statistics  are  com- 
paratively full  and  very  important.  The  coetus  kept  up  a 
regular  correspondence  with  Holland,  sending  its  coetus' 
minutes,  accompanied  with  a  coetal  letter,  every  year. 
Sometimes  these  would  go  astray  or  be  long  belated.  The 
deputies  and  classis  also  both  kept  up  a  regular  correspon- 
dence with  the  coetus. 


686        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN    U.    S. 

Summing  it  up,  the  constitution  of  the  coetus  was  a 
democratic  Calvinism,  not  aristocratic.  Schlatter  had 
tried  to  introduce  the  latter,  but  failed,  as  Weiss  (who  rep- 
resented the  autonomy  of  the  congregations),  and  his  party 
prevailed.  Coetus,  therefore,  allowed  congregations  a 
large  amount  of  power.  The  congregation  was  the  norm 
of  church  government,  not  the  coetus  (or  classis).  The 
congregations  came  first,  and  they  it  was  who  formed  the 
coetus.  The  coetus  did  not  first  form  the  congregations. 
Each  congregation  retained  for  itself  tiie  right  it  had  not 
given  the  coetus.  Thus  centralization  of  power  was  un- 
known, but  the  greater  liberty  allowed  the  congregations 
produced  spontaneity  of  effort  on  their  part,  which  Cal- 
vinistic  aristocracy  and  centralization  of  power,  regardless 
of  the  rights  of  the  congregation,  crushes  out.  Its  govern- 
ment, in  a  word,  was  democratic  Calvinism,  the  individu- 
ality of  the  congregation  being  preserved  and  guarded  in 
connection  with  the  authority  of  the  Church. 


APPENDIX. 


I. 

THE  FIRST  GERMAN  REFORMED  CONGREGATION  IN 
AMERICA. 

Virginia  seems  to  have  the  hoDor  of  having  the  first 
German  Reformed  congregation.  Since  Rev.  John  F. 
Haeger,  who  went  to  New  York  state,  can  be  dismissed 
from  notice,  as  he  was  an  Episcopalian,  not  Reformed,  it 
now  appears,  according  to  Rev.  Professor  Hinke,  that 
Haeger's  father,  who  went  to  Virginia,  held  the  first  Re- 
formed service.  John  Henry  Haeger  was  born  in  1644 
at  Antshausen  in  Nassau,  Germany,  and  became  (Sep- 
tember 25,  1678)  teacher  of  the  third  class  in  the  Latin 
school  at  Siegen.  In  1703  he  became  pastor  at  Fisch- 
bach.  In  1711  he  resigned  at  Fischbach.  He  was  in 
London,  October  2,  1713,  when  he  asked  the  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  to  aid  him,  but  was 
refused.  In  1714  he  went,  together  with  twelve  Protest- 
ant families,  to  Virginia  by  the  invitation  of  Governor 
Spotswood,  who  wanted  miners.  (Siegen  was  surrounded 
by  mines.)  They  settled  at  what  is  now  known  as  Ger- 
mania  Ford  on  the  Rapidan.     The  following   is  a  very 


688        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH    IN    U.   S. 

interesting  description  of  the  first  German  Reformed  wor- 
ship as  given  by  a  Frencli  traveler  who  passed  through 
their  district  on  November  20  and  21,  1715  : 

"About  5  P.  M.  we  crossed  the  bridge  that  was  made 
by  the  Germans,  and  about  6  we  arrived  at  the  German 
settlement.  We  immediately  went  to  the  minister's  house. 
We  found  nothing  to  eat,  but  lived  upon  our  small  pro- 
vision and  lay  upon  some  good  straw.  Our  beds  not 
being  very  easy,  as  soon  as  it  was  day  we  got  up.  It 
rained  hard.  Notwithstanding  we  walked  about  the  town, 
which  is  palisaded  with  stakes  struck  in  the  ground  and 
laid  close  to  the  other,  and  of  substance  to  bear  out  a 
musket  shot.  There  are  but  nine  families,  and  they  have 
nine  houses  built  all  in  a  line  ;  and  before  every  house, 
about  twenty  feet  distant  from  it,  they  have  small  sheds 
built  for  their  hogs  and  hens,  so  that  hogstys  and  houses 
make  a  street.  The  place  that  is  paled  is  a  pentagon  very 
regularly  laid  out,  and  in  the  very  centre  there  is  a  block- 
house made  with  five  sides,  which  answer  to  the  five  sides 
of  the  enclosure.  There  are  loopholes  through  it,  from 
which  you  may  see  all  the  inside  of  the  enclosure.  This 
was  intended  for  a  retreat  for  the  people  in  case  they  were 
not  able  to  defend  the  palisades  if  attacked  by  Indians. 
They  make  use  of  this  blockhouse  for  divine  service. 
They  go  to  prayers  constantly  once  a  day,  and  have  two 
sermons  on  Sunday.  We  went  to  hear  them  perform 
their   service,   which   was  done  in   their   own  language, 


APPENDIX.  689 

which  we  did  not  uuderstand,  but  they  seemed  to  be  very 
devout  and  sang  the  Psalms  very  well." 

This  is  the  first  mention  of  a  Geraian  Reformed  ser- 
vice in  America,  and  it  was  held  in  the  fort.  This  con- 
gregation sent  one  of  the  settlers,  J.  C  Zollikofcr,  to  Eu- 
rope in  1719  to  get  a  new  minister,  as  Haeger  was  getting 
old.  He,  in  a  paper  of  Frankford,  Germany,  of  June  15, 
1720,  made  an  appeal  for  aid.  These  Germans  remained 
at  Germanna  until  before  1724,  when,  having  become  dis- 
satisfied with  the  governor,  who  refused  to  give  them  titles 
to  land  there,  they  left  and  went  northwest  to  German- 
town  (now  Weaversville,  Va.)  Haeger  seems  to  have 
lived  until  1737  (when  his  will  is  probated,  March  28, 
1737),  dying  at  the  great  age  of  ninety-three  years. 


44 


690       THE   GEEMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   8. 


n. 


MEETINGS  OF  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  COETUS. 


Kind  of 

Year.   Month  and  Day, 

Meeting. 

»        Place. 

President. 

Secretary, 

1747  Sept.  29-Oct.  2. 

Philadelphia. 

Schlatter. 

Boehm. 

1748  September  28-30 

>i 

Bwhm. 

Rieger. 

1749  September  27. 

Quasi 
Meeting 

Lancaster. 

Rieger. 

Weiss. 

"     October  20-24. 

Philadelphia. 

" 

It 

1750  November  16. 

« 

Weiss. 

Leydich. 

"     December  l.S. 

Special. 

« 

>< 

>( 

1751  September  12. 

(?) 

Leydich  (?) 

Lischy  (?) 

1752  August  10-13. 

Special. 

Philadelphia. 

"      October  18-23. 

Lancaster. 

Schlatter. 

Stoy. 

"      December  12. 

Special. 

Philadelphia. 

" 

" 

1753  April  26-27. 

Special. 

Lancaster. 

" 

Rieger. 

"     September  10. 

Quasi 
Meeting 

,  Goshenhoppen, 

.  Weiss. 

"      October  9-10. 

Lancaster. 

Rieger. 

Otterbein. 

"      October  10-12. 

Rival 

Coetus. 

Cocalico. 

Weiss. 

Leydich. 

1754  October  30-31. 

Conven 
tion. 

'  Philadelphia. 

1755  April  9-11. . 

Lancaster. 

Weiss. 

Rieger. 

"      October. 

Special. 

(?) 

« 

n 

1756  June  15-17. 

Philadelphia. 

Rieger. 

Leydich. 

1757  June  8-9. 

Lancaster. 

Otterbein. 

Steiner. 

"      August  24. 

Special. 

Philadelphia. 

Leydich. 

« 

1758  September  lt>. 

i< 

Steiner. 

Waldschmidt. 

1769  October  9. 

Goshenhoppen, 

,  Waldschmidt. 

AlsentE. 

1760  May  28. 

Special. 

Falkner  Swamp  Leydich. 

11 

»     October  21-22. 

Germantown. 

Alsentz. 

DuBois. 

1761  June  24-25. 

Lancaster. 

>( 

" 

1762  June  30-July  1. 

New  Hanover. 

DuBois. 

Stapel. 

1763  May  5-6. 

Qermantown. 

Stapel. 

Alsentz. 

"     October  24. 

Special. 

Philadelphia. 

(t 

i< 

1764  May  2-3. 

« 

Alsentz. 

Weyberg. 

"      September  12. 

Special. 

(?) 

« 

« 

*  When  a  regular  meeting  is  meant,  no  mention  is  made  in  the  column. 


APPENDIX. 


691 


MEETINGS  OF  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  COETUS.— Continued. 


Kind  0, 

f 

Year.  Month  and  Day. 

Meeting 

r.          Place. 

President. 

Secretary. 

1765  May  8-9. 

Lancaster. 

Weyberg. 

Alsentz. 

"     October  16  17. 

Special. 

Philadelphia. 

>< 

it 

1766  September  3-4. 

Reading. 

Otterbein. 

Hendel. 

1767  September  16-17. 

Lancaster. 

DuBois. 

It 

1768  September  7-9. 

Easton. 

Hendel. 

Gros. 

1769  September  20-21. 

Germantown. 

Gros. 

Pomp. 

1770  September  19-21. 

Philadelphia. 

Pomp. 

Henop. 

1771   October  9-10. 

Reading. 

Henop. 

Faber. 

1772  June  17-18. 

Lancaster. 

Faber. 

Boehme. 

1773  October  27-28. 

li 

Boehme. 

Blumer. 

1774  May  2-3. 

Philadelphia. 

Blumer. 

Dallicker. 

1775  May  10-11. 

Lebanon. 

Dallicker. 

Bucher. 

1776  May  1. 

Lancaster. 

Gobrecht. 

Helffrich. 

1777  April  28-29. 

Reading. 

HelfiFrioh. 

Witner. 

1778  May  13.  (?) 

Quasi 
Meeting 

,  Lancaster. 

1779  April  28-29. 

« 

Hendel. 

Helffenstein . 

1780 

No 
Meeting 

1781  May  9-10. 

Philadelphia. 

Helffen  stein. 

Weyberg. 

1782  May  2. 

Reading. 

Weyberg. 

Pomp. 

1783  May  14-15. 

Philadelphia. 

Pomp. 

Dallicker. 

1784  May  12-13. 

Lancaster. 

Henop. 

Blumer. 

1785  April  27-28. 

Reading. 

Blumer. 

Helffrich. 

1786  May  17-18. 

Philadelphia. 

HelfiFrich. 

Dallicker. 

1787  June  5-7. 

Lancaster. 

Dallicker. 

Helffenstein, 

1788  April  23-24. 

Reading. 

Helffenstein. 

Dallicker. 

1789  June  10-11. 

Philadelphia. 

Hendel. 

<( 

1790  June  7-8. 

FalknerSwam 

p  Dallicker. 

Pomp. 

1791  June  27-28. 

Lancaster. 

Hendel. 

Wagner. 

1792  May  6-7. 

Philadelphia. 

Wagner. 

Wynckhaus. 

692       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 

III. 

ANDREW  LORETZ. 

Just  as  the  last  form  of  this  book  was  going  to  press, 
we  received  the  Autograph  Book  of  Andrew  Loretz  from 
Mr.  A.  C.  Link,  of  Hickory,  N.  C.  It  shows  that  there 
were  two  persons  named  Andrew  Loretz,  and  that  the 
younger  was  at  Kaufbeuren,  Bavaria,  from  May  G,  1779, 
to  June  7,  1783.  He  was  in  Chiavenna,  Italy,  May  8, 
1784,  and  in  Chur,  August  28  to  September  10,  1784. 
His  Certificate  of  Citizenship  and  Health  from  the  city  of 
Chur  is  dated  Se])tember  8,  1784,  when  he  must  have  left 
for  America,  probably  to  follow  his  father.  On  June  12, 
1786,  he  was  at  Myerstown,  Pa.,  where  John  Reily  wrote 
in  his  autograph  book.  From  there  he  went  to  North 
Carolina. 


ERRATA. 

Page  144,  Henry  Haeger  should  be  John  Henry 
Haeger. 

Page  262,  Toberbihler  should  be  Toberbiller. 

Page  495,  "  soldier"  should  be  "  champion." 

Page  590,  John  Peter  Miller  should  be  Peter  Miller. 

Page  591,  the  end  of  paragraph  on  Hertzel  should  be 
"  1785-1795,"  instead  of  1780. 

Page  613,  Faremer  should  be  Farmer. 

Page  640,  1809  should  be  1819. 


INDEX  OF  NAMES,  PLACES,  &c. 


Al)l)()ttstown,  567. 
Alhauy,  Pa.,  569. 
Alexaudria,  553. 
Allemangel,  236,  590. 
Alsace,  Pa.,  571. 
Alsentz,    458,  538,   540-542, 

567,  569,  676. 
Amwell,  167,  345,  359,  391, 

434,  522, 532, 542, 543, 553, 

571,  586. 
Andrews,  104,  117,  161,  183, 

475. 

Baird's,  569. 

Baltimore,  503,  549,  555, 564, 

567,  569, 576, 589, 595,  597- 

601,  631,  632,  650-658. 
Bartliolomaeus,  350,  352,  357, 

361,  384,   392,   393,   490- 

492. 
Beaver  Dam,  595. 
Bcchtel,  185,   204-220,   211, 

213,  238,  241. 
Beeker,  647,  657. 
Bedford,  566,  645, 
Beissel,  119,  162, 
Beri-er,  582. 
Berlin,  Pa.,  645,  648. 
Bermudian,  567. 
Bern  Church,  Pa.,   172,  184, 

240,  329,  573. 


Antes,  Henry,  104,  129,  201- 
203,207,214,218-219,231, 
237,  241,  449. 

Antes,  F.,  613. 

Autietam,  593,  637. 

Antonides,  64,  125,  167,  273. 

Appeal,  Schlatter's,  395,  404, 
668. 

Apple's,  569. 

Arnoldi,  300,  401,  404,  498. 

Avery,  440. 


B 


Besore's,  569. 

Bethany,  640. 

Blaser's,  646. 

Blue  Mountain,  240,  337. 

Blumer,  555,  571,  616,  639, 
641. 

Badim,  66,  88,  89-107,  121- 
133,  135,  160,  185-189, 
193-196, 213, 224-232, 264- 
278,  289-290,  291,  311, 
317,  318,  320,  324,  332, 
334,  342,  363,  463,  466, 
478-481,  667. 

Bcehm's  Church  (see  Witj)en), 
628. 

Bcvhme,  554. 

Boel,  125,  130,  167. 

Bohler,  201. 


694       THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 


Boos,  588,  644. 
Bouquet,  469,  526-530. 
BoutoD,  336,  354,  382. 
Bowmau,  119. 
Boyd,  162. 
Braudmiller,  236. 

Cacusi  (see  Hain's  or  Heidel- 
berg Church,  Berks  Co.), 
184, 240, 329, 512, 520, 589, 
616. 

Calvin,  4,  331,  355. 

Calvinism.  See  Predestina- 
tion, 105,  404,  430,  674. 

Camp,  432. 

Canogocheaque,  569,  645. 

Carlisle,  566,  626,  636. 

Carolina  (see  North  Caroli- 
na), 52-61,  171,  258. 

Catawba,  -^87. 

Catskill,  149. 

Chambersburg,  569,  640. 

Chandler,  438-459,  541,  543, 
586. 

Charitv  Schools  and  Society, 
435-459, 541,  542, 586,  670. 

Chitara,  637. 

Christ's  Church,  567. 

Delaware,  29-30,  62-64. 
Dallickcr,  553,  560,  571,  642. 
Davies,  431,  446. 
Decker,  520. 
Detweiler,  471. 
Dieraer,  158,  266,  285,  449. 
Dillenberger,  649. 
Donations,  291,  665. 
Donegal,  111,235,  236,   240, 

242,  329,  363. 
DeWees,   65,   66,    105,    127, 

269. 


C 


Brazil,  3. 
Brigg's,  473,  484. 
Brownback's,  642. 
Brunholz,  384. 
Bucher,  565,  625. 
Burnetsfield,  150. 

Cobb,  32,  38. 

Cocalico,  110,  240,  329,  341, 

421,  424,  533,  636. 
Coligny,  3,  17,  18. 
Comingoe,  587. 
Conestoga,  106, 120-121,273, 

336. 
Conewago,  267,  327, 340, 346, 

348,  594-595. 
Congregation  of  God  in  the 

Spirit.     See  Moravian. 
Cort,  530. 
Corwin,  434. 

Corpus  Evangelicorum,  263. 
Coventry,  235,  239,  495.    See 

Vincent  and  Schuylkill. 
Cross,  475,  480. 
Cruciger,  91,  94,  95,  299, 300, 

301. 
Curtenius,  328. 


D 


Dorsins,   158,    188,  190-199, 

234, 270-274, 290-2!)  1 ,  296. 

318,  473-478. 
Dort,   Canons   of,    105,    167, 

306,   353,    355,   407,   414, 

415,  430,  674,  676. 
Dotterer,  369,  494. 
Dryland,  587,  646. 
Drury,  498,  501,  652. 
DuBois,   Gualther,   64,    125, 

130,   167,   311,   425,    482, 

485,  491. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES,    PLACES,    &C. 


^96 


DuBois,  Jonathan,  192,  362, 
416,  419,  429,  430,  513- 
515,526,538,568,581. 

Dubbs,  508,  593,  596. 

Dubendorf,  606,  644. 

Easton,  451,  545,   550,  562, 

587,  632. 
East  Camp.     See  Camp,  45. 
Ebenezer,  262,  518,  525,590- 

591. 

Faber.  J.  C,  575,  596. 

Faber,  J.  T.,  551,  568,  582. 

Faber,  J.  T.,  Jr.,  640,  662. 

Falkner  Swamp,  104,  125, 
229,  320,  325,  336,  350, 
357,  392,  425,  466,  494, 
548,  574,  610. 

Falling  Spring,  559. 

Farmer,  613,616. 

Fluck,  610. 

Foxhill,  345,  359,  553,  571. 

Frankford,  632,  639. 


Dunkards,  109, 162,  200,  207- 

208,  211,  289. 
DuFert,  649. 
Dylander,  204,  212. 


E 


F 


G 


Gasser,  585. 

Gebhard,  561. 

Geneva,  4,  69-70. 

Gerhart,  656,  657. 

Gerraantown,  66,  87,  107, 
160,  167,  205,  214,  217, 
220-224,  232-233,  259, 
314,  323,  326,  336,  349, 
385,  425,  497,  541-542, 
559,  560,  568,  571,  576, 
619,  628,  632. 

Germautown,  Va.,  595. 

German  Valley.  See  Am- 
well,  571. 


Eckert,  613,  616. 

Egypt,   184,   254,   273,  329, 

337,  367,  504,  556. 
Emmittsburg,  628. 
Erlentown,  556. 

Franklin,  212,  446,  453. 
Frankenfeld,  406,   411,  416, 

421-434,  504. 
Frederick,  Md.,  346, 497,  501, 

504,   525,   550,   574,    584, 

595,  627,  681. 
Frederick,  Rev.,  649. 
Frelinghuvsen,  66,  125,   188, 

208,  273-274,  290,  328. 
Fresenius,  214,  229,  403. 
Freymuth,  126, 196. 
Funkstown,  595. 

Gettysburg,  628,  632. 

Giese,  647. 

Glade,  628. 

Gloninger,  613. 

Gobrecht,  567,  598,  611. 

Goetscbi,  107,  171-189,  267. 

Goshenhoppen,  107,  121, 183, 
184,  235,  240,  253,  314, 
321,  336,  516,  521,  549, 
551,  554,  562,  640,  646. 

Graftenreid,  52-61. 

Great  Swamp,  183,  184,  336, 
520,  551,  567,  570. 

Greencastle,  669. 


696        THE   GERMAN    REFORMED    CHURCH    IX   U.    S. 

Greeuwieh,  569.  Guetiiig,  596,  637,  662. 

Griudstone  Hill,  569,  645.  Guilford,  264,  587,  612. 

Gros,  563,  571,  573,  598,  616,  Guldin,  68-88,  207-224,  314. 
633,  661,  663. 

H 

Haeger,  J.  F.,  144-147,  687.  Heiner,  590. 

Haeger,  J.  H.,  61,  687.     Ap-  Heltfenstein,   472,   556,   559, 

pendix  I.  611,625,677,679. 

Hagerstowu,  590,  595,  639.  Helfincli,  526,  557,  639,  640, 

Hall  Mill,  323,  462.  641,  642. 

Hanover   (see  McCallister's),  Hendel,  5-16,  547,   570,  573, 

554,  567.  582,   593,   594,   599,    611, 

Harbaugh,    313,     380,    460,  625,   626,   636,   637,    639, 

471-472,495,508,567,571,  640,   642,  647,    653,    657, 

575,  576,  589,  643,  644.  663. 

Harrisburg,  636.  Henop,  549, 569, 570, 594, 647. 

Hautz,  636,  675.  Hensepeter,  406-407. 

Hecker,  520.  Herlzel,  591. 

Heidelberg  Catechism,  14,  26,  Hiester,  336,  613. 

86,  105,  213,  306,  353,  406,  Hillegass,  114,  120,  124,  266, 

414-415,  438,  483,  657.  382. 

Heidelberg   Consistory,    114,  Hinke,  603,  646,  Preface,  Ap- 

116,  135,  279.  pendix  I. 

Heidelberg  Congregation,    in  Herman,  631. 

Berks  Co.  (see  Cacusi),  451.  Hoclireiitiner,  350,  352,  357, 

Heidelberg   Congregation,  in  360,  492. 

Lebanon  county,  235,   240,  Hock,  256. 

242,  566.  Host,  507,  508. 

Heidelberg   Congregation,  in  Hottinger,  292,  299,  355. 

Lehigh    county,    569,   590,  Hummelstown,  566,  626. 

591,  674. 

I 

Indians,  3,  13,  27,  396.  552, 562, 567, 570,  638,  648. 

Indian  Creek  (Indian  Field),  Ingold,  5(51. 

253,   322,    336,    521,    549,  Inspector,  273. 

J 

Jablonsky,  203,  218,  230.  Jordan,  556. 
Jacobs,  45,  518,  590,  591. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES,    PLACES,    &C. 


697 


Kals,  458,  532, 585. 
Kelpius,  82. 
Keru,  607,  648. 
Kestenberg,  551. 
Kideuweiler,  519. 


K 


Kichlein,  618. 
Kissel's  Farm,  239. 
Kreutz  Creek,  235,  242. 
Kutztown,  591. 


Lampe,  298,  404-405,  544, 
592,  676. 

Lancaster,  167,  242,  247,  251, 
256,  316,  327,  346,  349, 
360.  361,  375,  377,  385, 
415,  422,  451,  462,  499, 
507,  546,  552,  554,  559, 
570,  611. 

Lange,  596,  657. 

Lapp,  521. 

Lebanon,  566,  613,  627,  631, 
646. 

Leesburg,  648. 

Lehigh,  329,  525,  575,  642. 

Lehigh,  Little,  337,  520,  591. 

Leydich,  351,  352,  359,  371, 
372,  376,  384,  392,  409, 
410,  413-435,  493-496, 
526,  575,  611,  684,  685. 

Mack,  676. 
Magunschy,  329,  367. 
Mahantango,  645. 
Manatawny,  330. 
Manchester,  5i)5. 
Manheim,  627,  646. 
Mann,  641. 
Manor,  628. 
Marin  us,  196,  362. 
Martin,  649. 
Maytown,  64(5. 
Matthai,  207. 


Leydt,  487. 

Lischy,  231,  237-246,  326, 
327,  329,  341,  344,  346, 
348,  357,  361-363,  369, 
371,  374,  383,  392,  409- 
410,  414,  416. 

Liturgy,  466,678. 

London,  38-40,48,54,  55,  58. 

Lougswanip,  517,  518,  520, 
591. 

Loretz,  630,  648,  Appendix 
IIL 

Lovettsville,  550,  648. 

Lower  Settlement,  626. 

Lowhill,  518,  569. 

Lunenberg,  469. 

Lupp,  646. 

Lynn,  525,  569,  590. 


M 


Maxatawny,    184,   329,    519, 

558. 
Mayer,  680. 
Maytown,  627. 
McHenry,  475,  476. 
Megapolensis,  29. 
Menuonites,  200,  207. 
Michael,  517,  590,  614,  645. 
Michael's  Church,  329,  519. 
Middle  Creek,  645. 
JNliddletown,  566,  628. 
Mieg,  116. 


698 


THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.   S. 


Milford,  Upper,  495,  521, 551, 

575. 
Miller,     Frederick     Casimir, 

314,321,323,424,516. 
Miller,  John  Peter,  109,  160- 

165. 
Miller,  Peter,  590. 
Minuit,  26-30,  68. 
Mohawk,  49. 

Monocacy,  327,  340,  346,  347. 
Moravians,  168,  200-240, 349. 
Moselem,  184. 


Mount  Bethel,  641. 

Mount  Pleasant,  474. 

Muddy  Creek,  110,  235,  239, 
240,  241,  244,  329,  341, 
363,  511,  550,  567,  636. 

Muhlbach,  235. 

Muhlenberg,  189,  259,  260, 
384,  410,  429,  447,  448, 
469, 471-472,  495, 534,554, 
586. 

Muntz,  458,531. 

Mursinna,  638, 657. 


N 


Nacomixon,  571. 
Nevelling,  572,  612,  661,670. 
New  Berne,  56,  58. 
New  Born,  119,  200,  603. 
New  Castle,  Del.,  62,  81. 
New  Gerinantown,  347. 
New  Hanover,  450. 
New  Holland,  640.     See  Zel- 
tenreich. 


New   Providence,   450,    451. 

See  Trappe. 
New  York,  27,  31-51,  127- 

132,  328,  332. 
North  Carolina,  264, 587, 617, 

649. 
North  and   South   Hampton, 

65. 
Nolton,  638. 


0 


Oehl,  147,  148. 

Oley,  88,  107,  118,  184,  200, 
209,  210,  214,  229,  235, 
315,350,392,516,517,589. 


Otterbein,  406,  411,  416,  422, 
449, 495, 497-503, 526, 538, 
582, 584, 593, 594, 596, 599- 
601,625,651-658,677,684. 


Palatinate,  31,  32-40,  98-99, 
402. 

Pauli,  638,  647. 

Peun,  27,  29,  64,  101,  449. 

Pernisius,  641. 

Philadelphia,  81,  82,  88,  107, 
114,  121,  160,  161,  182, 
229,265-266,313,324,326, 
328,  334,  336,  345,  349, 
357,374,376-390,392,410, 


412-434,466,497,503,506, 
531,545,608-610,619,635. 

Pick,  633,  664. 

Pietism,  592-596,  618. 

Pilesgrove,  326. 

Pipe  Creek,  594. 

Pitt,  Fort  (Pittsburg),  566, 
574. 

Plainfield,  574. 

Planta,  555,  585. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES,    PLACES,   &C. 


699 


Pomp,  548-549,  568, 570, 582, 

596, 600, 636, 640,  655,  665, 

676. 
Pottstown,  613,  632,  642. 
Presbyterians,  161,  183,  255, 

263,   288,   419,   429,    456, 

473-489. 

Quitopahilla,  110,  235,  566. 

Rahauser,  639,  663. 

Ranch,  209-21 1 ,  234-236,241 . 

Reading,  450,  562,  571,  582, 

589,  613,  639,  642. 
Reichel,  243,  244. 
Reiff;  115, 124, 134-143, 153- 

169,  268,  290,  311,    314, 

317,   373,   379,   387,    424, 

428. 
Reiss,  521. 
Revolution,    164,    469,    618- 

629. 
Reyers,  550,  636. 
Rieger,    162,    166-170,    251, 

285,  286,   316,   319,    329, 

Sachsse,  117. 

Sal  ford.  Upper,  451. 

Salisbury,  253. 

Salzburg,  495.  520,  551,  575. 

Saucon,  254,  273.  330,  337, 

521,  562,  564,  635,  641. 
Saur,  168,  213,  260,  360,  376, 

385,  389,  447,  449. 
Savannah,  258,  562,  606. 
Schaefier's  Church,  336. 
SchaefFer,  591. 
Schlatter,  196,  247,  254,  269, 

294-472,  592,  661,  683. 
Schley,  348. 


Providence,    321,    336,    357, 

425.     See  Trappe. 
Pury,  171. 

Purysburg,  256,  262. 
Pythan,  586. 


Q 

R 


332,  334,  341,  348.  352, 
381,  384,  353-358,  372- 
373,  409,  415,  416,  418, 
422-435,  449,  580. 

Rockaway,  255,  345,  359,  553, 
571. 

Rocky  Hill,  628.  • 

Rof  kso  (Raffo),  566,  627,  646. 

Roth,  591. 

Rothenbuhler,  535. 

Roxbury,  75-88. 

Rubel,  407, 411-434, 505, 522, 
683. 

Runckel,  610,  619,  627-628. 


S 


Schlossers,  556. 
Schnorr,  169-170,  250-252. 
Schwenkfelders,  200,  207. 
Schwob,  569,  594,  596,  654, 

662. 
Scotch  Church,  437-439, 480- 

483. 
Seneca  County,  N.  Y.,  636. 
Shamokin,  639,  645. 
Sherers,  640. 
Sharpsburg,  594,  595. 
Shippensburg,  626,  640. 
Schneider,  628.  649. 
Short  Hill,  628. 


700        THE   GERMAN   REFORMED   CHURCH   IN   U.    S. 


„  Skippack,  104,  120,  121,  125, 
131,138,149,153,154,160, 
167,184,186,229,235,253, 
2(58,325,336,343,542,610. 

South  Carolina,  256,  263- 
264,  585. 

Spangenber^,  644. 

SpriDgfield,  330, 336, 564, 635, 
638,  641. 

Stahlschraidt,  547,  566,  605, 
624-646. 

Stapel,  538,  542-544,  581. 

Steiner,  259-261,  371-390, 
412-413,  418,  424-436, 
496-497,  425,  532,  586. 

Tanevtown,  576. 
Tempelman,  88, 108, 341, 372, 

416,421,  511,  512. 
Tennant,  162,  188,  274,  384, 

389,  431,  445. 
Tersteegen,  592,  626. 
Theus,  263. 
Thomson,  436-459. 
Tohickon,  521,  542,  562,  567, 

570,  638. 

United  Brethren  Church,  593, 
650-658. 


Steiuer,  Jr.,  575,  661. 
Steuben,  614-616,  627, 
Stock,  640,  662,  664. 
Stoy,  406,  411,  416,  421-422, 

449,497,505,511,525,531- 

535,  660,  684. 
St.  Paul's,  569. 
Straub,  252,  322. 
Suther,  263-264,  612,  649. 
Swamp,     Lancaster    County, 

512,513. 
Swamp,  Montgomery  County, 

632. 
Swatara,  111,235,  236,  240. 


T 


U 


Trappe,  269,  320,  472,  495, 
610,  635.  (See  Providence 
and  New  Providence.) 

1  roldeuier,  601,  672. 

Trombauers,  562. 

Tulpehocken,  49,  50, 106, 162, 
l(i3, 184.  229,235,239,316, 
329,  336,  350,  357,  392, 451, 
492. 493,  506, 525, 547,  573, 
582,  626,  631. 

Universalism,  571. 
Unsinus,  2(5. 


V 


Valley,  255. 
Van  Basten,  192. 
Vandersh)ot,  645. 
Van  Harlingen,  488. 
Van  Home,  546. 
Verues,  434. 


Vincent,  240,  450,  495,  610, 
613.  (See  Coventry  and 
Schuylkill.) 

Virginia,  55,  59,  61,  392,569, 
.  584,  643,  (i47,  687,  Appen- 
dix I. 

Vock,  374,  385. 


INDEX    OF    NAMES,    PLACES,    &C. 


701 


W 


Wack,  570, 571 ,  638, 661, 667, 
Waguer,  573,  5U4,  625,  657. 
Waldschmidt,  406,  411,  416, 

434,  511. 
Wullauer,  589,  599,  652. 
Warwick,  235,  239. 
Washiugton,    164,   527,  161, 

617. 
Weber,  574,  594,   625,   626, 

657. 
Weickel,  628. 
Weiser,  Conrad,  39,  44,  48, 49, 

163,  185,  446. 
Weiser,  Rev.  C.  Z.,  646. 
Weiss,  113, 120-152, 155, 187, 

218,268,290,314,317,318, 

321,334,352,372,384,392, 

408,   410,   414,   416-435, 

602-604. 
Weisseuberg,  518,  520. 
Westminster,  593. 
Westmoreland,  574. 
Weyberg,  D.,  539,  544  546,, 

568,570,571,574,616,624, 

633, 635,  637,  642,  679,  685. 


AVentz,  628,  642.     (See  Skip- 
pack.) 
Weyberg,  S.,  632. 
Weymer,  568,  594. 
Whitefield,     200,    258,    274, 

480. 
Whitehall,  563. 
White  Marsh,  65,  66, 104, 122, 

125 
White  Oaks,  110,    229,  240, 

329,  560,  566. 
Willy,  631,  642. 
Winchester,  Va.,  525. 
Wirtz,  175, 177-182, 186, 189, 

192,  274,  286,  287,  305. 
Wissler.  406,  411,  416,   417, 

421-434,  504,  525. 
Witpen,   66,  325,  343,  365- 

367,391,549,561,562,568, 

635,  639. 
Witner,  550,  583,  619. 
Worcester,  639. 
Wundt,  548,  588,  590. 
Wynckhaus,  634. 


York,  235,  241, 242,  247, 255, 
326,   337,   340,   344,    348, 


424,  502,   573,   578,    632, 
640. 


Zeltenreich,  168,  201-219, 
225-232,  355.  (See  New 
Holland.) 

Ziegel's,  518,  590. 

Zinzendorf,  168, 201-219, 225- 
232,  355. 


Zollikofer,  294,  Appendix  I. 
Zubli,  256-261,  361,  606. 
Zuberbuhler,  262. 
Zufall,  582. 
Zwingli,  592. 


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